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Social media has become a necessity for people. The fact remains that, the increase in the number of users of social media platforms and the fact that they spend a lot of time on social media cause some differences in the influence of users, in the desired direction of thinking and the need for verification. Recently, Instagram is among the platforms most used by university students. Starting from this, this study investigates how universities in TRNC use Instagram accounts in the context of communication. In line with this goal, the research, the posts shared by the five universities in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which have the most Instagram followers, in the fall semester of the 2021-2022 academic year, were analyzed by content analysis method. The posts were handled in 5 categories: news - announcement, promotion, culture, art, sports, social responsibility and special day. As a result of the study, the Instagram accounts of the universities were analyzed

Varlığa nispetle anlam bedene nispetle ruh gibidir. Anlamsız varlık, ruhsuz beden gibi kadavradan ibarettir. Varlık ve hayat ancak anlamla değer ve güzellik kazanır. Tarih boyunca varlık ve hayata bir anlam ve gaye perspektifinden bakanlarla, bakmayanlar hep olagelmiştir. Özellikle teknolojinin sağladığı sınırsız fırsat ve imkânlar içinde adeta kendini kaybeden insanlık gittikçe metafizik alem ile ilişkisini kesmekte, varlık ve hayatın anlamı üzerinde tefekkürden uzaklaşmakta, üretim ve tüketim çarkı içinde adeta robotlaşmaktadır. Öte yandan anlam kavramının manasını yitirdiği bir dünyada yaşadığımız aşikardır. Oysa ki varlık ve hayat anlamla değer kazanır. Anlamsızlık ise her şeyi değersizleştirir, manevi, ahlaki ve insani hayatı çürüterek, adaletin, merhametin, sevginin, paylaşmanın, fedakarlığın unutulduğu kaskatı ruhsuz bir iklim oluşturur. Ele aldığımız problemin kaynağı varlık ve olaylara sadece beş duyu ve akıl penceresinden bakmak, vahyi devre dışı bırakmaktır. Vahyin ışığı olmadan gaye ve anlam problemini çözmek mümkün değildir. Varlığın başlangıcı, hayatın gaye ve anlamı, helal haram, günah sevap, özellikle de ölüm ve ölüm ötesi, cennet, cehennem vb. hususlar ancak ilahi mesajla kavranabilir. Pozitif ilimler varlık ve olayların oluş şeklini, sebep sonuç ilişkisini açıklar, nasıl sorusuna cevap verir fakat niçin sorusuna cevap veremez. Bu probleme nereden bakılırsa bakılsın ilim, hikmet ve kudret sahibi bir yaratıcı olmadan varlık ve hayatın anlam kazanması mümkün değildir.Biz bu çalışmamızda varlık ve hayata dair özellikle filozoflara ait beşeri yaklaşımlara kısaca temas edecek ayrıca ilahi mesaj olan Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in bu konudaki tespit ve değerlendirmelerini ele alacağız.

Bu araştırmanın amacı eğitim ve öğretim programlarının kavramsal temelleri ve özelde beden eğitimi ve spor dersi öğretim programlarının günümüze kadar geçirmiş olduğu değişiklikler ile ilgili süreç içerisinde yapılan çalışmaları değerlendirerek konu hakkında kapsamlı bir bilgi sunmaktır. Bu amaçla inceleme ve raporlama temelli olarak sistematik derleme çalışması yapılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda beden eğitimi ve spor dersi öğretim programları ile ilgili 2022 yılına kadar yürürlüğe girmiş öğretim programları, yayınlanmış olan makale, bildiri, tez, genelge, yönetmelik, tebliğler dergileri, eğitim şuraları vb. gibi tüm basılı ve elektronik kaynaklar değerlendirilmeye alınmıştır. Sistematik inceleme sonucunda öğretim programlarının değişiminde eğitim şuraları ile birlikte 21. yüzyıl becerileri ve Türkiye Yeterlikler Çerçevesinin etkili olduğu ve programların şekillenmesinde dünyada etkin olan yaklaşımlarından etkilendiği görülmüştür. Ülkemizde 1927 yılından beri farklı isimlerde beden eğitimi ve spor dersinin farklı seviyelerde farklı ders saatleri ile yapıldığı, 1924 ve 1948 yıllarındaki ortaöğretim programlarının temel nitelikte olduğu, 1983 yılında yürürlüğe konulan öğretim programının ise en son güncellenen 2018 beden eğitimi ve spor dersi öğretim programlarının özünü oluşturduğu söylenebilir. Sonuç olarak sistematik derleme kapsamında incelenen kaynaklar göstermektedir ki beden eğitimi ve spor dersi öğretim programları çağın gerekliliklerine göre değişime açık bir şekilde güncellenmeye devam edecektir. Bu güncellemelerin çıktısı olarak elde edilecek başarılı sonuçlar doğrultusunda programlar ileride daha da özelleşerek diğer temel derslerin yanında ağırlığını korumaya devam edecektir.

