Search

Non-hydrogenated amorphous-silicon films were deposited on glass substrates by Radio Frequency magnetron sputtering with the aim of being used as precursor of a low-cost absorber to replace the conventional silicon absorber in solar cells. Two Serie of samples were deposited varying the substrate temperature and the working gas pressure, ranged from 0.7 to 4.5 Pa. The first Serie was deposited at room temperature, and the second one, at 325 °C. Relatively high deposition rates above 10 Å/s were reached by varying both deposition temperature and working Argon gas pressure to ensure high manufacturing rates. After deposition, the precursor films were treated with a continuous-wave diode laser to achieve a crystallized material considered as the alternative light absorber. Firstly, the structural and optical properties of non-hydrogenated amorphous silicon precursor films were investigated by Raman spectroscopy, atomic force microscopy, X-ray diffraction, reflectance, and transmittance, respectively. Structural changes were observed in the as-deposited films at room temperature, suggesting an orderly structure within an amorphous silicon matrix, meanwhile, the films deposited at higher temperature pointed out an amorphous structure. Lastly, the effect of the precursor material’s deposition conditions, and the laser parameters used in the crystallization process on the quality and properties of the subsequent crystallized material was evaluated. The results showed a strong influence of deposition conditions used in the amorphous silicon precursor.

The roadmap for the development of silicon solar cells requires the introduction of passivating contacts to obtain higher efficiencies as well as to reduce the cost of production to be industrially implemented. In this context, Laser Fired Contact (LFC) on p-type silicon wafers have been shown to be an effective technique to improve efficiencies, due to their ability to reduce recombination losses on the back surface of crystalline silicon solar cells. These studies have mainly focused on high quality monocrystalline silicon wafers and there are not enough developments made with multicrystalline silicon (mc-Si) wafers. Therefore, in this work, we present the optimization of the LFC process on p-type mc-Si and its application to two types of silicon devices: diffusion and heterojunction solar cells. These rear contacts have led to improved efficiencies for both types of solar cells over similar devices with thermalized aluminum rear contacts and without back passivation. These results illustrate the enormous potential of these localized laser-contacts created for mc-Si solar cells, perfectly compatible with a lower cost industrial production.

This article analyzes the Spanish Catholic church (SCC) as an interest group which pursues to maintain and/or enhance its political influence through the adoption of rationally- calculated decisions that will impinge upon its status quo and objectives. However churches can exhibit a high or a low political profile, the former generally adopting the shape of a political adversary strategy. This role has been chosen by the SCC in order to oppose two political reforms advocated by the Socialist government of Zapatero: same-sex marriage and the liberalization of abortion. Unlike other Catholic churches in different European countries which have refrained themselves from entering politics, the SCC has decisively involved itself in this political fight by means of campaigns and social mobilization against these reforms. Supply-based and rational choice theories, which emphasize the importance of different types of existing church and religious leadership in various countries account for this religiously-inspired political activism in Spain: the SCC not only counts on important resources but it also operates in a quasi-monopolist religious market that paves the way for its discourse as «the institution which represents the great majority of Spaniards». Further, the passing of these «highly sensitive policies» has united certain social sectors and political parties which do not approve them. In the quest to defend pro-family and pro-life objectives, the SCC has opted for a conflictive strategy which goes from political pressure and lobbying, press conferences and the publication of documents, to the support (and direct promotion at times) of demonstrations, primarily organized by Christian social groups and, less visibly, conservative political parties., Este trabajo analiza la Iglesia católica española (ICE) como un grupo de interés que persigue mantener y/o aumentar su influencia política mediante la adopción de decisiones racionalmente calculadas que afectan a su statu quo y a sus objetivos declarados. El perfil político de las iglesias puede, sin embargo, ser bajo o alto. El segundo se plasma generalmente en estrategias de adversario político, como la escogida por la ICE para oponerse a dos reformas políticas del gobierno socialista de Zapatero: la del matrimonio para personas del mismo sexo y la de ampliación del aborto. Mientras que otras iglesias católicas en distintos países europeos se han abstenido de ejercer un protagonismo político similar, la ICE se ha implicado con gran intensidad en esta lucha política a través del desarrollo de campañas y la movilización social. Las teorías de la oferta del mercado religioso (basadas en la rational choice), que ponen el énfasis en la importancia de los distintos tipos de iglesia y de liderazgo religioso existentes en diversos países, pueden explicar el activismo político de inspiración religiosa en España. La ICE no solo cuenta con importantísimos recursos de todo tipo, sino que, además, opera en un mercado religioso cuasi monopolista que facilita su discurso como «la institución que representa a la gran mayoría de los españoles». Por otro lado, la aprobación de «políticas altamente sensibles» de contenido ético ha coaligado a determinados sectores sociales y partidos políticos opuestos a las mismas. Para defender los objetivos pro familia y pro vida, la ICE ha escogido una estrategia conflictiva que abarca desde la presión política y el lobby, la organización de conferencias de prensa y la publicación de comunicados, hasta el apoyo (y, en ocasiones, promoción directa) a manifestaciones organizadas primordialmente por grupos sociales de inspiración cristiana y, subsidiariamente, por partidos políticos de corte conservador.

