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Copyright of Danisname Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of Global Security & Strategy Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nish joined the Ottoman administration in 1386. Ottoman rule continued in the region until 1878. In the 19th century, various rebellions against the Ottoman State took place in Nish and its neighbourhood. The 1841 Nish Rebellion is one of the most notable among them. For this reason, the related rebellion was determined as the subject of the study. In the study were investigated which the activities of Serbian prince Milos Obrenovic, main prince of the period Mihail and Miliyo (Miloje Jovanović) in the region during the Nish Rebellion, the tax issue that emerged after the Tanzimat, and the misconduct of some Ottoman officials. Especially Serbia’s encouraging and provocative attitudes towards the people of the region against the Ottoman State were analysed. Nish, Leskovac Sehirkoy, Kamaniche and Mutafcha villages, Vidin and Kula regions were identified as the spread areas of the rebellion. It was observed that Serbia carried out many activities against the Ottoman State before and during the Nish Revolt, and the Ottoman State tried to take certain measures. The aim of this study is to reveal the activities of Serbia in the face of the 1841 Nish Rebellion and the measures taken by the Ottoman State against this rebellion. In the research, archival documents, newspapers of the period, research and research works were utilised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Depending on internal and external political developments, many constitutional changes were made in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia throughout its history. The evolution of socialist practices, differences of centralist and autonomous approaches towards the republics forming Yugoslavia, and the rise of nationalist movements formed the basis of these constitutional changes. The political effects of these constitutional amendments in Kosovo which later gained republic status and witnessed years of ethnic tensions between Albanians and Serbs, constituted turning points in the political history of Kosovo. Initially considered as part of the Socialist Republic of Serbia with a centralist perspective since 1946, Kosovo's constitutional status began to improve legally and administratively with the federal constitutional amendments of 1968 and 1971. Most especially with the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, Kosovo attained a position almost equal to the federal republics in terms of authority despite being an autonomous region. But after Tito's death, in the 1980s, the escalation of nationalist discourse and movements in Yugoslavia began to disrupt the functioning of the federal government. The abolishment of Kosovo's autonomy in 1989 should be assessed as a result of this process. From that point onwards, the political unrest in Kosovo gradually escalated into ethnic conflicts, leading to a struggle that eventually culminated in independence, declared in 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu araştırmanın esas amacı 1875-1877 yılları arasında meydana gelen Osmanlı-Sırp, Karadağ Savaşları esnasında bölgede yaşanan eşkıyalık faaliyetlerine tarihsel bir bakış açısı ile yaklaşmaktır. Çalışmada gerek 1875 Hersek Ayaklanması, gerekse 1876’da Bulgaristan’da Müslüman Türkler aleyhine Rusların kışkırtmaları neticesinde meydana gelen bazı eşkıyalık olayları ele alındı. Bu olaylar neticesinde ortaya çıkan konjonktürde Avrupalı devletler, Osmanlı Devleti karşısında Sırbistan ve Karadağ’ın bağımsızlık süreçlerini desteklediler. Bu dönemde Sırbistan ve Karadağ Osmanlı Devleti karşısında bazı konularda Avrupalı devletlerle birlikte hareket etti. Yaşanan olaylar sonucunda önce Sırbistan, sonra da Karadağ aralarındaki ittifak antlaşması sonucu Osmanlı Devleti’ne savaş açtı. Bu durumda Rusya oldukça etkili oldu. Savaşın başlaması ile Bosna, Sırplar tarafından, Hersek de Karadağlılar tarafından işgal edildi. İngiltere bölgedeki çıkarları gereği Balkanlardaki statükonun korunmasından yana bir tavır takınarak Rusya’nın Panslavist politikasına karşı çıktı. İngiltere’nin bu politikasındaki temel dayanak noktası ise Balkanlarda ve Akdeniz’de Rus yayılmacılığını engelleme düşüncesiydi. Ayrıca Rusya’nın Panslavizm ideolojisi doğrultusunda geliştirdiği politikalarına karşılık Avusturya, orta ve güney Avrupa’da Almanya ve İtalya’ya karşı kaybettiği toprakları ve prestijini geri kazanmak amacıyla, Balkanlardaki siyasetini yeni bir temele oturtmuştu. Bu temel, Bosna ve Hersek’i ele geçirdikten sonra, Arnavutluk ve Makedonya’ya uzanıp oradan da Selanik’e kadar olan yerleri ele geçirmekti. Buna mukabil Almanya, bu dönemde Balkanlarda doğrudan herhangi bir çıkarı olmamasına rağmen Fransa’nın kendisine karşı bir intikam politikası takip etmesine engel olmak düşüncesindeydi. Bu sebepten dolayı Almanya, Fransa’nın Balkanlardaki sorunlarla meşgul olmasını kendi çıkarları adına faydalı görüyordu.

