Search

Geografia polityczna, pomimo propagowania u swojego zarania dogmatycznych i abstrakcyjnych teorii, dźwigania brzemienia grzechów będącej jej praktycznym zastosowaniem geopolityki oraz wtłaczania w ideologiczny gorset przez pozbawione demokratycznego mandatu rządy, to dziś pełnoprawna, uznana i nieustannie poszukująca kolejnych wyzwań naukowych członkini rodziny geograficznej. Na to wabiące, choć nieokreślone, grząskie i nie dość bezpieczne pole badawcze wkroczył kilkadziesiąt lat temu z niepohamowaną skłonnością do jego dalszej penetracji – przy zachowaniu pokory wobec dokonań poprzedników i szacunku dla nie zawsze chwalebnej tradycji – Profesor Marek Sobczyński. Liczne strumyki refleksji poznawczej i badawczej przenoszone przez pokolenia geografów politycznych ujął on w indywidualny nurt naukowej eksploracji. Materialnym wyrazem docenienia ogromnego i niezwykle cennego wkładu Profesora w rozwój tej dyscypliny naukowej jest niniejsza jubileuszowa książka. Jej struktura odzwierciedla spektrum zainteresowań badawczych autorów zamieszczonych w niej tekstów. Różnorodność podjętych tematów jest zarazem ilustracją wszechstronności naukowej Jubilata. (Andrzej Rykała)

Published in: Society and Space in Contemporary Poland in Łódź University Geographical Research, edited by T.Marszał It must be said that the national, ethnic and religious minorities in Poland have doubtless historical, cultural, and to some extent also political value. They are a testimony to the curious multiculturalism of Poland that has been forming throughout the history. If just for that reason, they should be properly protected by the democratic state. The awareness of this unique cultural and historical legacy of the former Republic can also be illustrated by new studies of national, ethnic and religious minorities. It is worth noting at this point that the aforementioned groups were first discussed in studies by geographers from Łódź. Research on national, ethnic and religious minorities were undertaken primarily in the context of: research methodology of these groups (Sobczyński and Grabowska 1993, Rykała 2011a, Sobczyński 2012, Barwiński 2013), their origins, size and distribution (Sobczyński 1996, Barwiński 2006, Rykała 2006), classification (Koter 1993, Rykała 2011a), national-ethnic structure of Polish population (Sobczyński 2000, 2001, Barwiński 2004, Rykała 2008a), operating on the political and cultural fringes (Koter 1997, Barwiński 2008, Rykała 2008b), the role of national and religious minorities in the organisation of urban space (Liszewski 1991, Dzieciuchowicz et al. 2004, Klima 2011, Rykała 2012), their cultural heritage (Kulesza 2010, 2012). Some religious minorities were discussed in separate publications (Barwiński 1999, 2009, Rykała 2007, 2011b, Kulesza 2012). The achievements of the geographical centre in Łódź in research on national-religious issues is therefore quite significant in terms of quantity and has significant empirical and theoretical value. The project was funded by the National Science Centre based on decision number DEC-2011/01/B/HS4/02609.

Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne, mimo niewielkiego udziału w strukturze ludności współczesnej Polski, przyczyniły się do powstania wyjątkowego pod względem narodowo-konfesyjnym dziedzictwa polskiej przestrzeni. Stosując podejście geograficzno- -polityczne dokonano próby uchwycenia, zrozumienia i wyjaśnienia procesu przemian narodowościowo-etnicznych ludności Polski, prowadzącego do ukształtowania się jej współczesnego oblicza. The preponderance of people of Polish nationality who are followers of the Roman Catholic Church does not make Poland a state of one nation and denomination. In addition to the national and religious majority, Poland also includes national, ethnic and Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne w Polsce z perspektywy geografii politycznej religious minorities. Their presence is stressed not only because in democratic countries such as Poland the protection of these groups is very important. In the case of Poland, it is crucial that throughout its history it has been a multicultural country with representatives of various national and religious groups living together. Minorities occurring in contemporary Poland, despite their numerically small share in the overall population, are a testament to the unique national and religious heritage of Polish land. The general aim of this article is to present the communities that kept their national and ethnic identity in this special cultural context, differing from the majority of Poles in their national (partially coincident with denominational) affiliation. This general objective will be achieved through several detailed objectives including: a retrospective analysis of the recognition of ethnic issues (including minorities) by the political geography, the identification, determining the number and location, as well as an analysis of legal positions of national and ethnic minorities in contemporary Poland.

