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This paper is a theoretical contribution to discussions about the emancipatory potential of citizenship education across four sites (i.e. Catalonia, Colombia, England, and Pakistan). By reflecting on policy and empirical data from our four contexts of study, we discuss whether citizenship education manifests different conditions of emancipatory education (modern, postmodern, and posthumous). We argue that citizenship education offers possibilities for emancipation, but these are constrained by capitalist and Enlightenment barriers. We conclude that if an emancipatory form of citizenship education is to be possible, there is a need to make room for politics in school classrooms and further politicise epistemological and anthropological assumptions. We recommend a form of citizenship education that conceptualises emancipation as our ability to respond ethically to situated challenges by thinking by ourselves with others.

This article examines the relationship between education and populism. I first review manifestations and different conceptualizations of populism. I then consider whether populism is a democratic threat. The relation between populism and education is explored by examining potential relations between educational failure and populism. Subsequently, a critical account of whether education can be seen as a ‘solution’ for populism is provided. I then analyze how educational theory, practice and research have used some of the tools developed to study populism. I conclude that populism and its relation to education are complex issues that require situated examination.

This chapter examines the role of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) in constituting a national imaginary of schooling in federal states. We argue that PISA both exacerbates and helps to solve what Arjun Appadurai described as the increasingly embattled relationship between nation (culture, demography) and state (politics, policy) inside nation-states. States seek to manage the deterritorializing desires produced by global flows of technology, media and money, and the loss of some economic sovereignty, by reterritorializing desire onto new ideas of nationhood as an expression of cultural sovereignty. PISA, as a surrogate measure of the quality of potential human capital, contributes to both processes simultaneously by promoting human capital and magnet economy logics, while helping to constitute new ideas about national projects of education. Our analysis focuses on two federal states – Canada and Australia – that manifest different forms of education federalism. Both systems have pursued an Anglo-American model of performance-based accountability that has been taken up in the OECD’s education work and which has been used to refashion national education systems as PISA participation is refracted by the different structures and functioning of federal states.

This chapter raises questions on the role of ‘voice’ pedagogies through engagement with the work of Freire, Butler, Boal and Lessac. The chapter begins by interrogating different ways in which ‘voice’ have been conceptualized within citizenship education. This leads to a consideration of the theoretical and practical synchronicities of ‘voice’ and ‘performance’ including the question, can citizenship education approach speaking/acting in public spaces as a performative practice? Contrasting examples from Chile and Brazil, the chapter then briefly examines the pedagogical relationship between speaking/listening to question how can discussions about drama education help us to build equal dialogues. Performance is then first reconceptualised as ‘voice’ in terms of a physical and abstract presence within socio-political discourses that allows an inclusive realignment to the practise of participation itself through dramaturgical methods. The chapter concludes rereading voices in relation to Boal’s ideas of a sensitive and symbolic thinking, and questioning how, through “voice work” social and ideological forces in our bodily manifestation can be explored, identified, and contextualized.

Purpose: In this country case study the authors undertake a comparative analysis of citizenship education across the four nations of the UK. The curriculum and contexts in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are first described. Then the article considers how each national example engages with fundamental expectations of citizenship education, specifically in relation to questions of citizenship status and the relationship between citizens and the state; political identity; and active citizenship processes. Approach: Drawing on the authors’ collective experience and insights into policy and practice in each nation, we started with a ‘generative conversation’ to identify key issues for inclusion in this case study. Findings: The article unearths a variety of constraints and problems, and situates these in a broader policyscape in which policy accretion and policy approximation generate a permissive culture, which has undermined the promise of citizenship education as an entitlement for all young people.

This article takes as starting point the understanding that liberal democracy is in crisis. The article draws upon a systematic review of the literature to examine alternative democratic discourses, including radical democracy as conceived by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Following their work, it is understood that political education should facilitate opportunities for students to open, expand and change our existing democratic arrangements. Political education framed in these terms could follow three types of pedagogies: pedagogies of difference, pedagogies of articulation and pedagogies of equivalence. The article concludes by drawing upon existing qualitative research by author Edda Sant to consider examples of what these pedagogies could look like in practice.

This article reflects about the way we conceptualise social studies (social science education). Firstly, the article examines the theoretical underpinnings of social science education, particularly in relation to liberal, Marxist and critical theory. Secondly, the paper analysis how modernity has conditioned the way we understand teaching and social science didactics. Thirdly, the article considers radical democracy as an alternative and examines some of the possibilities that this theory offer. This article is a tribute to Joan Pagès that aims to reconsider some of his ideas in our times of change.

This study aims to refine our understanding of the potential perils and possibilities of national myths for democratic history education. Previous research studies in history education have often assumed that national myths are ideological constructs serving the interests of the privileged. This study examines national myths as empty signifiers responding to students’ present demands. The focus is the case of Catalonia, where nationalism has recently grown. Based on interview (14) and questionnaire (340) data collected from Catalan secondary students, my analysis suggests that national myths can be open to existing contemporary demands against a powerful Other. As such, national myths can be considered an interface where history educators can intervene. National myths, and likely other myths and countermyths, might implicitly or explicitly exclude some students whilst providing others with a collective identity capable of political action.