Transparent conductive electrodes based on graphene have been previously proposed as an attractive candidate for optoelectronic devices. While graphene alone lacks the antireflectance properties needed in many applications, it can still be coupled with traditional transparent conductive oxides, further enhancing their electrical performance. In this work, the effect of combining indium tin oxide with between one and three graphene monolayers as the top electrode in silicon heterojunction solar cells is analyzed. Prior to the metal grid deposition, the electrical conductance of the hybrid electrodes was evaluated through reflection-mode terahertz time-domain spectroscopy. The obtained conductance maps showed a clear electrical improvement with each additional graphene sheet. In the electrical characterization of the finished solar cells, this translated to a meaningful reduction in the series resistance and an increase in the devices’ fill factor. On the other hand, each additional sheet absorbs part of the incoming radiation, causing the short circuit current to simultaneously decrease. Consequently, additional graphene monolayers past the first one did not further enhance the efficiency of the reference cells. Ultimately, the increase obtained in the fill factor endorses graphene-based hybrid electrodes as a potential concept for improving solar cells’ efficiency in future novel designs. This research was funded by DIGRAFEN, grant number ENE2017–88065-C2-2-R. The APC was funded by the Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness from Spain. das-Nano and UPNA would also like to acknowledge the funding from the Government of Navarra and the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), 2020 I + D projects: ref. 0011-1365-2020-000026 for das-Nano and ref. 0011-1365-2020-000045 for UPNA.

80 nm nominal thick ITO thin films were deposited at room temperature and at low plasma irradiation conditions in an oxygen-free environment by magnetron sputtering. The assessment of the dependence of their structural and optoelectronic properties with the deposition parameters were determined to evaluate their potential in silicon-based solar technology. The results revealed high quality ITO thin films deposited at room temperature and at low direct-current power values up to 75 W. These films showed amorphous and polycrystalline nature, depending on the range of power used. The thin films performance was determined by the figure of merit, reaching the best material developed at room temperature and at 75 W. The successful use of ITO as an effective n-type doped film in a N–P heterojunction silicon-based protocell revealed its feasibility to make up the heterojunction showing its double role as antireflection coating and as substitute of conventional emitters in silicon solar technology. This would open new opportunities of technologically interesting materials fabricated at low manufacturing cost.

In this work, we evaluate the role of the ternary compound, Cd1–x Zn x S, as an electron-transport layer (ETL) in the n-i-p structure of antimony selenide (Sb2Se3) solar cells. The incorporation of Zn reduces the amount of Cd and contributes to improving the power-conversion efficiency of the solar cell. On the other hand, the n-i-p structure makes it possible to overcome two issues that impair the efficiency of Sb2Se3 solar cells: the potential barrier due to the rear contact and the low hole concentration in the Sb2Se3 absorber material. In this paper, we present a theoretical work on Sb2Se3 solar cells using the SCAPS 1-D software. The theoretical analysis allows us to understand the impact of the semiconductor parameters on efficiency and also to find the optimal values for an optimized device. The optimal molar composition of the ternary compound is investigated in the superstrate and inverted configurations. Parameters such as the thickness, defect density, and the acceptor concentration of the Cd1–x Zn x S and Sb2Se3 layers are optimized. Also, we analyze the impact of interface-defect density at the hole-transport layer (HTL) (Sb2Se3) and the ETL (Sb2Se3). Following optimization, a power-conversion efficiency (η) of 14.29% is obtained using Cd0.4Zn0.6S as the ETL and Cu2O as the HTL in the superstrate configuration. This simulation process is expected to guide other experimentalists in the design and manufacture of solar cells.