This study, it was aimed to determine the predisposition levels of teachers and pre-service teachers to ethical values. The sample of the study consisted of 1305 educators, 784 teachers, and 521 pre-service teachers in 15 different branches in the 2021-2022 academic year. The sample of the research conducted in the relational survey model was selected by a simple random sampling method. In the research, the Inclination to Ethical Values Scale developed by Kaya (2015) was used as a data collection tool. The scale has three dimensions: Love, justice, and cooperation. In the analysis of the data, mean, standard deviation, frequency, percentage, Mann-Whitney U test, and Kruskal Wallis test were used and .05 significance level was taken into account in the interpretation of the data. According to the research findings, teachers and pre-service teachers got very high scores on the scale. While there was no difference in gender for the level of susceptibility to ethical values; significant results were founded-determined in favor of teachers in terms of status; in favor of physical education teachers in-branch comparison; in favor of those with more than 16 years of service according to professional seniority and in favor of those who do regular physical activity. As a result of the research; it has been seen that teachers and pre-service teachers are very inclined to ethical values and they internalize the value of love the most. Planning functional pre-service and in-service training for pre-service teachers who have not yet started the profession or for teachers who are newly started to the profession. In-depth research is recommended to examine why teachers who engage in regular physical activity have a high ethical orientation.

The aim of this study is to develop a physical education and sports lesson values education scale. The scale items created by literature review was applied to a total of 1022 secondary school students, 550 of whom were 7th grade and 472 of whom were 8th grade, reached by simple random method. Data were randomly divided into 3 groups and Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) was applied to the first group, Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to the second group and test-retest analysis to the third group. As a result of the EFA made to the first study group in order to determine the construct validity, a structure consisting of 28 items and 5 factors was obtained that explains 58.328% of the total variance. These factors are named as responsibility, justice, helpfulness, self-control and friendship. The Cronbach Alpha internal consistency coefficient of the scale was calculated as .93. According to the CFA made to the second group, (χ2/sd: 2,851; GFI: .91; AGFI: .90; CFI: .93; RMSEA: .04; RMR: .03; IFI: .93; TLI: .93) the scale has acceptable fit index values. A positive-directional .99 was found to be perfectly related in the test re-test analysis conducted on the third study group. As a result, the Physical Education and Sports Lessons Values Education Scale PESLVES is a valid and reliable data collection tool., Bu çalışmanın amacı, beden eğitimi ve spor dersi değerler eğitimi ölçeği geliştirmektir. Kaynak taraması ile oluşturulan ölçek maddeleri, basit tesadüfi yöntemle ulaşılan 550’si 7. sınıf, 472’si 8. sınıfta öğrenim gören toplam 1022 ortaokul öğrencisine uygulanmıştır. Veriler rastgele 3 gruba ayrılarak birinci gruba Açımlayıcı Faktör Analizi (AFA), ikinci gruba Doğrulayıcı Faktör Analizi (DFA) ve üçüncü gruba test tekrar test analizi yapılmıştır. Yapı geçerliğinin belirlenmesi amacıyla birinci çalışma grubuna yapılan AFA sonucunda toplam varyansın %58,328’ini açıklayan 28 madde ve 5 faktörden oluşan bir yapı elde edilmiştir. Bu faktörler; sorumluluk, adalet, yardımseverlik, öz denetim ve dostluk olarak isimlendirilmiştir. Ölçeğin Cronbach Alpha iç tutarlılık katsayısı .93 olarak hesaplanmıştır. İkinci gruba yapılan DFA’ya göre (χ2/sd: 2,851; GFI: .91; AGFI: .90; CFI: .93; RMSEA: .04; RMR: .03; IFI: .93; TLI: .93) ölçek kabul edilebilir uyum indeks değerlerine sahiptir. Üçüncü çalışma grubuna yapılan test tekrar test analizinde pozitif yönlü .99 mükemmel ilişkili bulunmuştur. Sonuç olarak, Beden Eğitimi ve Spor Dersi Değerler Eğitimi Ölçeği BESDDEÖ geçerli ve güvenilir bir veri toplama aracıdır

The 3rd/9th and 4th/10th centuries witnessed significant developments in Islamic intellectual history. Most of the hadith collections that later came to be recognized as canonical were compiled in this period and the major schools of law and certain theological schools also completed their formation during the same period. Despite this continuous progress in other fields of religious sciences, there is an unusual lapse of time between what is widely considered the first work in usul al-fiqh (Islamic legal theory) al-Risala by al-Shafi`i (204/819), and what is recognized as the second work al-Fusul fi-al-usul by al-Jassas (370/981). Due to the absence of a major work devoted solely to usul al-fiqh from this period, the majority of contemporary scholars considered it as a period of history during which there was little or no intellectual activity in the field of usul al-fiqh and where no significant developments took place. This assumption has driven some scholars to assign a new starting point for the field of usul al-fiqh and even different definitions of usul al-fiqh. The question of what in fact took place during this `dark period,' however, has not been fully or adequately explored. This dissertation attempts to provide an answer to this question and to shed light on the development of