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Die Stärkung der Arbeitnehmer- und Gewerkschaftsrechte betrachtet das Europäische Parlament als grundlegende Instrumente für Demokratie und Inklusion. Während die Mitgliedsstaaten verpflichtet sind, Tarifautonomie und Mitspracherechte der Beschäftigten in ihre Rechtsordnung zu übernehmen, sind die Organe und Agenturen der EU erstaunlicherweise davon ausgenommen. Wie dies rechtlich und regulierungspolitisch zu erklären ist und inwiefern sich hier eine Entwicklung nachzeichnen lässt, die gegenwärtige und künftige Herausforderungen der betrieblichen Mitbestimmung antizipiert, wird im Rahmen des Beitrages am Fall der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) diskutiert. Das Beispiel macht deutlich, dass gewerkschaftliche Interessenvertretung trotz restriktiver Bedingungen Mobilisierungserfolge erzielen kann. Als ein wichtiger Ansatz erweist sich dabei die gezielte Auseinandersetzung mit dem zugleich administrativen und epistemisch-fachlichen Doppelcharakter der Organisation und dem Verhältnis von demokratischer Partizipation und offener Wissensproduktion. The European Parliament considers the strengthening of employee and trade union rights as fundamental instruments for democracy and inclusion. While member states are obliged to incorporate collective bargaining autonomy and employee participation rights into their legal systems, the EU institutions and agencies are surprisingly exempt from this. The reasons why this is legally and politically allowed and to what extent future challenges of codetermination are anticipated in this context, will be discussed by focusing on the European Central Bank (ECB) located in Germany. This case demonstrates that even given the restrictive conditions the relevant trade union was quite successful in mobilizing the ECB workforce. An important approach in this context proves to be the targeted examination of the simultaneously administrative and epistemic-professional dual character of the organization and the relationship between democratic participation and open knowledge production.

Resumen: En la dinámica regional, las relaciones económicas internacionales se desarrollan bajo distintas modalidades de integración. Estas pueden constituirse bajo objetivos económico-comerciales o bajo el objetivo de integración de un orden político. Para lograr tales cometidos los Estados deciden conformar un espacio común bajo modalidades de integración de tipo supranacional o intergubernamental. En consecuencia, los órganos e instituciones creadas en estos nuevos órdenes jurídicos pueden llevar acarreada la delegación de funciones públicas propias de los estados o simplemente quedar en colaboraciones intergubernamentales. El presente artículo busca exponer las diferencias entre tales metodologías de integración, analizando las fuentes normativas de sus ordenamientos jurídicos y los eventuales sistemas de solución de controversias. Para ello se tomó como casos de análisis los procesos de integración supranacionales de la Unión Europea y la Comunidad Andina de Naciones. Por otra parte, se tomaron como casos de estudio para el análisis de los procesos de integración intergubernamentales el de Mercado Común del Sur y el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte. Resumo: Na dinâmica regional, as relações econômicas internacionais são desenvolvidas sob diferentes formas de integração. Estes podem ser constituídos sob objetivos econômico-comerciais ou sob o objetivo de integrar uma ordem política. Para cumprir tais tarefas, os Estados decidem formar um espaço comum sob modalidades de integração supranacional ou intergovernamental. Consequentemente, os órgãos e instituições criados nesses novos ordenamentos jurídicos podem exercer a delegação de funções públicas típicas dos estados ou simplesmente permanecer em colaborações intergovernamentais. Este artigo busca expor as diferenças entre tais metodologias de integração, analisando as fontes normativas de seus ordenamentos jurídicos e os possíveis sistemas de resolução de conflitos. Para isso, foram tomados como casos de análise os processos de integração supranacional da União Europeia e da Comunidade Andina de Nações. Por outro lado, o Mercado Comum do Sul e o Acordo de Livre Comércio da América do Norte foram tomados como estudos de caso para a análise dos processos de integração intergovernamental. Abstract: In the regional dynamics, international economic relations are developed under different forms of integration. These can be constituted under economic-commercial objectives or under the objective of integrating a political order. To achieve such tasks, the States decide to form a common space under supranational or intergovernmental integration modalities. Consequently, the bodies and institutions created in these new legal orders may entail the delegation of public functions typical of the states or simply remain in intergovernmental collaborations. This article seeks to expose the differences between such integration methodologies, analysing the normative sources of their legal systems and the possible dispute resolution systems. For this, the supranational integration processes of the European Union and the Andean Community of Nations were taken as cases of analysis. On the other hand, the Common Market of the South and the North American Free Trade Agreement were taken as case studies for the analysis of intergovernmental integration processes. Abstrait: Dans la dynamique régionale, les relations économiques internationales se développent sous différentes formes d’intégration. Ceux-ci peuvent être constitués sous des objectifs économico-commerciaux ou sous l’objectif d’intégrer un ordre politique. Pour accomplir ces tâches, les États décident de constituer un espace commun sous des modalités d’intégration supranationale ou intergouvernementale. Par conséquent, les organes et institutions créés dans ces nouveaux ordres juridiques peuvent entraîner la délégation de fonctions publiques typiques des États ou simplement rester dans des collaborations intergouvernementales. Cet article vise à exposer les différences entre ces méthodologies d’intégration, en analysant les sources normatives de leurs systèmes juridiques et les systèmes possibles de résolution des conflits. Pour cela, les processus d’intégration supranationale de l’Union européenne et de la Communauté andine des nations ont été pris comme cas d’analyse. D’autre part, le Marché commun du Sud et l’Accord de libre-échange nord-américain ont été pris comme études de cas pour l’analyse des processus d’intégration intergouvernementale.

