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The static specifier says the object will have a static storage duration. The memory space for static objects is allocated when the program starts and deallocated when the program ends. Only one instance of a static object exists in the program. If a local variable is marked as static, the space for it is allocated the first time the program control encounters its definition and deallocated when the program exits.

We can automatically deduce the type of an object using the auto specifier. The auto specifier deduces the type of an object based on the object’s initializer type.

Introduction. The article considers the case, when no subject is present in an impersonal English sentence. Many linguists believe that the subject in this case is implicit, because the sentence preserves its predicativity. In addition, the subject “it” is sometimes substituted in impersonal English sentences by the formal particle “there”. However, the question whether this particle performs the function of subject is still open. That is why it is rather pertinent to consider all cases of subject, both explicit and implicit one, including the cases, when the sentence contains the formal particle “there”. The objective of this work is to build a formal logical model of implicit subject in impersonal English sentence. Implicit subject is often named as zero subject.Methodology and sources. The research methodology is based on traditional approaches towards studying the phenomenon of zero subject, as well as on the binomiality idea, having been developed since 1993 at ETU. On the material of English the status of the issue, whether it is eligible to consider the implicit subject as the zero one, is investigated. The examples illustrating the functional features of the implicit subject in English sentence were selected by means of the method of continuous sampling from 7 corpora. To represent the structural features of the implicit subject the method of formal logical modelling is applied.Results and discussion. The article presents the diversity of subject structures in English sentence. There is dealt with the question on the functions of the formal particle “there” in hypothetical comparison with the formal particle “it”. In this regard, a formal logical modelling of English subject is undertaken, for declarative and interrogative sentences. Herewith both independent and dependent sentences are modelled. Questions to the subject are out of the present consideration. The implicit subject has been assumed to be a “trace” of the explicit subject and may not be recognized as the absolute zero subject.Conclusion. Linguistics has elaborated a variety of original views on the reasons, why “incomplete” subjects emerge. Our language models allow, however, to come to more original and, as we hope, objective conclusions. Dependent on its environment the subject in English can be implicit fully or partly. If the subject is fully implicit, it is a strong or weak implicit semifinitive, fixed in the weak specifier. If the subject is partly implicit, it is a weak implicit semifinitive, fixed in the strong specifier. The English subject appears to be fully implicit much less frequent, than partly implicit. Making the subject fully implicit is possible by means of additional elements. Making the subject partly implicit is possible by means of the strong specifier “there”; no additional elements are then needed.

We investigate optional predicate agreement in Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan). Several generalizations emerge: (i) inanimate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (ii) some animate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (iii) all arguments base-generated as specifiers control full agreement obligatorily. We propose that two conditions must be met for the operation Agree to succeed, resulting in the exponence of all the features of the agreement controller. First, a goal must be visible (bear the right feature). Second, a goal must be accessible (be in the right structural position). If one or both conditions are not met, Agree fails, but the derivation converges and 3sg agreement is exponed. While Agree is deterministic, surface optionality arises when the operation fails. We use optional agreement to diagnose the syntactic structure of understudied constructions in Mayan (nominalizations, Agent Focus). We discuss microvariation, highlighting methodological considerations that arise when assuming an I-language approach.

Following the Government and Binding theory mainly developed by Chomsky (1981, 1982, 1986), I explore wh-P and the Intervention Effect of negation in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC). I propose that the inverted order of wh-P in LAC is generated via PP inversion followed by the separate preposing of wh and P. The wh-complement raises to [Spec, PP] and further moves to the specifier position of a functional projection. If the wh-PP is base-generated preverbally, the preposition moves to the head position of the functional projection directly; if the wh-PP is base-generated postverbally, the preposition must first incorporate to a V0 and then move to the head position of the functional projection through excorporation. In terms of the Intervention Effect, wh-arguments and adverbials that usually move to the Low focus position below negation are subject to a blocking effect caused by negation, so these wh-phrases have to land in the High focus position above negation which is expected to accommodate ‘high’ adverbials exclusively. I argue that the Intervention Effect in LAC is a consequence of Q-binding as feature movement of [wh], interacting with fronting into the hierarchy of clause-internal positions driven by [Focus] feature.

