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This longitudinal investigation examined main and interactive effects of coparent support and conflict on mother and child adjustment in 248 low-income, African American, single mother-headed families. The findings indicated that coparent conflict was a more robust predictor of mother and child maladjustment both cross-sectionally and longitudinally than was coparent support. Moreover, findings revealed that coparent conflict and support interacted to predict one parenting behavior, monitoring, both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. Coparent relationships characterized by high levels of support and low levels of conflict were associated with the highest levels of parental monitoring behavior, whereas coparent relationships characterized by low levels of support and high levels of conflict were associated with the lowest levels of monitoring. The findings highlight the importance of examining both positive and negative aspects of coparent relationships in this at-risk, but understudied, group. KEY WORDS: coparent conflict; support; mother adjustment; child adjustment; African American., Social exchange theorists (Homans, 1974; Simpson, 1972; Thibaut & Kelly, 1959) have long emphasized both the rewards and costs associated with social relations. Rewarding or supportive social relationships have been [...]

This article uses the 1992-98 waves of the Current Population Survey-Child Support Supplement to examine whether state child support enforcement affects the likelihood of divorced parents choosing joint legal custody and whether such custody increases the involvement of nonresident parents. This involvement is measured by child support payment and visitation. We find that effective child support enforcement increases the probability of joint legal custody. Joint legal custody also increases the involvement of nonresident parents in their children's lives, although these effects diminish over time.

Background: Unstable family environment during childhood is known to predispose to juvenile delinquency. Aims: This study explored whether childhood family structure is associated with violent behaviour of adult offspring. Methods: We used a large, unselected general population birth cohort (n = 5589 males) linked with the national crime registers (up to the age of 32 years). The Ministry of Justice provided information on registered offences for all subjects. A logistic regression analysis was performed to examine the association between family type and criminality (violent and non-violent crimes). Results: We found that single-parent family 'at birth' (adj. OR 3.6, 95% CI 1.8-7.0) and 'all time' (up to the age of 14 years) (adj. OR 5.2, 95% CI 2.5-10.6) were risk factors for violent offences of an adult offspring. Also parental death (adj. OR 2.2, 95% CI 1.3-3.6) and divorce (adj. OR 2.5, 95% CI 1.6-3.7) doubled the risk for violence. Non-violent offences were associated only with parental death and divorce. Conclusions: A single-parent family of origin is strongly associated with later violent criminality of male offspring. Further studies are needed to explore the psychosocial aspects of single-parent family environment which may promote the vulnerability to violent offending in adulthood.

Objective. Approximately 2000 children die annually in the United States from maltreatment. Although maternal and child risk factors for child abuse have been identified, the role of household composition has not been well-established. Our objective was to evaluate household composition as a risk factor for fatal child maltreatment. Methodology. Population-based, case-control study using data from the Missouri Child Fatality Review Panel system, 1992-1994. Households were categorized based on adult residents' relationship to the deceased child. Cases were all maltreatment injury deaths among children Results. Children residing in households with adults unrelated to them were 8 times more likely to die of maltreatment than children in households with 2 biological parents (adjusted odds ratio [aOR]: 8.8; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 3.6-21.5). Risk of maltreatment death also was elevated for children residing with step, foster, or adoptive parents (aOR: 4.7; 95% CI: 1.6-12.0), and in households with other adult relatives present (aOR: 2.2; 95% CI: 1.1-4.5). Risk of maltreatment death was not increased for children living with only 1 biological parent (aOR: 1.1; 95% CI: 0.8-2.0). Conclusions. Children living in households with 1 or more male adults that are not related to them are at increased risk for maltreatment injury death. This risk is not elevated for children living with a single parent, as long as no other adults live in the home. Pediatrics 2002; 109:615-621; epidemiology, injury, child abuse and neglect, fatalities, mortality, maltreatment, case-control study, death, risk factors, behavior. ABBREVIATIONS. CFRP, Missouri Child Fatality Review Panel; SIDS, sudden infant death syndrome; aOR, adjusted odds ratio; CI, confidence interval., Maltreatment of children causes an estimated 2000 deaths annually in the United States. (1) Ninety percent of these deaths occur among children Several studies have identified the following maternal risk [...]