The article is an attempt based on a generalization of the experience of the European Union (EU), to identify the essential characteristic of supranationality in the context of the interaction of international law with domestic law, to assess the legal nature of the EU, and to offer the reader an authorial definition of “supranationality”. The general conclusion of the paper is that superanationality should be understood as an effective form of interstate cooperation and activity within the international organization, based on the unity of interests, in which the authority serving these interests receives some degree of autonomy from the participating countries by transferring (conceding) part of their internal powers to it. As a result, its decisions, without prior transformation into domestic law, have a general normative character and direct effect not only on member states but also on their natural and legal persons, which is ensured by effective enforcement mechanisms. At the same time, the supranational level, which has a considerable number of independent regulatory powers, is hierarchically higher than the inter-state level, therefore, its law also has primacy over the national law. Besides, within the framework of the article, particular attention is paid to the description of the main approaches that characterize the legal essence of the European Union. The author expresses an opinion on the appropriateness of understanding the EU as an international organization of a special kind (sui generis), which combines elements of classical international organizations with supranational features in its functioning.

As Brexit removes the Nordic countries’ most powerful ally from the EU, what does this imply for their approach to European affairs? The literature on small states within the EU suggests that they can counterbalance limited bargaining capacities by entering two types of alliances: strategic partnerships with bigger member states and institutionalised cooperation on a regional basis. Against this backdrop we ask whether, by significantly raising the costs of non-cooperation for Nordic governments, the Brexit referendum has triggered a revival of Nordic political cooperation. We scrutinise this conjecture by analysing Nordic strategies of coalition-building on EU financial and budgetary policy, specifically looking at attempts to reform Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union and proposals to strengthen the EU’s fiscal powers. We find that Nordic governments have successfully collaborated on these issues in the context of new alliances such as the ‘New Hanseatic League’ or the ‘Frugal Four.’ Yet, their coalition-building strategies rely on relatively loose and issue-specific alliances rather than an institutionalisation of Nordic political cooperation, implying that this revival of Nordic political cooperation hardly involves the institutions of ‘official’ Nordic cooperation. We argue that this reflects lasting differences among the Nordics’ approach to the EU as well as electorates’ scepticism about supranational institution-building, implying that ‘reluctant Europeans’ are often also ‘reluctant Scandinavians.’