According to Citko & Gracanin-Yuksek (2013), there are three different structures in a new typology of coordinated wh-questions (CWHQs): mono-clausal, bi-clausal with bulk sharing, and bi-clausal with non-bulk sharing. This paper presents a non-bulk sharing bi-clausal approach to Korean CWHQs, which is a modified version of Citko & Gracanin-Yuksek’s original structure. Our analysis has two strong advantages against the existing studies about wh-in-situ languages (Kasai 2016; Jung 2018, inter alia). First, from a theoretical perspective, it does not need any stipulated syntactic mechanism such as sideward movement or backward ellipsis. Second, from an empirical perspective, it can account for some of the syntactic or semantic puzzles appearing in the previous analyses. The Korean CWHQ structure involves focus movement of each of wh-phrases contained in different vPs. The target position of focus movement is the specifier and complement position of &0, a head of &P, which requires focused wh-phrases. This paper argues that a bi-clausal structure is a better option in analyzing Korean CWHQs.

Colins et al.1 address a timely and important topic. Specifically, both the DSM-5 and the International Classification of Diseases, 11th edition (ICD-11) for the first time introduced a specifier (ie, with limited prosocial emotions) for the diagnosis of conduct disorder (DSM-5) or for the diagnoses of conduct-dissocial and oppositional defiant disorders (ICD-11) to designate those persons with these disorders who also show elevated levels of callous-unemotional (CU) traits. This change was based on research showing that children and adolescents with significant conduct problems who also show elevated levels of CU traits seem to be an etiologically and clinically important subgroup of persons with these disorders.2,3 The DSM-5 chose not to conduct field trials to test the validity of new diagnoses (only reliability) and, instead, considers research on new diagnoses as the field trials for future revisions of the manual.4 Thus, the work by Colins et al.1 is critical for this validation process. The study by Colins et al. has a number of methodological features that make their results particularly informative.1 The most notable feature was the use of a large nonreferred sample that was followed from 3 to 5 years of age to 11 to 13 years of age with a high retention rate. The authors also provide a nice summary of past attempts to validate the LPE specifier, which has provided mixed support at best. However, they also note that most of these studies did not use the full criteria for the LPE specifier and that this is an important limitation that Colins et al. overcome, especially given that the criteria include only 4 symptoms. Thus, the authors' findings that children with the LPE specifier and serious conduct problems exhibited more conduct disorder (CD) symptoms and comorbid problems (ie, fearlessness, symptoms of oppositional defiant disorder, and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder [ADHD]) and were at higher risk for future CD symptoms 3 years later are critical advances.

The paper investigates the syntax and semantics of an indirect causative construction, ‘make’ causatives, in Sason Arabic with a focus on the syntax of the embedded structure and the status of the implicit embedded agent. On the basis of several diagnostics, the study demonstrates that ‘make’ embeds an agentive VoiceP, which also manifests an active-passive alternation despite the absence of any morphological reflex. Regarding the nature of the implicit embedded agent, the paper argues that it is present as a free variable à la Heim (1982) generated on the Voice head itself. In so doing, it adds to the ontology of null arguments as well as suggesting that licensing of a grammatical object is dissociated from the projection of a specifier.

Evidence from the Lithuanian active existential construction shows that Lithuanian has a type of VoiceP that assigns structural accusative case in the absence of a syntactically projected implicit argument in Spec,VoiceP. This construction violates Burzio’s (1986) Generalization and its later versions (e.g., Marantz 1991, Kratzer 1994, 1996, Woolford 2003, McFadden 2004, Legate 2014). This article offers a revised version of Burzio’s Generalization by proposing that while accusative case must be assigned by a thematic Voice, the assignment of accusative case by Voice may vary independently from the selection of a specifier.