The present study investigates the structural boundaries of the divorced single-parent family system and subsystems and the relationships between these and children's emotional, social, and academic functioning. The subjects were 189 children (95 of intact and 94 of divorced families) and their mothers (60 married and 58 divorced). Three tests were used to assess family boundaries: Boundary Ambiguity Scale (BAS), Kvebaek Family Sculpture Technique (KFST); and Family Drawing Test (FDT). California Test of Personality (CTP) was used to assess the children's levels of emotional and social adjustment. Their academic achievements were evaluated by the children's grades in English, Hebrew, and mathematics. The results show that the majority of children of divorced families and about half of their mothers still include their fathers in their family systems. The results also reveal that both these children and their mothers perceive their family subsystems as less hierarchically distinguished than do the corresponding groups from intact families. In addition, the findings show that neither the mothers' characteristics nor the subjects' perceptions of their family boundaries predict the emotional, social, and academic functioning of the children. These and the other results are discussed in relation to their implications for family system theory and the cybernetic model. [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-HA WORTH. E-mail address: Website: KEYWORDS. Children of divorce, single-parent families, divorced family structure

Research presented concerns whether or not children who grow up without one biological parent tend to be at a socioeconomic disadvantage compared to other children. Research on parental absence due to death suggests that a single-parent family has little impact on the economic well-being of the adult child.

The purpose of the study was to develop and test a conceptual model, based on microstructural theory, that explained how sex of parent, economic strain, role coping, and parental control combined to predict the parenting behaviors of divorced custodial mothers and fathers. The sample consisted of 30 single mothers and 30 single fathers with custody of at least one child 6 to 10 years of age. The data were collected using standardized questionnaires that were administered during a two-hour interview in the respondents' homes. Results of a path analysis revealed that the higher economic strain of custodial mothers contributed to impaired role-coping strategies and loss of parental control, which ultimately interfered with parenting. These findings explain why low income has a pervasive negative effect on family functioning. Implications for family practice and policy are discussed.

To compare verbal non-conflict interactions among parents and children in both single- and two-parent homes, dinnertime conversation for 82 families was analyzed. It was learned that conversation in the single parent homes was characterized by fewer talk turns and less parental input. The conversation in father custody dinners was more focused on the concrete exchange of dinnertime materials than either of the other households. Girls spoke more than did boys, and mothers were more active in conversation than were fathers in each comparison group.

The separation-individuation process involving children and their mothers is facilitated by fathers. Divorce complicates this process. This study investigated whether substitute father figures can aid male adolescents from single-parent families with separation-individuation. Twenty-nine adolescents matched to Big Brothers were compared with two control groups (adolescents from single-parent families without Big Brothers and those from intact families) on relevant variables. Findings indicated that the adolescents with Big Brothers were less affected by parental rejection than were adolescents in the two control groups. They also appeared to have healthier narcissism than did adolescents from single-parent families without Big Brothers, but were more anxious when relating to male teachers than were adolescents from intact families., Many studies have shown the importance of the father in the psychological development of children and adolescents, as well as for the development of mature object relations (e.g., Biller, 1993; […]

The paper addresses two subjective dimensions of divorced mothers in Israel: how they evaluate their lifestyle and how they perceive society's evaluation of the same lifestyle. One hundred divorced mothers were randomly sampled from 1,000 members of the center for single parent families in Haifa. Main findings indicate personal attitudes toward one-parent lifestyle were more positive than perceived social evaluations. Three types of resources facilitated positive evaluations: economic well-being, employment, and self-esteem. The findings imply that not only the divorced mothers but the Israeli public at large seems to be in a state of transition with reference to unconventional family patterns. On the one hand, one-parent families are no longer seen as deviant yet this lifestyle has not gained full recognition as a long-term family pattern.