RESUMO Cada projeto de integração regional possui um embasamento histórico, político e econômico muito específico. A experiência integracionista europeia é única. Do mesmo modo é o caso do MERCOSUL. As reflexões teóricas gestadas na ambiência do Bloco Europeu são de valia limitada para a análise do projeto de integração sul-americano. As teses eurocêntricas que propugnam a importância da supranacionalidade das instituições regionais, com o consequente compartilhamento de parcelas de soberania de seus respectivos países membros, não se compatibilizam com os sistemas de governo sul-americanos nem com o seu contexto político. Ademais, as distorções socioeconômicas existentes entre os países do MERCOSUL demandariam instrumentais políticos específicos e focalizados, próprios de medidas contingenciais tomadas por Estados soberanos. A arquitetura e o funcionamento intergovernamental do MERCOSUL podem ser criticados, evidentemente, porém, a utilização de categorias teóricas eurocêntricas para a sua análise exige certa cautela. RESUMEN Cada proyecto de integración regional posee un embasamiento histórico, político y económico muy específico. La experiencia integracionista europea es única. De lo mismo modo es el caso del MERCOSUR. Las reflexiones teóricas gestadas en el ambiente del Bloque Europeo son de valía limitada para el análisis del proyecto de integración sudamericano. Las tesis eurocéntricas que propugnan la importancia de la supranacionalida de las instituciones regionales, con el consecuente compartir de parcelas de la soberanía de sus respectivos países miembros, no son compatibles con los sistemas de gobiernos sudamericanos y tampoco con su contexto político. Además, las distorsiones socioeconómicas existentes entre los países del MERCOSUR demandarían instrumentales políticos específicos y focalizados, propio de medidas de contingencia tomadas por Estados soberanos. La arquitectura y el funcionamiento intergubernamental del MERCOSUR pueden ser criticados, evidentemente, todavía, la utilización de categorías teóricas eurocéntricas para su análisis exige cierta cautela. ABSTRACT Each regional integration project has a very specific historical, political and economical support. The european integration experience is unique. Likewise is the Mercosur experience. The theoretical reflections gestated in the European Bloc ambience have limited worth to a south american integration project analysis. The eurocentric thesis that uphold the supranational importance of the regionals institutions, therefore with its sovereignty portion share among its countries-member, would not be compatible with south american government sistem neither with its political context. Besides, the social and economical distortion existence among the Mercosur countries would demand specific and focal political instrument, proper contingency procedures taken by sovereignty states. The intergovernmental architechture and function of the Mercosur can be criticized, obviously, however, the use of eurocentric theoretical cathegories for its analysis demands certain prudence.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES This research objectifies to understand the phenomenon of the giants of technology trade concentration (the BigTechs Apple, Amazon, Google; Alphabet and Facebook), through the use of the artificial intelligence (AI). For this purpose it is done a comparative analysis with the acts of trade concentration from XIX century in United States, stimulates by the own State, and later object of restriction of the Sherman Act. The institutional answers of these times were also comparated to the present ones, specially the United States Congress report about trade concentration of the BigTechs in 2020. Their proposals were analysed in comparison with the methods of use of the machine learning for the monopolization plataforms, and the way of occourrence of the phenomenon in the social field. It was observed that, in addition to they do not fix the matter, the institutional answers restrain the introduction of eventual diffuse solutions, ensuring, in practice, a safe-conduct to the monopoly of the BigTechs. The institutional limitation stems from the characteristic of global and intersectorial domination, and the impossibility of processing and control of the large number of acts practices by the AI. Besides, it is a result of the incomprehension about the decision parameters and of the AI languagem, that goes beyond the state capacity. Finally, it stems, specially, from the behavioral influence, through the cross monopoly, practiced by the BigTechs over the way of think and act of the consummers. In the social practice, the impose specific world and life understandings, beyond the one-way and monophonic language, building, through the social enviroment, total overall monopolies. Faced with the problem of the limitation of the institutional solution, are studied the possibility of recognition of the traditional mechanisms, the reduction of the protectionism state tools on the BigTechs (including in face of the international competition), techniques of simplification of the simplifying the fulfillment of ancillary obligations, to allow new market entrants, ways of promotion of the startups development, an administrative stepby-step to the enlargement of the popular participation in the political decision taking in matters related to the trade concentration of the BigTechs, and, specially, the positive behavioral State stimulus through the nudges, beyond the ways to promote the openning of the decision taking method of the AI of the BigTechs to a social, supranational and transconstitutional control. For thes purpose it is adopted the Heideggerian phenomenological method, under under Gadamerian theoretical framework, with the support, in specific moments of the work, of deductive and archeological-paradigmatic techniques. Esta pesquisa objetiva compreender o fenômeno da