In this article, I analyse how conventional height-specifier gestures used by speakers of Yucatec Maya become incorporated into Yucatec Maya Sign Languages (YMSLs). Combining video-data from elicitation, narratives, conversations and interviews collected from YMSL signers from four communities as well as from hearing nonsigners from another Yucatec Maya village, I compare form, meaning and distribution of height-specifiers in gesture and sign. Co-speech gestures that depict the height of upright entities – performed with a flat hand, palm facing downwards – come to serve various linguistic functions in YMSLs: a noun for human referents, a verb GROW, a spatial referential device, and an element of name signs. Special attention is paid to how height-specifier gestures fulfil a grammatical purpose as noun-classifiers for human referents in YMSLs. My study demonstrates processes of lexicalisation and grammaticalisation from gesture to sign and discusses the impact of gesture on the emergence of shared sign languages.

The purpose of this research is twofold: firstly, it is to clarify the syntactic and semantic status of the copula be; secondly, it is to see how much light the copula be and argue that the copula be is light enough to be a null copula at the position of a light verb v of vP without a specifier. I argue that the copula be is an impoverished category and the lightness of copula be is a pure instantiation of a functional head v, in which a little v introduces verbal predicates as well as external arguments. The proposal in this paper is supported by synchronic and diachronic data. The optional existence of the null copula in synchronic grammatical diversities like child acquisition, standard English casual speech, journal headlines, rhetoric, and African American Vernacular English (AAVE) is discussed to prove the lightness of copula be. Diachronically, the grammaticalization shows that the null copula can be a by-product of copularization in the unidirectionality of grammaticalization in English.

The current study investigates grammatical and syntactical functions of auxiliaries in Urdu and English to draw certain distinctions regarding the behavior, syntactic representation and semantic content auxiliaries add to the main verbs (Vs) through the X-bar theory as a theoretical framework within the minimalist program (MP). The data of the current research were collected from authentic sources (Urdu and English text books and grammars) to consider a diverse range of possible usage of Urdu and English auxiliaries. 200 sentences extracted from textbooks and grammars were analyzed grammatically in terms of morphology, and syntax (through tree-representation and their movement). The findings indicate sharp differences related to the syntactic position of auxiliaries in Urdu and English. In Urdu, auxiliaries always occupy their position after the main verbs in a sentence and their position is fixed and also have the ability to mark number (singular & plural) and gender (masculine & feminine). In contrast, English auxiliaries can only mark number. Another sharp difference is observed in the question formation process. In Urdu, unlike English, auxiliaries cannot be moved from its latent position towards the specifier position at the beginning of the sentence to construct question structures, because, if it happens, the sentence is considered ungrammatical which may result in the violation of MP. The findings of the study would prove helpful for understanding the semantic, grammatical and syntactical nature and behavior of auxiliaries comparatively in Urdu and English.

This paper presents an analysis of a Palestinian Arabic negation-associated exclusive construction featuring the contrastive focus marker illa ‘but’, with theoretical implications for the syntax of negation, negative polarity item licensing, and the categorical status of the root in sentential syntax. It analyzes illa-phrases as constituents licensed by a c-commanding sentential negation (Neg), and illa as a grammatical device encoding contrastiveness. A crucial source for the exclusive semantics of the construction comes from a silent bass ‘only’ immediately following illa that constitutes a syntactic ‘shield’ against Neg scope. Rather than taking an in-situ focus-interpretation approach (cf. Rooth 1985, 1992), we argue for two covert movements at the syntax-semantics interface: quantifier raising of illa-phrases to the designated specifier of polarity Phrase followed by Polarity-to-Focus-raising of Neg. This creates the right syntactic configuration for the truth conditional import of both operators and captures the ‘classical’ thought that focus-sensitive exclusive operators like only quantify over propositional alternatives.

The paper addresses the issue of Doubly Filled COMP effects in embedded interrogatives in West-Germanic languages, with particular attention paid to German: in these patterns, an overt interrogative operator co-occurs with an overt complementiser. Such configurations are ruled out from standard West-Germanic varieties, while they are attested in non-standard dialects. The paper argues that there are both theoretical and empirical arguments against the postulation of a Doubly Filled COMP Filter, proposing instead that the insertion of a visible complementiser in non-standard dialects in fact follows from the properties of the general syntactic paradigm in which empty complementisers are generally not possible. It is shown that doubling is not restricted to embedded constituent questions, but it may occur in polar questions as well. Further, the finiteness feature can be checked off by verb movement, as is the case in V2 patterns in German (and generally in Germanic, including historical English) and in T-to-C-movement in English. In this way, the property of V2 is linked to Doubly Filled COMP; in either case, there is no need to postulate a cartographic template with multiple projections but a minimal, merge-based model is sufficient and in fact favourable. The proposed model aims at accounting for the possible correlations between the properties of the head element and the properties of the fronted element merged as a specifier (if there is any). Finally, the observed syntactic differences between standard varieties and dialects in West Germanic can be attributed to minimal lexical differences.