We examine the social scientific evidence regarding one question increasingly addressed in legal scholarship and in custody cases: Are children who live with their same-sex parent in a better situation than their peers who live with an opposite-sex parent? After evaluating the current research on the same-sex hypothesis, we extend this literature by analyzing three data sets (National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988, High School and Beyond, and the General Social Survey). We focus on a broader array of socioemotional, academic, and personality variables than those previously studied to explore the implications of same-sex parenting on adolescence and adulthood. We find virtually no evidence of a benefit from living with a same-sex parent. This study represents the most complete test to date of, and rebuttal to, the same-sex argument.

Despite the rapid and dramatic changes in the structure of the American family over the past 30 years (e.g., divorce, single parenting), consumer researchers have largely neglected the issue of how alternative family forms influence consumer behavior. Our initial inquiry into this area finds that young adults reared in disrupted families are more materialistic and exhibit higher levels of compulsive consumption than young adults reared in intact families. Furthermore, we show that the relationship between family structure and compulsive consumption is partially mediated by both the amount of resources available within the family and the degree of family stress. We also find that the impact of family disruption on family stress is moderated by socioeconomic status. We conclude by proposing an agenda for future research that considers the antecedents, processes, and consequences of alternative family structures as they relate to consumer behavior. (Reprinted by permission of the publisher.)

This research examines the influence of marital status on the demand for services using a model in which the demand for market services and mothers' time spent in related household [...]

Dramatic increases in the percentage of female soldiers, married enlisted soldiers, spouses in the labor force, female single-parent soldiers, and dual military couples have changed the demography of the Army substantially since the end of the Vietnam War and the institution of the All Volunteer Army. The presence of single-parent families has perhaps most clearly broken the traditional pattern of the unmarried male soldier led by a married male officer. This report documents the increase of single-parent families in the U.S. Army since the early 1970s and discusses what effects, if any, such changes may have had on family adaptation, retention, readiness, and use of family social-support services.

There has been little research on any difference in how single mothers and fathers handle housework. The data from the 1987-88 National Survey of Families and Households shows that interactions with children are about the same in one-parent homes with parents of either sex. However, the single mothers spend more time in private interactions and feminine household jobs while the fathers spend more time in playing and in masculine household jobs. These results are consistent with gender theory.

Children from single-parent households who have adequate knowledge about the absent parent and are made to feel that this parent is worthy of respect fare better than their counterparts who know nothing of the absent parent. This suggests that being in a single-parent household is not in and of itself a recipe for failure., Research shows that the negative traits associated with children from single-parent families are more prevalent in those children with little or no information on the missing parent.

The researchers who contributed to the Marriage and Family Review's four volumes on single parenting explicitly or implicitly identify a central theme: the quality of life and well-being of families headed by single parents. Together the articles act as a Greek chorus, explicating and illuminating the action they describe. They thus work in concert, albeit one in need of coordination or direction. The various essays are interpreted in terms of three levels of variables: institutional, interpersonal and individual.

Little research exists concerning single custodial fathers and yet they are becoming more common as the stereotypical belief that children must be cared for by mothers is being questioned. Though single custodial fathers often experience difficulties, research shows that many are still successful and can take advantage of support networks for single parents. Recognition of this new family structure is necessary to prepare support and services for them.

Many single parents are no longer in isolation because of wider support networks composed of non-family members. The increase in single-parent families and the development of support networks needs to be recognized. The social definitions of illegitimacy should be revised to reflect changing family structures.

The present study focuses on the variables affecting the personal well-being of the father-headed family. In order to conduct the research, we developed a methodology that encompassed 103 heads of single-parent families raising their children themselves (62 divorced fathers and 41 divorced mothers). The analysis of the data from father- and mother-headed families indicates that there are no differences between the two groups with respect to well-being. The relationships between the variables were formulated into a causal model designed to forecast well-being. The research findings show that among all groups, an androgynous concept of the sex role and a problem-oriented coping style (in that order) contribute to personal well-being. In addition, the model indicates the importance of the economic situation for well-being. Additional variables that comprise well-being derive from areas connected with the role each type of family head fills in society. Contemporary society views a woman-headed single-parent family as normative; consequently, it offers social support similar to that usually offered to women in other crisis situations. On the other hand, male single-parent family heads are still viewed as an anomaly, and therefore do not receive such support. Instead, their well-being derives from other variables: the fewer children they have and the less hostile they feel towards their former spouse, the greater their well-being.