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Typhus is one of the oldest diseases in human history. Although its historical and geographical origins are controversial, some medical historians suggest that typhus is an ancient European disease described by Thucydides. Transmitted by the body louse “Pediculus humanus”, the symptoms of typhus include high fever, weakness, mental confusion and a characteristic rash. The disease develops in conditions favourable to the reproduction and transmission of the body louse, especially in cold, overcrowded and unsanitary living conditions. This study aims to provide information about typhus epidemics that manifested themselves in some of the wars that shaped European history and affected the outcome of the war. In this way, the political, military and social effects of a disease will be tried to be revealed. It is known that typhus epidemics were effective in many wars. In our study, we have attempted to deal with the wars of Granada, the Habsburg-Valois struggle, the Thirty Years' War, the Napoleonic Wars, the Crimean War, the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878, the typhus epidemic in Serbia during World War I and the typhus epidemic during the Russian Civil War (1918-1922). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Macedonian and former Serbian regions of the Ottoman Empire. Serbia, which expanded its borders with the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, but lost Bosnia, which had historical ambitions, to Austria-Hungary, had to turn its direction to the south. However, it found Bulgaria and Greece in the face of its aims to expand to the south. Serbia, which declared war on Bulgaria and was defeated by the annexation of Eastern Rumelia by the Bulgarians, also struggled with the Bulgarians in Macedonia. Although he tried to come to terms with the Greeks, this did not happen. Bulgaria and Greece were fighting in the field of church and school in Macedonia and they had established various associations. In Serbia, he founded the Saint Sava Society in order to open as many schools as possible in Macedonia and Kosovo and to neutralize the Bulgarian propaganda. The Ottoman State carefully followed the activities of the society in its own lands through the Belgrade envoys. St. Sava Society, which has the motto "My member brother is my friend, no matter what religion", worked actively from its establishment until 1891. The students of the society, whose school in Belgrade was closed in 1891, also dispersed. However, the Ottoman State continued to follow the students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the reign of Prince Milan Obrenovic, the Herzegovina Revolt of 1875 broke out. First of all, Prince Milan, who avoided being involved in this revolt, could not resist the war-like atmosphere in his country and declared war against the Ottoman Empire on July 1, 1876. Prior to the war, the greatest support for Prince Milan, who brought the Russian General Chernayef to the head of his army, was given by Russia. Especially Slavic committees provided financial and volunteer assistance. Russian people also provided financial and moral aid, and these aids were published in the newspapers, which was aimed to spread the aid to the most remote places. In addition, Bulgarian volunteer units were established, and necessary means were provided to reach Serbia via Hocabek. Although Romania and Greece were neutral in the war, they acted suspiciously. In particular, the Romanians permitted the voluntary transition in their territory. The Serbs of the Austro-Hungarian Empire also supported the Serbs. However, Hungary banned Serbs living there to go to Serbia. There were also volunteers from the subjects of the Ottoman Empire. Especially, the Russian Embassy doctor in Istanbul and the Plovdiv Consul took the initiative in recruiting volunteers. They secretly sent the Bulgarian volunteers to Serbia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Palestine Studies / Filistin Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Bulletin of Palestine Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Relations Studies / Uluslararası Ilişkiler Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Bingol University / Rectorate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Milan Obrenovic, who ascended to the Serbian throne at a very young age after the murder of Prince Mikhail Obrenovic, remained on the throne between 1868 and 1889. He spent the first four years of his rule, 1868-1872, under the supervision of the regents. From this date on, rumors of marriage arose about Milan Onrenovic, who took over the government as a minor in 1872. First of all, he wanted to marry the Russian Grand Duchess Vera and Milan Obrenovic, who was rumored, to be one of the Russian princesses. He married Nataliya Keşko in 1875. At the wedding, the Russian Tsar became the groom’s best man through his special envoy. During the Ottoman-Serbian War of 1876 and the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878, the RussianSerbian unity continued. In 1878, the Russian-Serbian union came to an end when Russia gave priority to the Bulgarians and put the Serbs in second place. Therefore, Milan Obrenovic, who was under the influence of Russia in the first half of his power, became anti-Russian in the second half of his power and got closer to Austria-Hungary. The policy of Serbia, which gained its independence with the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, was determined accordingly. In this study, the effects of the political orientations and personalities of Milan Obrenovic and Nataliya Obrenovic on their marriage, and the effects of Russia and Austria on Serbia will be examined. The fact that Nataliya Obrenovic is a Russian supporter and Milan Obrenovic a supporter of Austria-Hungary will be the beginning of the problems. The fact that Milan Obrenovic is an unfaithful husband is also an important factor. All these factors will lead to the divorce of Milan Obrenovic and Nataliya Obrenovic. Milan Obrenovic will forbid his wife to come to Serbia, attempt to marry his mistress, and then marry his wife again. He will reflect his drifts in his private life to the state administration and will leave the throne to his son Aleksandar Obrenovic at the end of twenty-one years. The issue of abdication will also be examined in detail in our research. The assassinations of Milan will also be examined together with the conflicts between the parties in Serbia. Afterward, Milan’s death and his son Aleksandar Obrenovic’s attitude towards his father is discussed in the current research in order to understand the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kosovo, the last chain added to the process of the disintegration of Yugoslavia, has been a country engaged in debates regarding its political status since the declaration of independence. Kosovo has added the characteristics of being a small state in terms of national capacity and power as well as the perception of these elements. Kosovo, which acts as a small state in terms of its foreign policy, has integrated into the regional strategies of the US and the EU. There are also points where the Kosovar politicians differ from each other, in terms of strategic culture and general foreign policy pattern. In order to examine the reflections of this differentiation, it may be a correct approach to use the conceptual framework of neoclassical realism. Thus, how ideological positioning, perceptions and interests are reflected in Kosovo's foreign policy can be evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) is the property of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu makale, AB koşulluluk politikasını ülkelerarası meseleler ve iyi komşuluk ilişkileri çerçevesinde analiz etmekte ve Güneydoğu Avrupa (Batı Balkanlar) genişlemesi kapsamında Sırbistan-Kosova Diyaloğu özelinde tartışmaktadır. Koşulluluk politikasının ortaya konduğu ilk zamandan bu yana stratejik bir şekilde ve önemli oranda değişikliğe uğradığı, günümüzde ise Batı Balkanlar’da bölgesel barışı tesis etme yönünde bir araç olarak kullanıldığı anlatılmaktadır. AB’nin ve üye devletlerinin siyasi kontrolüyle şekillenen genişleme politikası, üyelerin genişleme sürecinde sahip olduğu veto yetkisini önemli kılmaktadır. Bu çerçevede, Sırbistan’ın üye olma durumunda Kosova’nın AB sürecini tıkamaması+ için Sırbistan’a üyelik perspektifi verilen 2025 yılından önce Sırbistan ve Kosova ilişkileri bağlamında stratejik adımlar atılması gerektiği sonucuna varılmaktadır.