Izrael należy do tych państw, których położenie ma „wartość polityczną”. Znaczenie przypisywane obszarowi, który zajmuje, związane jest przede wszystkim z genezą i historią narodu żydowskiego oraz jego religią, w depozyt której Erec Israel została wpisana na trwałe i na zasadzie centralnego miejsca. Swoją „wartość geopolityczną” obszar ten zmienił wraz z pojawieniem się ludności arabsko-muzułmańskiej. Jej osiedle nie się stanowiło zwrot kulturowy w historii regionu. W artykule dokonano: 1) próby określenia relacji zachodzących między judaizmem a przestrzenią życia jego wyznawców, 2) przedstawienia geograficzno-politycznych i religijnych uwarunkowań życia Żydów w diasporze w kontekście odbudowy ich siedziby narodowej, 3) analizy przyczyn, przebiegu i konsekwencji zmian usytuowania geopolitycznego Izraela w powiązaniu z przeobrażeniami jego struktury terytorialno-religijno-narodowej, 4) określenia wpływu tych przeobrażeń na zachowanie uczestników stosunków międzynarodowych. Israel belongs to the countries whose location has „ political value”. Though sma ll in term s of area and population, it is an important subject in the global political system. However, it does not owe this position to its activities in the international arena, measured by its participation in regional or local international structures. At the core of this situation is the geographical factor. Today it belongs to a group of factors de - termining the processes of international interactions (but not executing these processes), i.e. impacting them indirectly and creating reasons, not organis ing and initiating processes. Even though this factor is characterised by the relativity of its influence on international position and conduct of countries, stemming from the variability of its functions, it is also one of the most persistent factors. Wit h regard to Israel, it consists mainly of location (geopolitical location) and, paradoxically, given the aforementioned size of the country, its territory (borders) and the spatial, ethnic and religious diversity related to it. Due to its geographical loca tion between Europe, Africa and Central and Eastern Asia, the lands belonging to the modern Israel are well - placed to play a function of a natural bridge between cultures, nations, religions, languages. Despite this purpose, this area divides the Middle E astern countries instead of uniting them. Focusing the spatial and political behaviours of the countries in this region, it engages actors from outside the region into Middle - Eastern politics, including universal powers (able to act globally in all fields of international relations, e.g. the United States), sectoral powers (active in selected areas, e.g. Saudi Arabia) and regional powers (e.g. Egypt). The importance attributed to the said area, however, is associated primarily with the origins and history o f the Jewish nation (and state), as well as its religion, which gave this land to Israel for good and as a central location. The area, located at the intersection of important routes, elevated its „ geopolitical value” with the influx of Arab and Muslim pop ulation, whose settlement in the absence of exiled Jews was a real cultural turning point in the history of the region. The intersection of the most important religions, including Christianity, made this land a goal in expansion of European powers, determi ned to liberate it from the „ infidels” since the Middle Ages. This important stronghold was a place of interest for all regional powers, both in ancient and modern times. The well - established, over 1300 - year presence of Arabs in the region was shaken by th e immigration of Jews, well theoretically and politically grounded in Zionism, which lead to another fundamental change in the spatial, religious and ethnic structure of the area. A thickening network of Jewish settlements, the Holocaust, the compensation to surviving Jews, and finally the attempts by various powers to subjugate this politically „ unformed” territory resulted in the determination of part of the international community to normalise the issue of Jewish statehood. The success of establishing a national seat for Jews was accompanied by the defeat of the lack of the same decision for Palestinian Arabs. The division of Palestine, assuming the creation of the Jewish state, was rejected not only by its Arab inhabitants, but also by the neighbouring c ountries, becoming a hotbed of armed conflict between Jews and Arabs, which took on global repercussions. The failure to set the State of Palestine and unformed autonomy in the areas which are to be national seat for Palestinian Arabs result in the fact t hat the formation of Israel territory and its religious – national structure has not finished yet. The article has attempted to: 1) define the relations between Judaism and the life space of its believers, 2) present geopolitical and religious conditioning of life of Jews in diaspora in the context of the restoration of their national seat, 3) analyse the causes, the course and the consequences of changes in geopolitical placement of Israel in connection with the transformations of its territorial - religious - national structure, 4) define the impact of these transformations on the behaviour of the international relations participants.