concentração de mercado das gigantes de tecnologia (Bigtechs Apple, Amazon, Google/Alphabet e Facebook), mediante o uso da inteligência artificial (IA). Para esse fim realiza uma análise comparativa com os atos de concentração de mercado do século XIX dos Estados Unidos, estimulados pelo próprio Estado, e depois objeto de restrição pelo Sherman Act. As respostas institucionais da época também foram comparadas com as atuais, em especial com o relatório do Congresso dos Estados Unidos sobre a concentração de mercado das BigTechs de 2020. As suas propostas foram analisadas em cotejo com os métodos de uso do machine learning pelas plataformas para a monopolização, e a forma de ocorrência do fenômeno no seio social. Observou-se que, além de não resolverem a questão, as respostas institucionais coíbem a apresentação de eventuais soluções difusas, garantindo, na prática, um salvo-conduto para o monopólio das BigTechs. A limitação institucional decorre do caráter de dominação global e intersetorial e sua impossibilidade de processamento e controle do volumoso número de atos praticados pela IA. Além disso, também é fruto da não compreensão sobre os parâmetros decisórios e da linguagem da IA, que fogem a capacidade estatal. Por fim, decorre, em especial, da influência comportamental, mediante o monopólio cruzado, praticada pelas BigTechs sobre a forma de pensar e agir dos consumidores. Na prática social, impõem compreensões de mundo e de vida específicos, além de uma linguagem unidirecionada e monofônica, construindo, através do seio social, monopólios totalizadores. Diante do problema da limitação da solução institucional, estuda-se a possibilidade de reconhecimento de incapacidade dos mecanismos tradicionais, redução dos instrumentos estatais de protecionismo das BigTechs (inclusive em face da competição internacional), técnicas de simplificação do cumprimento das obrigações acessórias, para permitir que haja novos entrantes no mercado, meios de promoção do desenvolvimento das startups, um passo-a-passo administrativo para a ampliação da participação popular na tomada de decisão política em questões relacionadas à concentração de mercado das Bigtechs, e, em especial, o estímulo estatal comportamental positivo mediante os nudges, além de meios de promover a abertura do método decisório da IA das BigTechs para um controle social, supranacional e transconstitucional. Para este fim adota-se o método fenomenológico Heideggeriano, sob referencial teórico Gadameriano, com o auxílio, em momentos específicos do trabalho, de técnicas dedutivas e arqueológico-paradigmáticas. São Cristóvão

In this article the author analyze the influence of regionalization on citizens by using the example of integration of Russian Federation and Republic of Belarus. В статье анализируется влияние на граждан такого феномена, как регионализация, на примере интеграции Российской Федерации и Республики Беларусь.

Введение. Научная статья содержит аналитический материал о проявлениях новой угрозы в информационной сфере, которую авторы определяют как форму «наднационального контроля», пока не имеющую правовых оснований для применения и еще не исследованную научным сообществом. Поскольку информация нередко нуждается в защите, в обеспечении безопасности, создании невозможности нанесения вреда кому-нибудь или чему-нибудь вследствие проявления угроз, в статье дается характеристика информации, содержание понятия «обеспечение информационной безопасности». Анализируются причины, по которым Россия выступает за использование в официальных документах и дипломатическом дискурсе термина «международная информационная безопасность», учитывающего всю комплексность данной проблематики, в то время как страны Запада настаивают на использовании термина «кибербезопасность», что акцентирует внимание только на технологическом измерении угроз в данной области. Даются примеры использования в официальных документах ООН в качестве компромисса варианта термина «безопасность в сфере использования ИКТ и самих ИКТ». Авторы предлагают проводить оценку информационной безопасности на нескольких уровнях: национальном, отраслевом, корпоративном и персональном. Рассматривается такое новое явление в практике международных отношений, как «наднациональный механизм регулирования экономических и политических отношений государств». Наднациональность как правовая категория является предметом оживленных дискуссий, но, несмотря на широкий интерес к ней со стороны исследователей, общепризнанной теории наднациональности до настоящего времени не существует. В настоящее время наднациональность рассматривают, с одной стороны, как принцип международного права, с другой — как правовое явление. В условиях современности некоторые государства стали злоупотреблять наднациональностью через механизм санкций и наднационального контроля.Авторы предлагают свое понимание наднационального контроля и форм его проявления в информационной сфере: это влияние определенного актора, выходящее за рамки национальных границ, с подчинением интересов отдельных наций и государств через процессы тотального контроля и доминирования в различных сферах политики, экономики информационного обеспечения с целью принятия последующих управленческих решений в пользу воздействующего актора. При рассмотрении вопросов информационной безопасности понятие «наднациональный» приобрело агрессивное звучание при узурпации права экономически более сильного государства вмешиваться во внутреннюю компетенцию других государств. В публикации приводятся примеры все более увеличивающегося наднационального контроля, в том числе при утрате суверенности при использовании сети Интернет через влияние со стороны доминирующего государства, формулируются предложения по информационной безопасности.