This study examines the syntactic behavior of question words (tembung pitakon) in the interrogative construction in Javanese. This study aimed to analyze the question words of all interrogative types in the language. Therefore, the research data cover question words known as tembung pitakon in Javanese which are derived from the relevant literature. The theoretical framework used in this study is the X-bar theory proposed by Haegeman (1992). The data analysis techniques used in this research were distributed methods which use the language element determination tool itself. The results show that the Javanese partial sentence has a grammatical and complementary grammatical function, while the total question sentence has a complement function. Javanese question words can be constructed by specifier, complements, and adverbials. The Javanese question sentence formed by specifier functions as an internal structure occupied by the NP and joined by I’ to form an IP. Furthermore, the question words formed by complement functions as an internal structure occupied by PP or NP and joined by V to form the first V'. Finally, the question words formed by adverbial functions as an internal structure that can be occupied by PP or NP to join the first V' then form the second V'

DSM-5 added a categorically defined specifier (‘with Limited Prosocial Emotions’; LPE) for the diagnosis of conduct disorder (CD). This paper systematically reviews the evidence base for this specifier in children and adolescents who are diagnosed with CD. Computer-assisted searches were executed and identified 181 potentially relevant papers. Eventually, nine papers were included in this review, referring to eight unique samples. All studies constructed an LPE measure by pulling the same items from the same rating scales that were used in the development of the DSM-5 LPE specifier. The prevalence of youth with CD who met criteria for this novel LPE specifier (CD + LPE) ranged from 6.1% to 83.7%. The studies greatly varied in the features used to test the viability of the DSM-5 LPE specifier. The most commonly used features relate to severity of antisocial behavior, low neuroticism (or lack of anxiety and depression), and treatment responsiveness. Available work altogether showed that CD + LPE youth displayed higher levels of past antisocial behaviour than CD Only youth, but failed to reveal other group differences that corroborate with expectations. Effect sizes typically were in the small to moderate range, suggesting that the practical usefulness of the group differences is limited. Empirical work shows that this specifier should not be used for clinical decision-making when relying on items from measures that have been used in the development of the LPE specifier. Crucially, limitations that hallmark the few studies on the topic hamper any firm conclusion about the usefulness of the specifier.

The peripartum period appears to be a potent trigger of obsessive-compulsive disorder in women; however, due to the lack of awareness and routine screening, women with obsessive-compulsive disorder may be at risk of under- or misdiagnosis. Unfortunately, the missed diagnosis or misdiagnosis can have serious consequences including symptom persistence, compromised ability to care for the newborn, poor quality of life and unnecessary reporting of the mother to child protective services. It is argued that future iterations of the DSM consider expanding the scope of the peripartum onset specifier to include obsessive-compulsive disorder to increase its detection, diagnosis and management.

The aim of the present study is to investigate two types of subject raising constructions: subject-to-subject raising and subject-to-object raising. In this paper, the empirical evidence and the motivation of subject raising are discussed in depth. This study suggests the Fin[±FIN] Driven EPP Hypothesis as an EPP Model utilizing the Push-and/or-Pull Chain by the feature Fin[±FIN]. The Fin[-FIN] feature pushes up the complement subject from the Fin[-FIN] domain and/or the Fin[+FIN] feature pulls up the complement subject to the licensed specifier position, Spec-T or Spec-V in the Fin[+FIN] domain. In terms of a general feature inheritance of the Fin[+FIN]-T and Fin[-FIN]-T in a split CP{ForceP-TopP-FinP}, the feature [±FIN] acts as a core factor for the EPP and clarifies why the subject raises. In addition, the raised subject in the matrix clause has the interpretation of topic, forming topic-comment structures. So, the raised argument in Spec-T further moves to Spec-Fin, independently of the EPP, by a Top-Fin category to check the topic feature at the position of prominence, i.e., Spec-Fin. (Hanbat National University)