National minorities, i.e. Jewish and German, constituting distinct (almost completely – as the followers of Judaism, or largely – as Evangelical Christians) religious groups, had considerable influence not only on the development of Pabianice's economic life, but also on the shaping of the social and cultural space of the city. Initiatives taken by their representatives were directed, on the one hand (and predominantly), to their own national or religious communities, which was mostly characteristic for the Jewish and, to a lesser extent, German minorities and, on the other, to a wider group of residents, which mostly applied to the Evangelicals. The dominant contribution to the development of socio-cultural sphere of the city, especially philanthropy, was made by religious communities. Providing assistance to the poor and needy was regarded a religious duty. The positive public perception was also meant to increase the number of followers in the Evangelical Church. The creators of the social and cultural life of the city also included entrepreneurs belonging to those communities. They contributed to the formation of numerous social (charity organisations, sports clubs) and cultural (musical societies) initiatives not only due to their accumulated wealth, but also due to the need to help others, take on different challenges and keep up the positively perceived image of a benefactor. They included almost all residents of the city interested in such forms of activity or support. The socio-cultural activities of minority communities have left their mark on the city, giving it a form of organisation. It became apparent primarily in the development of different parts of the space by each of the most active communities (Germans and Jews). The German minority, responsible for the creation and development of Pabianice industry, located their social and cultural institutions in the so-called New Town. This part of Pabianice was inhabited and developed “industrial” immigrants, many of whom were of German origin. As a minority not participating in the development of local industry to such an extent, Jews were socially and culturally active in the part of Pabianice known as New Town, especially in the initial phase. It was an area of concentration of both the first Jewish settlers and the later ones, that came during the economic prosperity. Mniejszości narodowe (głównie żydowska i niemiecka), tożsame na ogół z mniejszościowymi wspólnotami religijnymi, wniosły wymierny wkład w rozwój zarówno gospodarczy, jak i spo- łeczno-kulturalny Pabianic. Głównym celem artykułu jest określenie charakteru i form organizowania w przestrzeni miejskiej aktywności społeczno-kulturalnej przez wymienione grupy.