usul al-fiqh during this period. It argues that the ostensible `gap' (or absence of scholarly production) between the years (204/819) and (370/981) in the field of usul al-fiqh (Islamic legal theory) is in fact illusory. The years mentioned here are the death year of al-Shafi`i, the author of al-Risala, often reckoned to be the first treatise in usul al-fiqh and the death year of al-Jassas (370/981), the author al-Fusul fi-al-usul, the next independent treatise in the field. The presence of a gap may be defended only if understood in the sense of the absence of an independent extant work in the category of usul al-fiqh. Based upon the results of this examination of extensive documentation, this dissertation argues that the 'gap' period, rather than a one in which no important developments took place, should instead be viewed by scholars as a "period of independent productivity," where the scholars of the time contributed to the topics of usul al-fiqh without a strict school affiliation. I trace the lineage of the debates found in al-Fusul fi-al-usul by al-Jassas (370/981) to earlier works and debates within the century and a half in question to earlier sources. Three sets of sources were examined in this research. The first set consists of a number of manuscripts that have either being ignored by modern scholars or been under-studied as works relevant to the history of usul al-fiqh. The second set of sources are works in various fields of the religious sciences, including but not limited to works on fiqh, kalam, hadith, and tafsir, which contain scattered information relevant to the study of usul al-fiqh. The third set of sources consists of citations from the scholars of the `gap' period found in the later literature of usul al-fiqh as well as biobibliographical sources. I have restricted the topics presented in this dissertation to the discussions of the primary sources of Islamic law due to the predominance of these issues in the documentation examined. The dissertation therefore consists of four chapters. The first chapter deals with the evolution of the concept of usul to usul al-fiqh. I examine the topics that were included within that rubric by first tracing the transformations of the term during the gap period and then by comparing al-Shafi`i's al-Risala and al-Jassas's al-Fusul. The subsequent three chapters examine the discussions of the period over the use of khabar al-wahid (solitary report), ijma` (consensus), and qiyas (analogy) as sources of authority for Islamic law. I chose these three issues because the legal theoretical discussions intensified around these topics during this period, and they later came to be considered among "the fundamental sources of Islamic law." The dissertation makes significant new claims about the early development, function, and definition of usul al-fiqh in the period between al-Shafi`i and al-Jassas that contradict commonly held opinions. It will therefore be of interest to scholars researching the early history of Islamic law and legal theory, but also to the broader audience who are interested in the authority problem in Islam and the discussions related to orthodoxy and orthopraxy.

This article deals with the meteorological concepts in the Qur’an in the light of verses, tafsirs (exegesis), especially scientific tafsirs and meteorological science. On the other hand, weather events such as clouds, rain, wind, lightning, lightning, hail, and snow will be examined in terms of meteorology science, and in this context, interpretations of these concepts, especially in scientific tafsirs, will be included. The concepts that will be discussed in the article will first be defined in terms of meteorological aspects and then will be explained in detail. In addition, the interpretations made in the tafsirs to the concepts related to our subject are compared in terms of meteorological data and overlapping points and any missing or incorrect information will be revealed. Other verses about meteorological events will be included in general within the context of the subject. Each meteorological event will be examined under separate headings and the scientific concepts used by meteorological science will be used in relation to the topics covered under these headings. In the conclusion part, the interpretations in tafsirs about the concepts discussed and the conclusions reached in the context of meteorological data will be presented., Bu makale, Kur’ân’da yer alan meteorolojik kavramları âyetlerin, tefsirlerin özellikle de ilmî tefsirler ve meteoroloji biliminin ışığında ele almaktadır. Diğer taraftan bulut, yağmur, rüzgâr, şimşek, yıldırım, dolu, kar gibi hava olayları meteoroloji bilimi açısından incelenecek olup bu bağlamda tefsirlerdeki özellikle de ilmî tefsirlerdeki bu kavramlara ait yapılmış olan yorumlara yer verilecektir. Makalede ele alınacak kavramların öncelikle meteorolojik açıdan tanımları yapılarak akabinde detaylı bir şekilde açıklanmasına çalışılacaktır. Ayrıca konumuzla ilgili olan kavramlara tefsirlerde yapılan yorumlar, meteoroloji biliminin verileri açısından karşılaştırılarak örtüşen noktalar ile varsa eksik ya da hatalı bilgiler ortaya konulacaktır. Meteorolojik olaylarla ilgili diğer âyetlere de konu bütünlüğü içerisinde genel olarak yer verilecektir. Her bir meteorolojik olay ayrı başlıklar altında incelenecek olup bu başlıklar altında ele alınan konularla ilgili olarak meteoroloji biliminin kullandığı bilimsel kavramlar kullanılacaktır. Sonuç bölümünde ise ele alınan kavramlar hakkında tefsirlerdeki yorumlar ve meteoroloji biliminin verileri bağlamında varılan neticeler ortaya konulacaktır.