In this paper, the unexpected behavior of object negative quantifiers in some diagnostic tests of sentential negation is accounted for within a Minimalist framework assuming that: (i) negative quantifiers decompose into negation and an existential quantifier; (ii) negative quantifiers are multidominant phrase markers, as Parallel Merge allows the verb to c-select their existential part but not their negative part, thus giving negation remerge flexibility; (iii) tag questions involveor-coordination of TPs, andneither/soclauses involveand-coordination of TPs; (iv) two positions for sentential negation are available in English, one below TP (PolP2), and one above TP (PolP1). Activation of either PolP1or PolP2in the absence of other scope-taking operators corresponds to two distinct grammars. If PolP1is active, the negative part of an object negative quantifier remerges in its Specifier valuing the [upol: ] feature of Pol1as negative ([upol:neg]) while skipping the TP-domain. As no negative formal feature is present in the TP, a negative question tag is required, as well asso-coordination,too-licensing andYes, I guess so‘expression of agreement’. Conversely, if PolP2is active, the negative part of the object negative quantifier remerges in the TP-domain (in Spec, PolP2), thus requiring a positive question tag,neither-coordination,either-licensing, andNo, I guess not.

Introduction. The problem of aspect categorisation in Italian, as well as in other Romance languages, is studied not so profoundly compared to what has been done in Russian linguistics. The Indo-European Presence – Aorist – Perfect in their aspectual meaning, which are the most independent forms, have turned to build the tense system both in Italian and Russian. The brightest aspectual meanings are expressed in the forms of the Past. The different perception of ‘completeness’ and ‘incompleteness’ aspects in these forms by the speakers of Italian and Russian is probably connected with the peculiarities of the tense formation on the deep level of the language system. So, additional grammar comments are needed. Methodology and sources. The main language unit is believed to be the semifinitive. Thereby we can facilitate the application of formal logical modelling to the description and explanation of syntactic phenomena. The material of the investigation is the surface structure of a predicate, which is formed, on the deep level, by a verbal semifinitive and a time specifier.Results and discussion. A scheme has been elaborated, demonstrating, how a verbal semifinitive becomes polarised by a time specifier. The whole range of aspectual variants, which may occur in a predicate due to the interaction of its constituents through their charges, has been shown. It is reasoned about a charge on participle II. The notion of polarisation is added to the notions of Indefinite or Perfect aspects to represent traditional grammar tenses more exact. This investigation allows to establish a correspondence of Italian and Russian tenses to different charge states of a semifinitive, touched by a specifier. It is rather admittable that the difference between incomplete and complete aspects in Russian is expressed by participles II, which are in complex semifinitives, and in Italian – by simple semifinitives.Conclusion. A comparative analysis of the verbal aspect category in Indo-European tenses, including the past ones, can be carried out, to our mind, both by stemming from the polarisation peculiarities of verbal semifinitives, and through investigation of literature translations, where correspondence is established on the level of language examples. In this case the genetic identity of Indo-European constructions has a chance to be represented as evidently as possible.

Depressive disorders (DDs) and non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) are important juvenile mental health issues, showing alarming increasing rates. They frequently co-occur, mainly among adolescents, increasing the suicide risk. We aimed to compare the clinical features of two groups of adolescents with DDs, differed by their engagement or not in NSSI (“DD + NSSI” and “DD”). We hypothesized that NSSI would characterize particularly severe forms of DDs suitable for becoming specific phenotypes of adolescent depression. We enrolled 56 adolescents (11–17 years) diagnosed with a DD according to the DSM-5 criteria. They were assessed for NSSI endorsement (Ottawa Self-Injury Inventory), depressive symptoms (Children’s Depression Inventory 2), emotional dysregulation (Difficulties in Emotional Regulation Scale), and anxiety symptoms (Screen for Child Anxiety-Related Emotional Disorders). The two groups accounted for 31 (“DD + NSSI”) and 25 (“DD”) individuals. The “DD + NSSI” group had significantly higher suicidal ideation (p 0.0039), emotional dysregulation (p 0.0092), depressive symptoms (p 0.0138), and anxiety symptoms (p 0.0153) than the “DD” group. NSSI seemed to characterize more severe phenotypes of adolescent depression, applying for a potential role as a “specifier” of DDs, describing relevant information for their management. Further studies are needed to support this hypothesis and its potential opportunities for prevention and treatment.