Using systematic criteria, this article offers a descriptive analysis of the evolution in the percentage of women MPs in the 17 Spanish regional parliament from 1980 to 2011. The fluctuating gender composition of these parliaments is analysed in terms of thresholds, patterns of evolution, and paucity of the changes. These dimensions, under-studied in the literature on descriptive representation, are essential to understanding the growing feminization of the legislature. Three different regional models of incorporation of women MPs, forerunner, mixed and laggard, are identified, which provide valuable information about a) when the different ratios of women versus men representatives are attained, b) how stable or unstable the growth in the percentage of women is, and c) whether the changes are gradual or abrupt. We show that legislative quotas have a different impact depending on the specific regional model to which they apply. Considering the steady, comparatively fast and homogenous process of feminization of all the regional chambers, their relatively gender-balanced composition seems secure, as well as the attainment of the goal of parity laws.Mediante la aplicación de criterios sistemáticos, este trabajo realiza una descripción analítica de la evolución en el porcentaje de mujeres parlamentarias en los 17 parlamentos regionales españoles desde 1980 hasta 2011. Se analiza su fluctuante composición por género a través de umbrales, pautas de evolución y ritmo de los cambios. Estas dimensiones, poco estudiadas por la literatura sobre representación descriptiva, son cruciales a la hora de entender la creciente feminización del legislativo regional. El análisis identifica tres modelos de incorporación de las representantes, el precursor, el mixto y el rezagado, que proporcionan una valiosa información en relación con: a) cuándo se alcanzan las distintas ratios de mujeres frente a hombres, b) si la evolución en el número de parlamentarias es estable o no, y c) si los cambios son graduales o bruscos. Se comprueba que las cuotas legislativas de género tienen distintos efectos que dependen del modelo regional sobre el que se apliquen. Considerando el constante, y comparativamente rápido y homogéneo proceso de ‘feminización’ de los legislativos regionales, parece que su composición por género relativamente equilibrada está asegurada, así como el cumplimiento de las leyes de paridad.

La inicial ausencia de respuesta del gobierno del PP ante el desastroso vertido provocado por el petrolero Prestige condujo, entre otras razones, a la aparición en Galicia del movimiento social Nunca Máis. Este movimiento ha mantenido un indiscutible protagonismo en las protestas ciudadanas que, tanto a nivel regional como nacional, denunciaban la mala gestión gubernamental de la crisis ecológica y económica causada por el derrame, ampliando además su agenda a las movilizaciones en contra de la guerra en Irak en el 2003. La primera pregunta a la que se intenta responder es por qué Nunca Máis surge tan tardíamente, en el año 2002, cuando las costas gallegas han sufrido una cantidad importante de derrames de distinto tipo en las últimas tres décadas. A diferencia de Sidney Tarrow (1998), que se centra en la (favorable) estructura de oportunidades políticas para explicar la aparición de las protestas, este artículo otorga una gran relevancia a la existencia de redes sociales previas y a la emergencia de agravios que se imponen súbitamente (en la forma de shock moral, que constituyó el accidente del Prestige) a la hora de entender cuándo surge la movilización. Una segunda cuestión a tratar es la de las consecuencias de Nunca Máis o la de por qué el movimiento no consiguió realizar las amplias expectativas de cambio político que había generado.