Материалы и методы. Методологическую и методическую основу исследования составили общенаучные подходы; специальные методы познания практики деятельности международных рабочих групп по вопросам международной информационной безопасности; системно-ориентированный подход при анализе форм «наднационального контроля» как в сложившейся разносторонней практике, так и в информационной сфере, комплексный подход при подготовке выводов и предложений.Результаты. По результатам научного исследования выявлены современные проблемы обеспечения информационной безопасности на государственном и международном уровнях, сформулированы предложения о продолжении международных консультаций с участием ООН, создании в России современной государственной системы информационной безопасности, а также механизмов ее обеспечения через специальные уполномоченные органы., Introduction. The scientific article contains analytical material on the manifestations of a new threat in the information sphere, which the author defines as a form of "supranational control", which has no legal grounds for use and has not yet been studied in the scientific community. Since information always needs to be protected, to ensure security, to create the impossibility of harming someone or something due to the manifestation of threats, the article gives a description of information, the content of the concept of "ensuring information security". The article analyzes the reasons why Russia advocates the use of the term "international information security" in official documents and diplomatic discourse, which takes into account the complexity of this problem, while Western countries insist on using the term "cybersecurity", which emphasizes only the technological dimension of threats in this area. Examples are given of the use of the term "security in the use of ICTs and ICTs themselves" in official UN documents as a consensus compromise. The authors proposes to assess information security at several levels: national, industry, corporate and personal. The article includes consideration of such a new phenomenon in the practice of international relations as "a supranational mechanism for regulating economic and political relations of states". Supranationality, as a legal category, is the subject of lively discussions, but despite the wide interest in it from researchers, there is still no universally recognized theory of supranationality. At present, supranationality is considered, on the one hand, as a principle of international law, on the other hand, as a legal phenomenon. In modern conditions, some states have begun to abuse supranationality through the mechanism of sanctions and supranational control.The authors offer their own understanding of supranational control and the forms of its manifestation in the information sphere: this is the influence of a certain actor that goes beyond national borders, with the subordination of the interests of individual nations and states through the processes of total control and dominance in various areas of politics, the economy of information support in order to adopt subsequent managerial decisions in favor of the influencing actor.. When considering information security issues, the concept of "supranational" has acquired an aggressive sound in the usurpation of the right of an economically stronger state to interfere in the internal competence of other states. The publication gives examples of increasing supranational control, including the loss of the Internet's sovereignty through influence from the dominant state, and formulates proposals for information security.Materials and methods. The methodological and methodological basis of the study consisted of: general scientific approaches; special methods of cognition of the practice of international working groups on international information security; a system-oriented approach to the analysis of the forms of "supranational control" both in the existing diverse practice and in the information sphere, an integrated approach to the preparation of conclusions and proposals.Outcomes. Based on the results of the scientific analytical study, modern problems of ensuring information security at the state and international levels were identified, proposals were formulated on the continuation of international consultations with the participation of the UN, the creation of a modern state system of information security in Russia, as well as mechanisms for its provision through special authorized bodies., СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ПРАВО, Выпуск 10 2022, Pages 35-47

The article focuses on the international activity of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as an actor in the global economy with a full-fledged legal standing. It analyzes the current state of Eurasian integration within international cooperation and spotlights its correlations with intergovernmental organizations and integration associations. By means of examining the Eurasian Economic Commission’s (EEC’s) regulatory documents, the Main Directions of the EAEU International Activities for 2019 and the agenda of the Russian EAEU presidency in 2018, the author determines key conceptual approaches to evaluation and prognosis of the EAEU integration strategy. By applying comparative analysis, the author studies the experience of other integration associations relevant to the EAEU. The article determines the highestpotential models of EAEU international cooperation with due regard to the unstable global economic and geopolitical context. The author points out priority directions of the EAEU cooperation with an eye on strategic interests of the Russian Federation, differentiating them according to geographic areas of focus and taking into account the current state, risks and opportunities. The author concludes the article by giving recommendations on the implementation of the international agenda of the EAEU on a long-, midand short-term horizon. The author offers her ideas on further development of the EAEU international cooperation with a view to maximizing economic benefits for both Russia and the Union with future partnership in mind.