This study examined the clinical utility of the “Limited Prosocial Emotions” (LPE) specifier (i.e., prevalence rates, group differences, and predictive utility) in a high-risk preschool sample ( N = 109, M age = 4.77) presenting with conduct problems (CPs; n = 59). First, LPE prevalence rates ranged from 7.7% to 89.8%. Next, few group differences were observed between with CP-only and CP+LPE; youth with CP+LPE differed from youth with CP-only on callous-unemotional (CU) traits and verbal ability, but not on externalizing or internalizing psychopathology, nor on parenting experiences. In the full sample, youth with LPE differed from youth without LPE on externalizing and internalizing psychopathology, parenting, and verbal ability. Finally, LPE predicted greater baseline CP but did not predict trajectories of CP. Findings highlight the clinical utility of the LPE specifier during early childhood and call for a refinement of the LPE specifier to improve its clinical value.

Objectives The melancholic and atypical specifiers for a major depressive episode (MDE) are supposed to reduce heterogeneity in symptom presentation by requiring additional, specific features. Fried et al. (2020) recently showed that the melancholic specifier may increase the potential heterogeneity in presenting symptoms. In a large sample of outpatients with depression, our objective was to explore whether the melancholic and atypical specifiers reduced observed heterogeneity in symptoms. Methods We used baseline data from the Inventory of Depression Symptoms (IDS), which was available for 3,717 patients, from the Sequenced Alternatives to Relieve Depression (STAR*D) trial. A subsample met criteria for MDE on the IDS (“IDS-MDE”; N =2,496). For patients with IDS-MDE, we differentiated between those with melancholic, non-melancholic, atypical, and non-atypical depression. We quantified the observed heterogeneity between groups by counting the number of unique symptom combinations pertaining to their given diagnostic group (e.g., counting the melancholic symptoms for melancholic and non-melancholic groups), as well as the profiles of DSM-MDE symptoms (i.e., ignoring the specifier symptoms). Results When considering the specifier and depressive symptoms, there was more observed heterogeneity within the melancholic and atypical subgroups than in the IDS-MDE sample (i.e., ignoring the specifier subgroups). The differences in number of profiles between the melancholic and non-melancholic groups were not statistically significant, irrespective of whether focusing on the specifier symptoms or only the DSM-MDE symptoms. The differences between the atypical and non-atypical subgroups were smaller than what would be expected by chance. We found no evidence that the specifier groups reduce heterogeneity, as can be quantified by unique symptom profiles. Most symptom profiles, even in the specifier subgroups, had five or fewer individuals. Conclusion We found no evidence that the atypical and melancholic specifiers create more symptomatically homogeneous groups. Indeed, the melancholic and atypical specifiers introduce heterogeneity by adding symptoms to the DSM diagnosis of MDE.

This paper offers a principled account for the nominalizations of dispositional evaluative adjectives. On the descriptive side, the paper shows that (i) in addition to the largely studied deverbal nominalizations, certain deadjectival nominalizations can also refer to events; (ii) the types of adjectives that enable eventive denotation are of a specific sort, namely, those deriving from Dispositional Evaluative Adjectives (e.g., imprudent). At the theoretical level, this paper argues that (i) dispositional deadjectival nominalizations introduce an event description not in a head but in a specifier position, as their subject of predication; (ii) in order for a word to have functional structure of the sort associated to verbs, an event description is not enough: functional projections must form a head-sequence with the event-descriptive heads; without this configuration, the merge of a fully-fledged verbal functional structure is blocked, which explains the limitations regarding temporal modification; (iii) The event present in the dispositional deadjectival nominalizations is a partial event description consisting of a head referring to the Process subevent.