The dynamic of how civic education is framed during turbulent periods is illuminated through analysis of three Hong Kong official civic education curriculum guidelines (1985, 1996, 2012). These publicly available, officially sanctioned statements of purpose have particular relevance for education professionals, and are used around the world to characterize educational initiatives. Our focus is on guidelines, written during periods in which there was colonial hegemony by the UK (1985), an attempt to promote liberal democracy by the Hong Kongese (1996) and, an assertion of Chinese nationalism (2012). We argue that guidelines about civic education are similar across these times of political turbulence. There are shifts in the content of the guidelines but fundamental differences are not made explicit. The documents are not aligned with a theoretical framework of colonialism, liberal democracy or, Chinese nationalism but rather they are pragmatically oriented. Guidelines are signifiers of attempts to achieve normative stability.

Premi Extraordinari de Doctorat concedit pels programes de doctorat de la UAB per curs acadèmic 2016-2017, Esta investigación reflexiona sobre las posibilidades y las limitaciones de la inclusión y el trabajo con las mujeres y sus experiencias en la enseñanza y en el aprendizaje de la historia y las ciencias sociales desde la didáctica de las ciencias sociales. El objeto de estudio se ha centrado en las concepciones y las representaciones sociales de distintos y distintas protagonistas de los procesos educativos. Los objetivos de la tesis se han centrado en la interpretación, la comprensión, la reflexión y el contraste entre los discursos que entrega cada participarte de la investigación y las prácticas que realizan sobre la inclusión, la ausencia y las posibilidades para incluir a las mujeres. La metodología del estudio es de tipo cualitativa. El método es un estudio colectivo de casos, donde los y las participantes son los y las historiadoras, el profesorado de didáctica de las ciencias sociales, el profesorado de algunas escuelas y los y las estudiantes que trabajan con tales profesores y profesoras. Las técnicas de recogida de datos han sido las entrevistas semi-estructuras, las observaciones de campo y los grupos focales. La perspectiva que adopto en la investigación mezcla las perspectivas transformadoras y críticas para dar cuenta de los objetivos propuestos. Los resultados son discutidos a la luz de los marcos teóricos que ofrece la didáctica de las ciencias sociales, el posestructuralismo y las teorías de género. Los resultados destacan, entre otros aspectos, que existen fuertes limitaciones para incluir a las mujeres. Aunque destacan que están incluidas, lo fundamental es comprender y reflexionar en torno a cuáles experiencias se visibilizan y el discurso bajo el cual se hacen presentes las mujeres. Las posibilidades las relacionan con las ventajas, donde coinciden que con la reflexión sobre los discursos sería posible que se generaran modelos de identidad alternativas a las tradicionales, lo que podría provocar el empoderamiento crítico y ciudadano de los y la, This research, from the methods of teaching of social sciences, reflect on about the possibilities and limitations of the inclusion of Women's in teaching and learning History and Social Sciences. We are focused in the Conceptions and Social Representations of protagonist of the education. The aims of this dissertations is related with the interpretation, understanding, reflection and contrast between the possibilities to include women. A qualitative method was used, and the research is a collective case study. The participants are historians, social science teachers, and teachers graduating in the Universidad Metropolitana de Ciencias de la Educación from Chile, with students in classes, who taught by the aforementioned teachers. Strategy used was interviews, observations and focus groups. We used in the research transformative and critics theoretical perspectives. The discussion is constructed according the methods on teaching of social science: poststructuralism and gender theories. The results emphasis on the limitations to include women's in the teaching and learning process. The focus, is the understanding and reflection on the discourse on the inclusion and exclusion of women in teaching practices for history and social sciences. There are different advantages with the reflection on the discourses. it is possible create alternative models of identity to aims to develop empowerment and citizenship of the students.

On passe en revue l’état de la recherche en enseignement et l’apprentissage de la participation politique dans le contexte anglo-saxon et ibéro-américaine. On aborde les respectives recherches en fonction des paradig-mes philosophiques des auteurs (structurel-fonctionnaliste, phénoménologique et critique) et on analyse les contributions et les faiblesses de chaque paradigme. Enfin, nous établissons une liste de sujets suffisamment étudiés, à notre avis, ainsi qu’une liste de sujets qui mériteraient d’être explorés., In this article, we present a literature review on the teaching and learning of political participation in the Anglo-Saxon world and Ibero-America. We organize the studies per the authors’ philosophical paradigms: structural-functionalist, phenomenological, and critical, analyzing the contributions and problems of each paradigm. We conclude our review by listing the topics that we believe are already sufficiently investigated and those that we thing should be further researched., En este artículo presentamos una revisión de la investigación sobre la enseñanza y el aprendizaje de la participación política en el mundo anglosajón y en Iberoamérica. Organizamos las investigaciones en función de los paradigmas filosóficos de los autores: estructural-funcionalista, fenomenológico y crítico, y analizamos las contribuciones y problemáticas de cada paradigma. Finalizamos nuestra revisión con una síntesis de aquellos temas que creemos ya suficientemente investigados y de los que consideramos que todavía deberían ser investigados.

En este artículo se presentan los resultados de dos investigaciones referentes a las representaciones sociales de jóvenes catalanes sobre la participación democrática. Una se centra en el propio concepto de participación democrática. La otra en una intervención en un medio urbano relacionado con el patrimonio histórico. Ambas investigaciones se han realizado en el marco de la unidad departamental de didáctica de las ciencias sociales y de las investigaciones lideradas por GREDICS (Grupo de Investigación en Didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales) de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona. La importancia de profundizar en la democracia exige conocer cómo la juventud se representa la participación en la misma, tanto en el ámbito de la política como, más ampliamente, en el de la sociedad.