As some has attempted to prove, both “titular” disciplines have different origins. They differ in their development trends and, thus, in the contents, scope and place in the system of sciences. However, different paths of development do not preclude them from tackling the same issues, especially considering that historical geography and political geography both refer, the former in a literal sense, to the unique bond between history and geography. Specific topics, that may seem familiar to both disciplines today, were discussed as far back as the 18th century, when political geography was still defining its identity and attempting to become a valid subject of geography. However, in the case of this discipline, its interests shared with its historical counterpart (concerning such issues as heraldry and toponymy) were mostly incidental and marginal. On the other hand, the issue of territorial divisions (nations, regions, borders), described by historians (or historical geographers) as “historical and political landscapes”, was discussed by both geographies since the very beginning. The main difference between the two – geo- -political and geo-historical – approaches was the temporal perspective they assumed. While the present was most important for political geography, historical geography was more concerned with “former territorial divisions” (thus the term “historical and political landscapes” is apt). Each of the disciplines also treated the research subject differently. Political geography considered “the area described by borders and characterised by some organisation, i.e. above all a state” or region as central, while historical geography acknowledged its importance as one of many elements, apart from the transformed (cultural) environment, settlement, elementary disasters, formed communication network, the history of geographical horizons, toponymy and historical cartography, while referring it, as mentioned earlier, the reconstructed image of the past. With the development of the methodological foundations of both sciences, the belief that “what is today includes what was yesterday, so in order to understand the presence, we have to study the past” grew. This reflection was aided by the deepening relations between historical geography and anthropogeography, which influenced not only the expansion of tasks of the former, but also lead to the inclusion of the “historical element” in the scope of geo-political discussion. Reaching into the past to reveal spatial differences and similarities of a political nature, more and more boldly practised by political geography, was also caused by the references to human history (human “fate”) construed in the spirit of mechanistic determinism, as well as the changes in the political map of the world at the break of 19th and 20th centuries. As their eyewitness, political geography could not close itself in a narrow, quickly dating formula of the present. The explanation of interrelations between political entities and their physical-geographical surrounding attempted at the time required constant references to the historical context. The contemporary political map was quickly becoming, if we can paraphrase Barbag, a strictly historical map. The practice of reaching into the past to interpret contemporary phenomena and political systems caused the historical context to become an immanent element of political geography. The discipline was becoming more and more bold in interpreting the political map and the territorial characteristics of political formation and development of states and regions, not only in the presence, but also in the future. This research field saw the formation – in reference to the bond between history and geography – of a unique relationship between historical geography and political geography. Significantly, by exposing the past, political geography sometimes lost view of the presence, i.e. the element that defined its existence and distinguished it from historical geography. Thus, we can say that M. Kulesza (2009) was right when he observed, as mentioned above, that the development of political geography after World War II and, especially in the 1990s, resulted in the “internal” expansion and the emergence of new research fields, which was caused by, among other things, taking some of them from historical geography. W artykule dokonano uzasadnienia tytułowego powiązania geografii politycznej i historycznej. W tym celu przeprowadzono analizę relacji między obiema dyscyplinami, podejmującą kwestie ich genezy, kierunków rozwojowych, treści, zakresu i miejsca w systemie nauk, a także ustanowienia ram organizacyjnych dla rozwoju tych dyscyplin w łódzkim ośrodku geograficznym.

Nowadays, multinational structure of cities’ population leads in many cases to the emergence of conflicts and feuds of ethnic, religious and cultural background. In case of Łódź, thanks to its unusual history and unique factors that had influenced the development of the city, multiculturalism became a stimulus for its dynamic economic growth and survived until today in the form of numerous sites of cultural heritage. It survived also in the memories of Łódź’s citizens and became the inspiration for activities aiming at using the heritage of the past in contemporary promotion of the city. Apart from the organization of cultural events based on multiculturalism of old Łódź, the use of material heritage inherited from different national groups for the purpose of various investments, is nowadays becoming a common phenomenon. It is worth to mention two foreign investment projects, which use revitalization of the former factory buildings and their adaptation for new purposes, e.g. residential, commercial, and recreational. These crucial investments are: Manufaktura (French investor Apsys – shopping and recreational centre in the former I.K. Poznański factory complex) and Scheibler lofts (Australian investor Opal Property Development – residential lofts in the former K. Scheibler factory complex). These investments are not only a tribute to the past, but most of all, they are examples of ideas on how to revitalize a multicultural heritage in a contemporary townscape. Through many activities that take place in Łódź, its example proves that it is possible to combine both, the tradition and the present day. It is possible not to forget about local values, but at the same time to think about the European integration in a global way. These are the ideas that contemporary Europe needs. These are the values that many of the European cities can and should promote.