This study investigates Serbian ultra-nationalism that is bent on the destruction of a multi-cultural community, Bosnia which is not wholly distinct. In the study of the avows of colonial-settlers—whose foundation myths assert absolute racial and cultural exclusivity based on the divine decree—the consequences in terms of ethnic cleansing is explained. Although, ultimately massacre of the indigenous minority populations look inevitable; and the following consequences may be insidious—especially if other powerful nations fail to intervene. To prevent dire consequences, it should be considered that failure may stem from the reality that the dominant powers share the racial or cultural bias of the colonizing power and therefore collude more or less overtly to assist the establishment of the aggressor. Thereby, they assist in the eclipse of the groups targeted for extermination. The Mountain Wreath by Petar Njegos, The Bridge on the Drina by Ivo Andriç and The Bridge Betrayed by Michael A. Sells are discussed in a comparative way to fully clear the background of a great massacre at the end of twentieth century.

The aim of this research was to investigate the formation of an “unstable border” due to the flooding of the Timok River whih served as the border between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire due to heavy rainfalls and the resulting problems. The fact that the Timok River changed the river bed due to rain in 1849 meant that the land of the Ottomans, who lived in the village in Berkofça on the border remained on the Serbian side. Afterwards, for the reason that it caused the flood in 1872, the dams of the mills on the banks of the river, which belonged to the Ottoman people were demolished by the Serbs, and the river bed was also changed. Thereupon, the lands of the Ottoman people in Baley village were left on the Serbian side. Governments tried to solve the border issue by establishing a mixed commission to prevent the conflicts that might arise within the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Politics & Security (IJPS) is the property of Inono Universitesi, Malatya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akademi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Akademi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Strategic & Social Research is the property of Mehmet Akif Ersoy University, Social Science Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) is the property of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Günümüzde, Avrupa Birliği’nin (AB) Güney Doğu Avrupa genişlenesinin bir adımı olarak Sırbistan’ın ve Bosna-Hersek’in potansiyel adaylıktan üyeliğe geçiş süreci yaşanmaktadır. Ancak adaylık sürecinin önünde; Yugoslavya’nın dağılmasının ardından ülkelere kalan kurumsal miras, Dayton Antlaşması ile birlikte kurulan çok taraflı yönetim şekli, merkez-çevre ilişkisi bakımın belirgin farklılıklar ve etnik kimliklerin direnci gibi çekirdek sorunlar bulunmaktadır. Ek olarak; yönetimsel, ekonomik, toplumsal açıdan AB müktesebatıyla ilgili olarak yaşanan sorunlar belirtilebilir. Tüm bu nedenler, Sırbistan’da ve Bosna Hersek’te Avrupa Birliği’ne üyelik süreci ile ilgili olarak şüpheyi beslemektedir. Bu noktada yoğunlukları farklılık gösterse de bu iki ülkede Euroseptisizm, Avrupa Birliği’nin ekonomik, sosyal ve kimlik politikalarının karşısında tepkisel olarak sistemde kendisine yer bulmaktadır. Euroseptisizm kavramının farklı türleri olmasına rağmen muhalefet fikrini ortak duygu olarak taşımaktadır. Sırbistan’da ve Bosna Hersek’te Doğu Avrupa Parti sistemlerinin nitelikleri ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bosna-Hersek açısından AB’ye entegrasyon süresi daha ılımlı ilerlerken yaşanan ‘hayal kırıklıkları’ Euroseptik görüşlerin ağırlık kazanmasına neden olmuştur. Sırbistan’da ise başından beri radikal grupların etkinliği net şekilde üyelik sürecini zora sokmaktadır. Her iki örnek ülke için de parti temelli Euroseptik görüşlerin önemli kitlesel temsilleri bulunmaktadır.