Bu makale hicrî üçüncü asırda farklı kişi ve grupların icmāʿ üzerine yaptıkları tartışmaların izini sürerek aynı zamanda fıkıh usulü tarihi bakımından karanlık çağ olarak tavsif edilen bu dönemde icmāʿ delilinin gelişimini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu dönemde müstakil risaleler, mukaddimeler ve farklı disiplinlere içkin bir biçimde gerçekleşen bu tartışmaları hem bu çalışmalardan bugüne ulaşanları hem de bu tartışmalara katılan ilim adamlarına daha sonraki literatürde yapılan atıfları kaynak alarak tespit etmeye gayret gösterildi. İcmāʿın hücciyeti ve mahiyeti şeklinde iki ana başlık etrafında toplanabilecek bu tartışmalar neticesinde icmāʿa karşı önceleri temkinli yaklaşan kişi ve grupların hicrî üçüncü asır sonu itibarıyla ya yeniden tanımlama ya da daha önceki pozisyonu terk etme yoluyla büyük bir otorite de atfederek bu delili benimsediği tespit edilmiştir. İcmāʿın kurucu teorisyenleri olarak anabileceğimiz ehl-i re’y eğilimine sahip âlimlerin de başlangıçtaki teorilerini kendilerine yöneltilen eleştiriler ışığında gözden geçirerek daha rafine hale getirdikleri görülmüştür. Nihaî olarak bu asırda yeniden yorumlama ve tashih yoluyla yapılan katkıların icmāʿın türleri ve mertebelerine dönüşerek sonraki fıkıh usulü literatüründe icmāʿın ele alınış biçimlerini köklü bir biçimde etkilediği tespiti yapılmıştır.

This study deals with the four-source order, which is commonly accepted in the Sunni legal theory, within the limits of a historical investigation of Islamic legal theory. This article aims to determine in which phases this recognition has occurred and with what sort of changes. The majority of extant uṣūl works that have been produced in different traditions and some other sources in different disciplines have been defined as the research universe of this study. Among them, those which could represent these works have been cited in this article. Since it was designed as a historical investigation and evaluation study, some dimensions of the subject that may be of interest in terms of legal philosophy and theory are not included in the analysis. These topics some of which have already been studied in certain works are suggested for further research. In this article, two main questions are addressed: First, the question of which actors have historically contributed to the acceptance of the four-source order in the form of kitāb, sunna, ijmā‘ and qiyās. On this point, contrary to what is claimed in some contemporary scholarship, it has been revealed that the thesis that al-Shāfi‘ī was the responsible authority for this four-source order is not accurate. It is seen that the scholars living in the second to fourth centuries A.H. mentioned these four sources together with different sources such as reason, definite deduction, sense, language, recurrent reports and famous narrations. Among these, al-Jaṣṣāṣ’s explanation as to whether qiyās can be counted as a source together with kitāb, sunna, and ijmā‘, which is the main subject of discussion in the next periods, has significantly illuminated the rational ground for qiyās to take place in this four-source order. Beginning with the fifth century, the tendency to restrict the notion of dalīl to definitive sources, had a consequence in the direction of excluding qiyās from the apparatus of source order; hence it was generally accepted that the sources were limited to kitāb, sunna, and ijmā‘ during that time. However, in the same century, it seems that jurist-theoreticians made the claims that qiyās should be recognized together with these three sources. At this point, it seems that the Hanafi theoreticians, especially al-Pazdawī and al-Saraḥsī, took an important step of expanding their acceptance of the main sources by claiming qiyās as the fourth source after mentioning the three main sources as kitāb, sunna, and ijmā‘. Al-Sam‘ānī, who could be regarded as a contemporary of them and who had been once in the Ḥanafī school before shifting to the Shāfi‘ī school, gives us the most obvious testimony of this transition. He lists the three sources as aṣl and others as ma‘qūl al-aṣl, a classification developed by some Shāfi‘ī jurist-uṣūl scholars including al-Baghdādī and al-Shirāzī. However, instead of this classification, he states that the order of the sources