Research on 12 single-parent families who defined themselves as successful revealed that 'the deficit theory,' which believes that single-parent families are bound to have problems, is not always true. The families interviewed expressed optimism about their lives while candidly admitting their failures. The characteristics which were associated with successful two-parent families were also found in single-parent families. The researchers interviewed the families for two hours and all the parents were white, female, divorced for at least three years and had at least one child with them.

Weinraub and Wolf investigated maternal and preschool child functioning in households headed by solo mothers. Solo mothers - nonadolescent women raising children from birth without a male partner - differed from demographically matched, married counterparts with regard to stress and social supports, yet no differences in child outcomes were observed. Twenty-eight families (70%) from that original sample were reassessed as children entered preadolescence. Child measures included maternal and teacher report of behavior problems, social competence, and academic performance. Maternal measures included parenting, social supports, and stress. According to teachers, preadolescent children of solo mothers had more behavior problems, lower social competence, and poorer school performance than children of married mothers. Solo mothers continued to be less satisfied with emotional supports and reported higher stress. Maternal stress moderated family status effects on child outcome. Longitudinal analyses revealed stability over time for maternal and child variables, with greater vulnerability for children of solo mothers.

The number of one-parent families in Great Britain is thought to have reached about 1.4 million in 1992 compared to 1.3 million in 1991. Around 20% of dependent children lived in single parent families in 1992, with single parent families accounting for around 20% of all families with dependent children in 1992. There were thought to have been 2.3 million children living with just one parent in 1992 compared to 2.2 million in 1991. Statistics are presented and the profile of single parent families examined.

I. Introduction The possible effects of the U.S. welfare system on female headship has been a subject of long-standing concern because benefits are made available primarily to female heads of [...]

Very little is known about the academic performance of children from single-father families. How do they achieve in school relative to children from single-mother and two-parent families? Do the same processes posited to explain the school performance of children from single-mother households account for the educational performance of children in single-father homes? These questions are addressed using a nationally representative sample of 8th graders from the National Longitudinal Study of 1988. Eight different educational outcomes are compared for 409 children in single-father, 3,483 in single-mother, and 14,269 children in biological two-parent families. Children from single-father and single-mother families perform roughly the same in school, but both are outperformed by children from two-parent families. The intervening processes explaining school performance for children from single-father and single-mother families are somewhat different, however. Economic deprivation, or the lack of economic resources, is more useful for understanding the school difficulties of children from single-mother families, whereas interpersonal deprivation, or the lack of interpersonal parental resources, provide a more accurate description for why children from single-father families do poorly in school.

An analysis of single-parent families in the United States Army, in terms of work stressors, family and community support and Army support resources, reveals differences in the experiences of single mothers and single fathers. The support resources appear to help women more than men. Both groups reported an above average family adaptability to the demands of the army. The study indicates that policies should be geared to offering more support to single parents, especially single fathers, sensitizing commanders and unit supervisors to the demands on a single parent and increasing awareness of diverse families.

Interview with 60 single-parent mothers and 11 single-parent fathers revealed the similarity in the problems they faced. Women and men perceived money, role or task overload, social life, and ex-spouses as their major problems. Women felt more burdened by all problems other than the one with ex-spouses. The strengths they identified were also similar ones such as parenting skills, managing a family, personal growth, monetary support and communication ability. Single-parenting was said to grow easier over time. These strengths and weaknesses should be kept in mind when drafting public policy.

Using a sample of the largest 100 cities, multivariate analysis of black, single female-headed families tests hypotheses derived from competing political paradigmatic explanations of marital disruption. Results show sex-ratio, black male and female employment, and access to AFDC predict the likelihood of black, single female-headed family formation. The conclusion explores public policy implications.