Esta dissertação de mestrado demonstrou que o nacional de um Estado-membro da União Europeia pode ser considerado como cidadão de qualquer outro dos 26 Estados-membros da mesma União, desde que resida no território deste: o nome disso é supranacionalidade. Para se chegar a esta, o caso concreto paradigmático foi o do julgamento do belga Jean-Marc Bosman, então jogador de futebol, pelo Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia, em decisão que influenciou o próprio Tratado de Maastricht, norma geral e abstrata posterior que fixou peremptoriamente a supranacionalidade como regra de observância obrigatória pelos Estados nacionais da União. Antes disso e para compreender a supranacionalidade, este texto científico perpassou os seguintes passos: diferençou Direito Internacional Público de Direito nacional; distinguiu Direito Internacional Público de Direito Comunitário europeu; apresentou a formação da União, desde as Comunidades de outrora; estudou a história, a estrutura e a eficácia do processo decisório do Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia. Sem estes caminhos prévios, não se teria alcançado o objetivo central desta dissertação: o de provar que a supranacionalidade europeia é um Direito Fundamental em termos de livre circulação de pessoas, fator este que afastou da União a ideia de ser esta somente um bloco composto por coisas (em termos econômicos), mas também - e sobretudo! - por pessoas humanas partícipes do processo civilizatório supranacional mais sofisticado da contemporaneidade. Esta dissertação utilizou-se da metodologia da análise doutrinal e jurisprudencial. This dissertation demonstrated that a national of a Member State in the European Union is considered a citizen of any of the other 26 Member States, as long as he resides inside their territory: this is called supranationality. To arrive at that conclusion, the case of Belgian soccer player Jean-Marc Bosman was analised. Decided by the European Court of Justice, the Bosman ruling had repercussions on the Maastricht Treaty, supervenient general and abstract norm that categorically determined supranationality as a binding rule to Member States in the context of the Union. Before dwelling on the case, and to better elucidate the concept of supranationality, this scientific essay followed these steps: firstly, it differentiated Private International Law from National Law; next, it distinguished Public International Law from European Community Law; then, it gave an overview of the formation of the Union, dating back to the communities; lastly, it examined the history, structure and efficacy of the decision-making process of the European Court of Justice. Without them, the objective of this research would not have been achieved, which is: demonstrating that European supranationality, in the context of the Union, is a Fundamental Right in terms of free circulation of people, which dispelled from the Union the idea of being formed merely by things (in an economic sense). Therefore, the Union is formed mainly by active human participants of the most sophisticated supranational civilizing process of our age. This dissertation used the methodology of doctrinal and jurisprudential analysis.

Das Buch ergründet die aktuelle dynamische und folgenreiche Entwicklung der europäischen Sicherheitspolitik. Dabei liefert es einen wichtigen und originellen Beitrag sowohl für die Praktische Philosophie als auch für die Bereiche der Security- und European Studies. Durch konkrete Analysen und die Herausarbeitung möglicher Lösungsansätze, verwirklicht das Buch einen philosophischen Ansatz, der in der Realität verankert ist und gleichzeitig auf Theorie und Normativität besteht. Im Fokus stehen die Charakteristika von neuen Sicherheitstechnologien und -verständnissen sowie deren Einfluss auf die "kopernikanische Wende" der Neuzeit, mit der das Individuum und der Schutz seiner Grundrechte ins Zentrum der politischen Legitimation gerückt sind. This book examines the current dynamic and momentous development of European security policy. In doing so, it provides an important and original contribution to both practical philosophy and to the fields of security studies and European studies. Using concrete analyses and by offering possible solutions to certain problems, the book develops an approach that is embedded in reality and which, at the same time, insists on theory and normativity. It focuses on the characteristics of new security technologies and ways in which security is understood as well as their influence on the 'Copernican Revolution' of the modern age, through which individuals and the protection of their fundamental rights have become the focus of political legitimation.

This paper is a qualitative research on the concept of political integration. It represents a case study of the concept of political integration appearing in the theory of neofunctionalism. The research focus could be identified with the concept of political integration, in the perspective of the theory of neofunctionalism. The purpose of this research paper is the cognition of various types of the concept of political integration and its activating, from the perspectives of neofunctionalism. In the scope of this paper, for the purpose of the research, the content analysis method and comparative method are used. Also, a special accent is laid on the terms of integration in a political sense, the term of political integration as a part of this broader one and the concept of spill-over effect. Within the concept of political integration, it could be understood various types of political integration. In parallel, the concept of the spill-over effect is examined as a concept with a huge role in the theory of neofunctionalism. The synthesis of the two mentioned concepts, the one of political integration and the one of spill-over effect, would answer the question of the activating the process of political integration, and its potential dependence of existing other types of integration in a political sense.