developed by jurists in the form of kitāb, sunna, ijmā‘, and qiyās is more accurate. The Ash‘arī theologian-theoreticians of the time including al-Juwaynī, al-Ghazālī also defend an attitude against counting qiyās among main sources by limiting three sources as kitāb, sunna, and ijmā‘. Since the logic-oriented uṣūl works marked the style of uṣūl traditions to a great extent afterwards, the understanding of the theologian-theoreticians who excluded qiyās from the sources and highlighted the three main sources continued to be effective in the sixth and seventh centuries A.H.. However, Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, the important uṣūl scholar of the period, provides strong evidence that the four-source order have increased its effect during that time. In his famous tafsīr work, al-Rāzī states that “the jurists accepted the sources of the sharī‘a in the form of kitāb, sunna, ijmā‘, and qiyās”, while he retains the three-source order in his uṣūl work. Even though he does not explicitly promote four-source order in his uṣūl work, he does list these four sources when mentioning the sources of the judgments in a topic. As a matter of fact, although al-Rāzī refrains from mentioning four-source order clearly, one of his leading followers al-Bayḍāwī does explicitly state this four-source order at the beginning of his work. Unlike his theologian-theoretician predecessors, al-Āmidī does not hesitate to include qiyās in the scope of shar‘ī dalīl, but he maintains the same reservation by classifying three sources as primary and qiyās and istidlāl as secondary. It is understood that the “three plus one classification” initiated by al-Pazdawī and al-Saraḥsī was preserved by the Hanafī uṣūl scholars of the sixth century A.H. such as al-Lāmishī, al-Samarqandī, al-Usmandī. However, it is seen that in the seventh century A.H., beginning with Ibn al-Sā‘ātī, this order started to be pointed out directly in the form of four sources without the need of mentioning classification in the form of three plus one. When the eighth century A.H. is reached, the order of four sources have started to be pointed out with a special term as al-adillat al-arba‘a (the four sources). In the same century, the Mālikī scholar Ibn Juzay al-Kalbī and Ḥanbalī scholar Ibn Mufliḥ give the shar‘ī dalīls in the form of kitāb, sunna, ijmā‘, and qiyās, which shows that this order was established by the eighth century A.H.. The second question is the one of when the term al-dalīl al-shar‘ī started to be used for the sources of sharī‘a and when it was settled. The term uṣūl, from which the title of this scientific discipline was derived, was widely used in the early periods to indicate the sources of sharī‘a. Although by time different terms such as ḥujja, burhān, amāra, and dalīl were used simultaneously for the sources of sharī‘a, the term dalīl gained a greater acceptance over time. The Ḥanafī uṣūl scholars, probably beginning with ‘Īsā b. Abān used the term ḥujja (pl. ḥujaj) more dominantly for a long time. The Hanafi uṣūl scholars, even al-Dabūsī, who used the term of dalīl in the title of his uṣūl work, preferred the term ḥujja until Ibn al-Sā‘ātī. In addition to being one of the first scholars representing the change in the classification of sources in the Ḥanafī tradition, Ibn al-Sā‘ātī stands out also one of the first Ḥanafī scholars in preferring the term dalīl over the term ḥujja. This research has shown that these two elements can be mentioned in the answer to the question of how Ibn al-Sā‘ātī, who is mostly listed in the first place, by the authors who mention mamzūj styled uṣūl (arguably claimed to be a hybrid style between the theologian-oriented and jurist-oriented writings) works, differed from his Ḥanafī predecessors. The main actors, however, in the domination of the term of the al-dalīl al-shar‘ī in the literature of Islamic legal theory were the theologian-theoreticians. The leading scholar responsible for this usage was Abū al-Ḥusayn al-Baṣrī, who used this term consistently for the first time throughout his work. After al-Baṣrī, theologian-theoreticians, whether Mu‘tazilī or Ash‘arī, preferred the term dalīl for sources of sharī‘a. Yet, it took a few more centuries for Shāfi‘ī and Ḥanafī uṣūl scholars to widely settle this term for that meaning.