Muslim community in Poland, in terms of their population, is much smaller than in most of the Western European countries. Demographic potential determines the strength of their political and cultural influence – which in relation to the aforementioned states, is scarce. Muslims in Poland, of both Tatar and non-Tatar origin, are still not well recognized in the area of social life. Muslim community in Poland differs from their counterparts in countries of Western Europe, not only by its demographic potential, but also by its local specifics. It consists of the oldest Polish Muslim descendants, namely Tatars, who adopted the cultural norms of Polish surrounding. Moreover, to some degree, they also identify themselves with these norms ethnically. They created the native, moderate model of Islam which can be qualified as “Tatar-European” model. The main similarities to Polish Tatars, especially regarding the acceptance of moderate version of Islam and a certain degree of identification withPolish culture, can be found among Muslim descendants, mainly economic immigrants and representatives of Muslim immigration from the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. A whole different tradition, particularly in comparison to Polish Tatars’ community, is represented by the generation of Muslim immigrants from the 1990s. These Muslims are more faithful to the principles of Islam in their everyday life than their Tatar coreligionists. It is caused by the fact that their religious identity was shaped in the Muslim culture, in the countries of their origin. Contrary to earlier immigrants, they do not show assimilative attitudes and distance themselves from Muslim Religious Association which is the organization with the longest tradition among Polish Muslims. Instead, they congregate in institutions they established themselves (e.g. the Muslim League). It should be emphasized, that these people arrived in Poland mainly for educational or economic reasons (to study at the university or start their own business). Majority of them (61%) is planning to return to their homeland after achieving all the basic aims of their stay in Poland. Surely, one should not expect any significant changes among Muslim refugees’ environment in Poland, as majority of them intend to emigrate further. Also Polish citizens converted to Islam often treat their new religion in superficial way, and eventually abandon it and return to their previous confession. According to the results of the research, European integration and opening of the borders did not contribute neither to the inflow of Muslims from Western Europe, nor to the diffusion of ideas which are the foundation for extreme, orthodox Islam. However, during less than last twenty years, the socio-ethnic structure of this religious minority has undergone a significant transformation. It was conditioned mainly by constitutional changes in Poland, despite the dynamics of integration processes in Europe. The research results confirm, that the changes of proportions within the local Muslim minority, shaped over several years, gradually lead to the creation of two models of Islam in Poland: “Tatar-European” – a moderate model, rooted in Poland for centuries, and “Arabic-Middle East” model – considerably more orthodox, created by those who arrived in Poland recently or have recently converted to Islam. The analyzed changes, though significant, do not efface the principal differences between the entire Muslim community in Poland and its Western counterpart. Therefore, one can quote after Smail Balica, the prominent representative of liberal Bosnian Islam, by recalling his description of Islam in the former Yugoslavia, that Islam in Poland remains in agreement with “enlightened Europe and is open to the world, liberal and tolerant in the light of General Declaration of Human Rights. This Islam belongs to Europe in a geographical, historical, ethnical and cultural sense”. It still belongs to Europe.

At its outset, although Polish Protestantism gained big popularity, it did not manage to cover a broad social scope. It gained members mainly among the nobility and wealthy bourgeoisie. Cieszyn Silesia region was an exception – Lutheranism was adopted by many Polish peasants from this area. The spatial analysis of Protestantism’s development proves that it gained the most influence within areas dominated by Latin Christian confession. This resulted from the postulates of the new religious movement, especially in: the fiefdoms of Poland (Ducal Prussia, Courland), lands independent from Poland (Silesia, Western Pomerania), areas of wide autonomy (Royal Prussia) and lands belonging to noble and magnate do-mains, whose owners became protectors of different Protestant confessions. The Counter-Reformation and further persecutions of Protestants in post- -partition Poland, and also in the People’s Republic of Poland, resulted in decrease in their ranks and decline of many of their existing clusters. The modern offspring of the initial Polish Protestant movement includes two of the most numerous factions – Lutheran and Calvinist, represented by Evangelical-Augsburg Church and Evangelical Reformed Church. As opposed to the initial influence of both these confessions, since the late 18th century the Lutherans have dominated in numbers over the members of Evangelical Reformed Church. It was caused mainly by the partitions of Poland, especially under Prussian occupation, where Lutheranism was supported by the local authorities. Many Protestants from Saxony, Silesia and Bohemia immigrated to Poland to settle in the developing, industrial cities of the Kingdom of Poland. The changes in numbers of followers of both confessions led to substantial shifts in their spatial influences. The changes were less significant in case of Evangelical-Augsburg Church, as under Prussian occupation it strengthened its influence within the areas of its original domain. In case of Evangelical Reformed Church, which suffered continuous losses in its ranks, the changes were more significant. They resulted mainly from the 18th and 19th century immigration of Bohemian Brethren, who later became members of the Evangelical Reformed Church, as well as from later migrations within this area, especially during the second half of the 20th century.