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Axis Powers occupied Kingdom of Yugoslavia on April 18, 1941 and partitioned its territory among themselves. A state called as Government of National Salvation which was led by Germany in Serbia was founded and Serbian General Milan Nedić was appointed as prime minister. After Nedić became prime minister, Allied States and Jews began to be constructed as Serbia's national enemies with propaganda activities. For this purpose, the Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibition was held in Belgrade between 22 October 1941 and 19 January 1942 during the Nedić government and hate speech was developed against both Allied States and Jews through materials in the exhibition. In the study, it was aimed to reveal how Allied States and Jews were constructed as enemies in the eyes of Serbs through materials in the Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibition. For this purpose, visuals determined within the scope of the study were analyzed in terms of semiotics and it was tried to reveal discourses used in enemy construction. As a result of the study, it is asserted that through the exhibition the message was given that the Allied States are under the control of the Jews and working for the Zionism. The study, in this context, claims that the perception of Jews are the enemies of the Serbs was tried to be constructed in the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though the European Union (EU) does not have a common minority rights policy, it has adopted international minority rights agreements, especially created by the Council of Europe, as its minority rights policy and has put "the respect for and protection of minorities" as a condition (within the political conditionality of the Copenhagen criteria) for full membership. Through its conditionality, the EU forces candidate and applicant countries to provide both negative and positive rights to their minorities. The improvement of minority rights in three Western Balkan countries --Albania, Montenegro, Serbia -- which are all candidates to the EU constitute the main focus of this article. These three countries' legislative efforts regarding minority rights and their implementations are analyzed comparatively, as a result of which their Europeanization levels of minority rights are interpreted. In order to do that, EU harmonization regarding "Judiciary and Fundamental Rights" chapter of the acquis in both Albania, for which country the decision to start accession negotiations is taken on 24 March 2020, and Montenegro and Serbia, the accession negotiations of which still continue, is comparatively analyzed through the Commission's annual country reports. The main argument of the paper is that Albania, Montenegro and Serbia have similar Europeanization experiences in minority rights which pave the way to their possible EU memberships. It is concluded that the EU membership for Albania, Montenegro and Serbia do not have any significant obstacles in terms of meeting the minority rights part of the Copenhagen criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) is the property of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The architectural legacy of Ottoman Empire in Balkan Peninsula has been the research area of scholars for long years. Among this legacy, the rich historic buildings belonging to Ottoman period in Serbia, Novi Pazar, in Sandžak region has needed detailed condition survey. In this research, in order to recommend future preventive conservation measures, considering its ruined condition, but still preserving its original structure, authenticity, and integrity, among those historic buildings, Isa Bey Bath, in Novi Pazar city center, has been analyzed in terms of its condition assessment by using European Standard on "Conservation of cultural property - Condition survey and report of built cultural heritage". Understanding the current state of a historic building by means of such surveys is an important management tool bridging the gap between site investigation and analysis, at the same time serving to determine necessary conservation measures. In addition, field observations, literature, historic, and archival research are conducted. Although there are studies on historic baths in Serbia, they lack a detailed standardized assessment method. Hence, a detailed condition survey of Isa Bey Bath, including property, cultural heritage information, condition records, risk assessment, and recommendations has been conducted, aiming to contribute to documentation of similar buildings and serve as an example for future studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Turkish Research Institute / Atatürk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Arastirmalari Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Relying on Ottoman archival documents, this article presents that during World War I the protection of the Muslim population in Serbia could be achieved only with the help of the mediator states who provided communication between the Ottoman Empire and Serbia. After the Ottoman Empire lost large portions of its lands in the Balkans, the protection of the Muslim population in the Balkans emerged as a new problem. The Istanbul Treaty of March 14, 1914 aimed to solve these problems, but the outbreak of WWI made the implementation difficult as the issues could only be discussed indirectly through mediator states. Özet: Osmanlı arşiv belgelerine dayanarak hazırlanan bu makale Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Sırbistan’daki Müslüman nüfusun korunmasının Osmanlı Devleti ve Sırbistan arasında aracılık yapan devletler vasıtasıyla sağlanabildiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Osmanlı Devleti’nin Balkan Savaşları sonrasında Balkanlar’da bıraktığı topraklarında kalan Müslüman halkın haklarının korunması yeni bir mesele olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. 14 Mart 1914’te imzalanan İstanbul Anlaşması meseleye çözüm getirmeye çalışmış ancak Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın çıkması ve Osmanlı-Sırp diplomatik ilişkilerinin kesintiye uğraması ile anlaşmanın uygulanmasında sorunlar yaşanmıştır. Bu sorunlar ancak aracı devletlerin yardımları ile kısmen giderilebilmiştir.