Profound structural changes in American marriage and family life over the past three decades have transformed 'traditional' living arrangements for children and stimulated an enormous amount of popular and scholarly interest regarding the consequences for children's well-being. Of greatest concern have been the impact of divorce, single-parent families, maternal employment, dual-earner marriages, and a general erosion of parental commitment and support. A systematic review of the research indicates that although parents and children spend very little time together, they remain generally satisfied with their relationships, largely due to a pattern of consistent, but detached, parental support. I argue that the consequences of maternal employment, divorce, and single-parent family structure have been greatly exaggerated, and that researchers need to investigate processes more directly influencing children, notably economic hardship and high levels of marital and family conflict.

This study was conducted to determine gender role differences between adults in two-parent, two-earner families; their children; and children from single-parent families in time spent on household work. Stepwise discriminant analyses were used to assess data from 47 single-parent and 47 two-parent families. Conclusions drawn from these analyses were that parents were highly sex segregated in their household task behavior, that household tasks were sex related for the female parent, and that children were less sex segregated in their household task behavior than were parents. Boys in two-parent families were the least sex segregated of the males in the sample, and girls in single-parent families were less sex segregated in their household task behaviors than all other adults and children in the study.

Compared stress, coping, and psychological adjustment in single (divorced or separated) and married mothers and their young adolescent children. Single mothers reported more daily hassles related to economic, family, and personal health problems, and more symptoms of depression, anxiety, and psychoticism. Single mothers also reported using more coping strategies related to accepting responsibility and positive reappraisal. After controlling for level of family income, differences in family hassles and coping strategies remained significant. The two groups did not differ on subtypes of symptoms after controlling for income, but single mothers still reported more total psychological symptoms. No differences were found between children in these two family constellations on maternal reports of emotional/behavioral problems or on children's self-reported emotional/behavioral problems, stressful events, or coping. Implications of these findings for adjustment to life in single-parent families are discussed.

As the average size of the family decreases, controversy over the child at risk in relation to family structure has intensified. There is a great deal of literature on single-parent families, but little delineation of specific subgroups. In this pilot study, twelve adolescent inpatients who were an "only child" in single-parent families were compared to a control group of adolescent patients matched for sex, family income, and diagnosis. In some "minimal families" (single parent/only child), the interpersonal transactions were examined as the crucial parameter in formation of dysfunction. Statistical analysis of the data supported the hypothesis that in this clinical sample, the single-parent/only-child families and their adolescents would display a greater degree of disturbance than the control group. Some theoretical and clinical issues related to this group are discussed.

The authors used ecological theory to disentangle the effects of gender, family structure, and role responsibilities on parenting and children's behavior in single-parent and intact families. Data were gathered from parents and a focal child in 30 single-mother, 30 single-father, and 30 intact families. The Parent Perception Inventory (PPI) and Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) were used to evaluate how positive and negative behaviors of parents and internalizing and externalizing behaviors of the children differed across the three family structures. Significant differences were found between single-parent and intact families for both parenting and children's behavior. The researchers determined that role responsibilities and family structure are more important than gender in explaining parenting and child behavior following divorce.

Research was conducted to examine the influence of living in a family with a lone parent and with both biological parents in the high-school educational attainment of young Canadians. Data of high-school graduation rates were taken from the 1994 General Social Survey. Results indicate that over 80% of Canadians growing up with both biological parents graduate from high school compared to only 71% of those living with single parents and 70% of those living with stepparents.

(Seminar held at the Institute on 21 July 2005) Mary O'Hanlon, Director Business Strategy Child Support Agency and leader of the Newly Separated Unemployed Parents Initiative, discussed problems arising when [...]

A study was conducted to investigate whether high rates of nonmarital births for 85 countries could be predicted by diminished prospects of paternal investment as measured by high male unemployment, low wealth, low sex ration, and high teen births. The results suggest that single childbearing can be seen either as a response to diminished prospects or diminished reliance on paternal investment.