W artykule, odwołującym się do zagadnień z zakresu geografii historycznej, politycznej i religii, podjęto próbę nakreślenia genezy i pierwotnego rozwoju przestrzennego protestantyzmu na ziemiach polskich. Analiza tych aspektów rozwoju religii protestanckiej, przy uwzględnieniu licznych dekompozycji, którym podlegała ona w ciągu wieków, posłużyła również do ustalenia stopnia wpływu pierwotnego rozprzestrzeniania się omawianego wyznania na jego współczesny zasięg przestrzenny w Polsce. At its outset, although Polish Protestantism gained big popularity, it did not manage to cover a broad social scope. It gained members mainly among the nobility and wealthy bourgeoisie. Cieszyn Silesia region was an exception – Lutheranism was adopted by many Polish peasants from this area. The Counter-Reformation and further persecutions of Protestants in post-partition Poland, and also in the People’s Republic of Poland, resulted in decrease in their ranks and decline of many of their existing clusters. The modern offspring of the initial Polish Protestant movement includes two of the most numerous factions – Lutheran and Calvinist, represented by Evangelical-Augsburg Church and Evangelical Reformed Church. As opposed to the initial influence of both these confessions, since the late 18th century the Lutherans have dominated in numbers over the members of Evangelical Reformed Church. It was caused mainly by the partitions of Poland, especially under Prussian occupation, where Lutheranism was supported by the local authorities. Many Protestants from Saxony, Silesia and Bohemia immigrated to Poland to settle in the developing, industrial cities of the Kingdom of Poland. The changes in numbers of followers of both confessions led to substantial shifts in their spatial influences.

According to 2002 census Lithuanian minority in Poland is represented by 5639 Polish citizens, concentrated mostly in the Podlaskie province (5097), in the communes of Puńsk (74.4% of population), Szypliszki, Krasnopol and Sejny. Compared to other minorities, Lithuanian community in Poland is very well organized. Lithuanians are associated in 10 socio-cultural organizations, which cooperate rather than compete against each other, even if their scope of activity is more or less similar. The situation of Lituanian minority has a considerable and increasing importance in bilateral relations between their country of residence and their old homeland is quite significant. The impact of the Lithuanian minority on Polish-Lithuanian relations depends on a number of factors, which can be divided into two interdependent groups: 1) ‘internal’ factors, being results of the situation (activity) of the Lithuanian minority itself; 2) ‘external’ factors, being the function of principal variants of the three – sided relations: Lithuanian minority, Poland, Lithuania.