The November 2002 spillage of the oil tanker Prestige off the coast of the region of Galicia in northwestern Spain was followed by the emergence of the Galician social movement, Nunca Mais (Never Again). NM played the leading role in citizens' protest at the regional and national Popular Party governments' mismanagement of the crisis and also extended its agenda to embrace the nationwide protests against the Iraq war. The first question is why Nunca Mais was not established before, given that over the last three decades, numerous spillages have taken place off the Galician coast. In contrast to Sidney Tarrow, who uses the political opportunity structure to account for the timing of protests, we focus on the role of existing social networks and the appearance of suddenly imposed grievances. A second question concerns the consequences of Nunca Mais, or why the movement fell short of the expectations of political change which it created.

Spain’s successful negotiation of the habitats directive can be explained by the political salience of this particular issue (the priority attached to the strategy whereby the EU had to be convinced of the need to link environmental protection to the provision of special funds) and by the nature of the domestic political system, characterized by its powerful and autonomous executive and by the noncooperative system of interest intermediation. Above all, the triumph of the Spanish strategy is due to the ability of successive heads of government to tightly control leading EU issues by not allowing a highly departmentalized state administration and the regional governments to be too closely involved in community negotiations. The absence of formal mechanisms that would allow contending interest groups to partake in the decision process, thereby reducing time-consuming procedures and administrative costs, must also be taken into account. As a result, Europeanization has scarcely made any progress in Spain.

International audience; German, English, Spanish, and French versions of short (ia) and long (ib) relative clauses were tested in written questionnaire studies. The noun phrases containing the clauses appeared in either object position (as in i) or in subject/topic position, and the relative clauses ambiguously modified the first or the second noun of the noun phrase. (i). a. The doctor met the son of the colonel who died. b. The doctor met the son of the colonel who tragically died of a stroke. In the first experiment, German, English and Spanish were tested. In all three languages, more high attachment (first noun modification) interpretations were observed for long relative clauses than for short ones, perhaps reflecting differences in implicit prosodic phrasing provided by participants when they read the questionnaire. Across languages, more high attachment was observed in object position than in subject/topic position, but this effect was larger for German and Spanish than for English. In addition, although more low attachment than high attachment was observed in every case except German object position, German showed more high attachment than Spanish or English. A second questionnaire indicated that the preference for high attachment in German object position relative clauses cannot be attributed to readers taking these relative clauses to be extraposed. In a third questionnaire in French, we found a generally higher preference for high attachments as in German, but no position effect, as observed in English. We provide an account of these data, which does not require any special theory of relative clause attachment or parameterization for languages. It requires only general processing principles together with independently required grammatical differences among the languages studied involving the focus properties of object vs. non-object position and the availability in Spanish and German, but not English and French, of separate positions for topical vs. nontopical subjects.&nbsp

The Spanish Catholic church (SCC) conforms a multi-issue interest group with a heterogeneous political record: unlike finance and education, two key areas which are covered by the 1979 Agreements with the Vatican, moral policies need not be negotiated with public authorities. Responding to the liberalization of abortion and approval of same-sex marriage by the Zapatero government, the SCC, in contrast with other churches under similar political circumstances, has embarked upon a confrontation strategy in alliance with conservative Catholic groups and like-minded political parties. Its monopoly position in a society that still defines itself as predominantly Catholic (sociological argument), the inextricable link between Catholicism and national identity (historical argument) and its privileged relationship with the state, as a result of the 1979 Agreements with the Vatican state and its partially-established constitutional status (institutional argument) help understand this strategy. The Episcopal Conference (EC) is the main responsible for confrontation at the state level while the bishops, at the regional one, have set out to defend church interests, and minimize the inflicted “damage”, by means of a number of agreements with regional authorities. Thus, the EC might end up losing political power in favour of regional EC, promoted not only by local nationalist churches but also by the increasing relevance of the regional level for church interests.La Iglesia católica española (ICE) constituye un grupo de interés multi-issue con distintos resultados en su actividad política: la financiación y la educación son asuntos clave en los que está protegida por los Acuerdos de 1979, pero los poderes públicos no tienen la obligación de negociar con esta institución políticas de contenido moral. Como respuesta a la liberalización del aborto y a la aprobación del matrimonio de personas del mismo sexo, promovidas por el Gobierno de Rodríguez Zapatero, la ICE, a diferencia de otras instituciones eclesiásticas en Europa en situaciones parecidas, desarrolla una estrategia de confrontación junto con grupos católicos conservadores y, en menor medida, partidos políticos afines. Su posición “monopolista” en una sociedad que se define mayoritariamente como católica (argumento sociológico), la inextricable imbricación entre catolicismo e identidad nacional (argumento histórico), y su privilegiada relación con el Estado, que deriva de los Acuerdos de 1979 y del aconfesionalismo constitucional (argumento institucional), pueden explicar esta estrategia. Mientras que la Conferencia Episcopal (CE) es la principal responsable de la confrontación a nivel estatal, los obispos, a nivel autonómico, se han aprestado a través de un gran número de convenios con las autoridades regionales a defender los intereses de la Iglesia y minimizar los posibles “daños” que derivan del ámbito estatal. El Estado autonómico ha multiplicado los puntos de acceso al sistema político para la Iglesia y podría suceder que la CE terminara perdiendo peso político a favor de las conferencias episcopales regionales, promovidas no solo por las iglesias periféricas nacionalistas sino, también, por la creciente relevancia del nivel autonómico frente al estatal para los intereses eclesiásticos.

