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The article discusses typical objections managers raise to planning and some arguments to counter each. As the efforts to encourage formal planning have increased, so has the evidence that for most people such activity remains difficult and painful. Individuals and groups avoid it, postpone it, argue against it, only pay lip-service to it, delegate it, pervert it, and create innovative forms of resistance to it. It may be helpful to consider the sources or forms of this resistance and the counter arguments that can be leveled at each objection. It is true that planning is hard work, and requires a different kind of work organization, imagination, and intelligence than does reporting historical and present data, or working on current problems. But, in order to work on current problems some planning is necessary. Besides, failure to plan properly eventually ushers in even harder work. Remedial work is more difficult and heavier than planned work. Besides, absence of explicit planning leads to dissipation of energy in the pursuit of worthless goals, and causes a diffusion of leadership, resources, and effectiveness.

Managers can effectively manage their employees by following ten important behaviors. Good managers essentially communicate well with their subordinates. They also make sure that employees can accomplish their assignments with available resources. Their employees' performances are evaluated according to well-defined standards. Efficient managers reward their employees in terms of what they deserve and monitor their performance. They offer guidance and care, but stir clear of non-professional relationships. Aside from being trustworthy, good managers are also aware of the scope of their decision-making powers.

The article discusses the case method in business administration study of foreign students. The case method, among others has the following characteristics of particular interest: it employs a specific instance rather than a principle, as the focus of the process; it requires group cooperation; it involves a special abstention on the part of the instructor from the customary forms of instructional activity. If these conditions are not met, this pedagogical method misses in that the students fail from learning what is intended that they learn. The study analyzed some of the factors that cause difficulties to the foreign student in his learning by means of the case method. In the case method, the student feels that he is asked to perform a role reversal. He is asked to take over and be the active one, to decide what to do, and apparently to disregard whatever opinions and desires the instructor may have. He is, in brief, asked to take over, or at least he so perceives the situation. Now, the student who has spent much time learning that this is not the thing to do and that if he does it he is severely punished, feels uneasy, as anyone would who is asked to do something that has painful consequences. Avoidance learning is very strong, and once avoidance behavior has been established performance of the tabooed act arouses much anxiety. As a result, our student desires to escape the situation. This is a figurative way of speaking, of course, although sometimes it may have literal manifestations. One way of accomplishing this is to keep quiet. There are others.

This article focuses on the perception of reciprocity and the grouping principle. That reciprocal orientation may constitute a basis for perceptual unit formation is suggested by Gestalt principles of perception. Good continuation, one of the grouping principles, is especially appropriate here in view of its stress on the directionality of the elements. In order to apply this principle of visual perception to the problem of choice visibility, one has to make sure it holds under conditions analogous to the social situation, i.e., in stimulus configurations where the grouping of elements would occur in pairs on the basis of their orientation relative to one another. Experimental support for this principle is not available, though there is some phenomenological evidence. A total of 48 subjects, 13 male and 35 female undergraduates from Harvard Summer School classes, were assigned at random to four groups of 12 subjects each. The patterns were rotated clockwise for Groups II, III, and IV, respectively. Each of the nine experimental slides was projected for a two-second period, a time interval found optimal in pretests. The demonstration slide was exposed for four seconds to remove any doubts 5 subjects might have regarding the feasibility of the task.

This article presents a paper, which discusses the differential adjustment to internment camp life. This paper considers some factors that predispose prisoners in an internment camp to differential forms of adjustment. The observations, lasting for a period of over two years, were made on a group of Italian civilian internees deported from England to Canada in the first part of 1940 during World War II. When Germany invaded the Low Countries in the spring of that year, the English government had most male enemy aliens residing in England interned. After brief temporary allocations, the prisoners were sorted out and some were deported. One group of 317 Italian civilians was brought to Canada and assigned to Camp "X" in Quebec. According to the original plan, this group should have been composed of unmarried men under 30. However, in the great confusion of the moment, a number of individuals were included who did not correspond to these qualifications. Most of the population was between 22 and 35 years old.