Żydowska przestrzeń sakralna Łodzi, reprezentowana przez synagogi i domy modlitwy, była w dużym stopniu odzwierciedleniem dziejów żydowskich mieszkańców tego miasta. Stały, a od połowy XIX w. niezwykle wręcz dynamiczny wzrost liczby ludności żydowskiej znajdował swoje odbicie w stawianiu kolejnych, okazałych synagog i zakładaniu – w niedużych, głównie mieszkalnych, a sporadycznie także fabrycznych, pomieszczeniach – „prywatnych” modlitewni. W Łodzi powstało 6 tzw. głównych synagog i ponad 250 małych żydowskich domów modlitwy. Nieustanny wzrost liczby obiektów kultu, poza przyczynami natury demograficznej, wynikał również z ogromnego zróżnicowania wewnętrznego społeczności żydowskiej w Łodzi, m.in. zaznaczających się dysproporcji w statusie majątkowym jej przedstawicieli, zarysowujących się różnic politycznych (rosnące wpływy syjonizmu) i nade wszystko pogłębiających się różnic, czy nawet konfliktów o charakterze religijnym (najpierw między chasydyzmem i tradycyjnym nurtem rabinicznym, a później obu tych nurtów z judaizmem reformowanym). Wojna i zagłada znacznej części społeczności żydowskiej Łodzi przyczyniły się do niemal całkowitego zaniku tej oryginalnej w skali kraju przestrzeni. Dzieła jej dalszego zniszczenia, a właściwie wyrzucenia ze zbiorowej pamięci, dokonała w dużym stopniu ignorancka, często nawet wroga wobec tradycji mniejszości narodowych i religijnych polityka władz państwowych i samorządowych Polski Ludowej, której towarzyszyła mało chwalebna postawa części społeczeństwa polskiego, nie zawsze wykazującego poszanowanie dla pozostałości innej niż etnicznie polska, a religijnie – katolicka, kultury.

The problem raised in the title involves a general truth that present forms of statehood – independent nations – are viewed from a historical perspective. We look to past times for factors indicating the future in respect of statehood and national sovereignty. We seek clues and links indicating historical continuance of the said elements. In the case of the Basques attempts to project present realities upon the historical background are rather complicated. The reason is that Basques, inhabiting the northern region of Spain and south-west France, do not have their own state, and never in the history have had a fully adequate form of statehood. The lack of the tradition of statehood – for they have always formed part of a larger political unit – has not lead to the loss of their sense of national identity and has not weakened their struggle for political independence. What is more, the Basques today share a strong sense of national cohesion and national awareness, which is expressed in the Spanish constitution. It is indeed remarkable that a nation lacking the major form of protection of national identity, i.e. statehood, managed to retain it, giving it new dynamics and character. To understand the process of development of Basque national identity it is necessary to examine the historical background and to identify relevant issues. The aim of this study is systematic investigation and presentation of the problem in question with reference to the history of Spain and specific space, so that the historical and geographical perspectives are combined to provide a comprehensive view

Artykuł jest poszerzoną wersją referatu opublikowanego w materiałach pokonferencyjnych: M. Koter, K. Heffner (red.), The role o f borderlands in United Europe, „Region and Regionalizm”, No. 7, vol. 2, University o f Lodz, Silesian Institute in Opole, Silesian Institute, Łódź-Opole 2005, s. 131-147. Today’s Poland is home to some 20-30 thousand Muslims, up from 5,000 in the early 1990s. This 15-years period saw 4-5-fold increase in the number of Muslims accompanied by changes in their socio-ethnic structure. Tatars ceased to represent the majority of Muslims in Poland. As a result of an influx of Muslims from the Near East and Arabic countries (some 20,000 from the 1960s to the late 1980s), mainly for studies, this group gradually gained numeric superiority within the Muslim circles. Some of them took up permanent residence in Poland and set up families thus enlarging the Muslim community. Polish converts should be also taken into account, although often their contacts with Islam are short-lived. W ciągu stuleci Tatarzy byli właściwie jedynymi wyznawcami islamu w Polsce. Współcześnie społeczność tatarska utraciła „monopol” na reprezentowanie tego środowiska religijnego. W wyniku imigracji do Polski, szczególnie w ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lalach, wzrosła liczba muzułmanów innego pochodzenia etnicznego. W artykule podjęta została problematyka dotycząca genezy mniejszości muzułmańskiej, jej liczebności, a także opcji tożsamościowo-pokoleniowych i działalności organizacyjnej muzułmanów w Polsce. Zmiana ukształtowanej przez lata proporcji wewnątrz tutejszej mniejszości muzułmańskiej nakazuje także zastanowić się nad przyszłością islamu w Polsce - czy będzie on bliższy modelowi „tatarsko-europejskiemu” czy też jego „arabsko-bliskowschodniej” wersji. Zadanie pt. „Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki” nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę.