This paper examines a type of existential there sentence found in Middle English that has been argued to have a structure similar to transitive expletive constructions (TECs) in other Germanic languages, or to follow from the presence of NegP below T during the relevant period. Based on an exhaustive analysis of the 74 examples of this construction found in the Penn Parsed Corpora of Historical English (out of a total of over six thousand sentences from 1125 to 1913 containing there coded as expletive), we observe that 67 contain both a modal verb and clausal negation licensing a negative associate, unlike TECs found in other Germanic languages, and that the construction is found only between 1390 and 1600. We argue that the availability of this construction was due to a transitory alignment of three syntactic properties in this stage of the language: (i) modals were still main verbs merged within vP, but took a reduced complement consisting of only an inner clausal phase, and did not take a thematic external argument; (ii) English still had negative concord; (iii) Voice and viewpoint Aspect shared a single syntactic projection. The confluence of these three factors provided a non-thematic specifier position, [Spec,vP], into which there could merge. Before the late 14th century, modals were full verbs taking a thematic external argument and full clausal complements, and after about 1600, they were merged directly in T, occurring in a monoclausal rather than a (reduced) biclausal structure. At no point did the English monoclausal spine have the structural room to accommodate a true Germanic TEC.

The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential objects seem far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the Guaraní dom systems exhibit a differential treatment of certain direct objects within narrow syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that [+dom] direct objects scramble out of their base position into a higher, vP-internal, projection, namely αP (following López 2012). This short DO scrambling is derived including data from simple transitive, ditransitive, and applicative constructions as well as from object conjunction. The short scrambling within vP is followed by further direct object dislocation into a higher functional domain, an operation described in literature as triggered by φ-feature under T° and targeting a specifier in an expanded functional domain (Freitas 2011b). DOs that move out of their base position may be marked with the overt case marker, homophonous with dat case. The homophony between dat and dom is conceived as morphological opacity in the Guaraní case. Syntactically, however, [+dom] DOs pattern together with their zero-marked acc counterparts, rather than with indirect objects.

This paper examines prenominal von‐possessives in German and relates them to Saxon Genitives and Possessor Doublings in that language. Von‐possessives are prepositional possessives that precede determiners and are stressed. Saxon Genitives and Possessor Doublings are nominal possessives that pattern together but have properties different from von‐possessives. It is proposed that there are two left peripheral positions in the German noun phrase: Spec,DP and Spec,LPP. Nominal possessives move to Spec,DP checking the definiteness feature on D. In contrast, prepositional possessives move to the specifier of a higher Left Periphery Phrase checking a discourse feature. Despite these differences, this paper proposes that all possessive constructions have the same basic inner makeup. It is shown that non‐possessive elements can also surface in Spec,LPP. This dichotomy between nominal possessives and preposed PPs provides another argument that the nominal left periphery is more complex than usually assumed. However, it will be shown that in German the nominal left periphery is different from that of the clause.

O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é investigar o comportamento do sujeito e do pronome resumptivo nas sentenças com redobro do sujeito em português brasileiro (PB). A partir de evidências sintáticas, semânticas e prosódicas, será possível verificar (i) se tais construções podem ser analisadas como casos de deslocamento à esquerda; (ii) se essas sentenças caracterizam o PB como uma língua tópico proeminente; (iii) se o sujeito pré-verbal se comporta como um tópico; (iv) se o sujeito tem o mesmo comportamento do objeto deslocado com retomada pronominal; (v) se o pronome resumptivo que retoma o sujeito pré-verbal nessas construções deve ser analisado como um clítico (um núcleo) ou como um pronome fraco, ocupando a posição de especificador. A hipótese deste trabalho é a de que o pronome resumptivo pode instanciar visivelmente o núcleo da projeção funcional SubjP (RIZZI, 2005), sendo a realização lexical de Subj, atrai um constituinte compatível com o traço “sujeito da predicação” (cf. CARDINALETTI, 1997, 2004).

With the publication of DSM-5, clinical assessment of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) has begun to follow a new dimensional framework which includes new severity specifiers. Little research ...