The article focuses on the perception of feeling among members of small groups. Recent approaches to the problem of perception of characteristics, actions, feelings and attitudes of persons with few exceptions have been empirical, highly operational, often guided by rather simple hypotheses and with emphasis upon accuracy. An analysis of what aspects of social objects have important consequences and relevance for the question of interpersonal or social perception is needed. The most basic systematic relationship affecting a member's accuracy is that the persons perceived as choosing one are usually among those chosen by one. This contingency between feeling perceived and feeling held vis-a-vis a certain person is very strong, the overlap exceeding 80 percent. Several personal qualities of the person making the choice, such as expansiveness, self-confidence, popularity, and responsiveness all play a part, but the main determinant of choice transparency is reciprocation. That is, when a member's choice is reciprocated it is more transparent than his nonreciprocated choices.

In 1942, researchers Raymond Kennedy and Ruby Jo Reeves Kennedy reported on a survey of sociology courses in American colleges. They asserted that by inquiring into what sociologists actually teach in their main field of pedagogical endeavor, the undergraduate colleges, they would find an answer to what sociologists teach. Accordingly, a survey of sociology courses listed in college catalogues for the years 1939 to 1941 was conducted. A comparable survey, performed fifteen years later, provides clues about the changes, the war and post-war developments in the discipline, which are reflected in current curricula. In 1942, the seven highest ranking courses namely general sociology, social problems, marriage and the family, social work, criminology, research methods and social psychology constituted 51 per cent of the total offerings in sociology and joint sociology and anthropology departments. In 1957, these seven, but with anthropology replacing research methods, constituted 52.3 percent of the total offerings. The rise in anthropology from between ninth and tenth to first place may be a result of the multiplication of anthropology courses in joint departments, for the authors are now totaling the offerings of an entire discipline, including its introductory courses, and comparing that figure with thirty-one subdivisions of another discipline.

A relationship between interpersonal attraction and interpersonal influence has been dearly demonstrated in a number of studies. Members of small groups appear to prefer others who exert influence over them. The present study is also concerned with the relationship of affect to influence between members of small groups. It differs from the earlier investigations, however, in two respects. First, this work focuses on perceived influence only, whereas the other studies also dealt with actual influence as evidenced by changed behavior. Second, and more important, it goes beyond most of the earlier studies by considering effects of the perception of one's own influence over others. The relationship observed between feeling influenced and liking does not, of course, exclude the possibility that one feels influential more toward liked than toward disliked. This article proposes to examine individual differences in influence-preference relationships. Four types of subjects will be distinguished. Type I, the individual who prefers those with whom he has a relationship of mutual influence, Type II, the individual who prefers those he feels he influences, Type III, the individual who prefers those who influence him, and, Type IV, the individual whose preferences relate to either form of influence only to a moderate or negligible extent. With the assumption that individuals belonging to the four types described will vary in their perception of the personal qualities of other group members, the article compares the four types in terms of the traits they attribute to their most and least liked associates.

One of the most common devices used in situations where judgments of a person are desired is the trait checklist or rating scale. Much is known about such rating scale characteristics as variations in response resulting from the way the scales are constructed and worded. Little systematic attention has, however, been paid the problem of response variations due to interactions within the content of a check list itself, and to the arrangement of the traits in the list. The article discusses whether judgments made in terms of a trait influenced by the context formed by the other traits involved in the assessment of a person. To answer this question, "warm" and "responsible" were placed in eight different contexts of five traits varying with respect to the aspect of personality tapped and more or less closely related to intelligent and independent. Fewer definite inferences were made to responsible for one of the eight specific contexts as compared with three and the others. When the inferences made to the context traits are relatively strong, strength of the inference to the dependent trait drops in contrast. When the inferences to the context traits are relatively weak, the strength of the inference to the dependent trait increases in contrast.