Kang Youwei was one of the most prominent intellectuals, reformers and politicians of the 20th century China. After he left China and went to exile, he traveled to numerous countries, including Serbia. He visited Serbia in 1908 and wrote a unique and detailed travelogue about his trip. This article aims to examine Kang's perception of the Serbian capital, and his thoughts on the political, historical and economic situation of the country.

Relying on the Ottoman census books for various Ottoman provinces, which had been part of the medieval Serbian states, this paper presents a survey of timar organization in the Serbian lands during the first century of Ottoman rule and argues that while Christian sipahis were an integral part of the sipahi organization during the early period of Ottoman rule, their numbers gradually declined. The article pays special attention to the issue of the Christian sipahis. Since a range of census books had been preserved for the sanjak of Smederevo, this province was chosen as the case study to explain the most important issues regarding the functioning of the timar system. Osmanlı Devleti’nin Sırbistan topraklarındaki çeşitli sancaklara ait sayım defterlerine dayanarak yapılan bu çalışma, Osmanlı Devleti’nin Sırbistan topraklarındaki hakimiyetinin ilk yüzyılında uyguladığı tımar sistemini inceleyerek, Osmanlı idaresinin ilk döneminde Hıristiyan sipahilerin, sipahi sisteminin önemli bir kısmını teşkil ettiğini ancak zamanla Hıristiyan sipahi sayısının azaldığını tespit etmektedir. Makale Semendire Sancağı’nda uygulanan tımar sistemini örnek alarak, Hıristiyan sipahileri ve Sırbistan’daki tımar sisteminin işleyişini açıklamaktadır

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Falling under the rule of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, Sandzak was occupied by Serbia and Montenegro in the Balkan Wars and shared by these two states with the Belgrade Agreement signed in 1913. Sandzak stayed under the rule of Serbian-Croatian-Slovenian Kingdom and its successor Yugoslavia in the First World War and was occupied by German and Italian forces during the Second World War. After the Second World War, Sandzak was split up between Serbia and Montenegro according to 1913 borders. Yugoslavian administration followed policies forcing the Turks and the Bosnians in Sandzak to migrate until the end of the Cold War. However, the Serbians and the Montenegrins continued the same politics after the Cold War. Therefore, the Bosnians of Sandzak began to establish their own political parties and organizations in order to ensure grant of their rights, gain autonomy or unify with Bosnia-Herzegovina after transition to multiparty system. Following the civil war in 1991 in Yugoslavia, Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia declared their independence. In this process, Serbia and Montenegro established the Yugoslavia Federal Republic in 1991. Sandzak remained in the administration of the new state. Sandzak Muslims, who are regarded as the religious minority according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, suffered repression and persecution during the civil war, especially during the Bosnian and Kosovo wars. After the establishment of the Serbia-Montenegro State in 2003, some reforms were made in favor of Muslims within the framework of reforms carried out to become a member of the European Union (EU). But as a result of the referendum held in 2006, Montenegro departed from Serbia and Sandzak was re-shared between these two states. The division of Sandzak was a process against the ongoing struggle for the unification of the Bosnians and other Muslims in the Balkans. In this study, the situation of Sandzak in the post-Cold War era and the challenges for the autonomy, independence and Bosnia-Herzegovina unification of the Sandzak Muslims were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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