This article unveils the resilience of national institutional designs in the process of European unification; more specifically, the article stands out the pervasiveness of the pattern of relationship between government and industry in the environmental policy of two countries: Spain and Germany. Although the European Union (EU) is increasingly influential in environmental policy, these designs have only recently undergone slight changes. This can be explained not only by the lesser importance that the EU has heretofore attached to the connection between the systems of interest intermediation and the fulfilment of Community policy goals, but by the strength of the historical arrangements and cultural traditions at the national level.

Over the last few years, the Spanish state administration for the environment (as well as many of the regional ones) has been gradually allowing social groups to partake in the making and management of certain conservation policies. This move towards a more participatory policy style is exemplified by the creation of new advisory institutions, the organization of regular seminars, and the setting up of specific workshops for environmentalists and other interest groups in order to discuss controversial issues. Furthermore, the growth of sustainable development-related local action since the mid–70s, the need for outside expertise in the administration and a new international mood of democratization have also played a role in the gradual establishment of this participatory approach. It is still too soon to determine whether this approach implies a real change in the attitude of public authorities or whether it is simply a way of paying lip-service to the ‘ecological cause’ while trying to come to terms with European developments. Undoubtedly, some figures in the past socialist government (1982–96) attempted to bring green issues to the fore and entered into heated debates over different topics with environmentally reluctant business associations. It is also beyond question that the new conservative government has upgraded the administration of the environment with the creation of a Minister for the Environment in 1996. Yet alongside these promising developments, the current policy appears to suffer from the same old problems as before: the second-rate importance of environmental topics within the cabinet, a problematic intergovernmental relationship between the state and the regions, and the lack of relevance of social groups in the policymaking process. On the one hand, environmental protection in Spain clearly shows that old habits die hard but, on the other hand, it seems to be facilitating some room for novel political experimentation.

In the aftermath of the disastrous spillage of the oil tanker Prestige in November 2002 off the coast of the region of Galicia in north-western Spain, the denial of the magnitude of the disaster by the Popular Party (PP) government led to the emergence in Galicia of the social movement Nunca Mais (Never Again). Nunca Mais has played leading role in the citizens? protest at the regional and national PP governments' mismanagement of the ecological and economic crisis caused by the spillage, and has also extended its agenda to embrace the nationwide protests against the war of 2003 in Iraq. The first question to be addressed is why Nunca Mais emerged as late as 2002, given that numerous spillages have taken place over the last three decades off the Galician coast. In contrast to Sidney Tarrow (1998), who resorts to the political opportunity structure in order to account for the timing of protests, we focus on the role of already existing social networks and the appearance of suddenly imposed grievances (in the form of moral shock, which the Prestige accident constituted) in order to understand when the profest arose. A second question to be tackled concerns the consequences of Nunca Mais, or why the movement fell short of the widespread expectations of political change which it had created.