Artykuł jest poszerzoną wersją referatu opublikowanego w materiałach pokonferencyjnych: J. Kitowski (red.). Central and Eastern Europe at the threshold of the European Union - an opening balance, „Geopolitical Studies” (IGiPZ PAN, Warszawa 2004], vol. 12, s. 479—494. Minority Churches in Poland can be divided into 7 main groups: Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Protestantism, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, and Buddhism. Beside Churches stemming from main religious families, there are some congregations belonging to other traditions or combine elements derived from various backgrounds which are labelled here as ‘other denominations’ unrelated with any of main religions. In addition to this, some religions for which no reliable data was available, has been classified in this paper as new or unidentified denominations. Polish legislation uses the term ‘Churches and other religious organisations’ to denote religious groups established to cultivate and propagate a confession, have their own status, doctrine and rituals. In Poland 158 Churches and religious organisations have legal status (as of October 10, 2003) and their relations with the state are defined by appropriate regulations, such as: international agreements, legislation on the relationship between the state and particular Churches or religious organisation, act on Guarantees of Freedom of Conscience and Freedom of Religious Persuasion. Dzięki wynikom Narodowego Spisu Powszechnego z 2002 r., odnoszącym się do zróżnicowania narodowościowego i etnicznego mieszkańców Polski, do szerszej opinii publicznej dotarły kolejne, kompleksowo opracowane zagadnienia dotyczące struktury ludnościowej kraju, które do wprowadzenia zmian polityczno-ustrojowych w Polsce w 1989 r. były na ogół pomijane, niekiedy fałszowane, względnie zniekształcane w przekazach informacyjnych i opracowaniach naukowych. Wyniki wspomnianego spisu nie przynoszą jednak informacji na temat innych, słabo dotąd rozpoznanych, aspektów życia społecznego w Polsce, w tym wiążących się ze zróżnicowaniem religijnym jej mieszkańców. Celem artykułu jes t przybliżenie struktury wyznaniowej Polski, głównie w zakresie, funkcjonujących na obrzeżach obiegu informacji, mniejszości religijnych. Problematyka ta zostanie przedstawiona w ramach następujących kompleksów zagadnień: liczebności, taksonomii i położenia prawnego mniejszości religijnych. W Polsce dopuszcza się dziś możliwość deklaracji nt. wyznawanej religii w formie wolnej woli zainteresowanych osób, prowadzącej do powstania „specyficznej osoby prawnej — Kościoła lub związku wyznaniowego. Mówiąc zatem o mniejszościach religijnych, autor będzie posługiwał się przede wszystkim odpowiadającymi im pojęciami Kościołów i związków wyznaniowych. Zadanie pt. „Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki” nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę

W artykule podjęta została problematyka dotycząca powstania, rozwoju i likwidacji po drugiej wojnie światowej żydowskiego ruchu spółdzielczego. Artykuł przybliża więc uwarunkowania społeczno-polityczne, które zadecydowały o potrzebie powołania do życia odrębnego ruchu spółdzielczego dla ludności żydowskiej, a także przedstawia jego drogę rozwojową, głównie poprzez ukazanie struktury branżowej, wchodzących w jego skład placówek spółdzielczych oraz prezentację zestawień statystycznych obrazujących liczbę spółdzielni i zatrudnionych w nich pracowników. Opracowanie zawiera także ocenę roli, jaką odegrały odrębne struktury spółdzielcze w powojennym życiu ludności żydowskiej - zarówno w jego sferze materialnej, jak i społecznej i psychologicznej, oraz w rozwoju ruchu spółdzielczego w kraju, w tym głównie na obszarze tzw. ziem odzyskanych. As a result of involvement of some governmental bodies as well as Jewish representative organs Jewish community got engaged in a new program of economic policy. The particular element of that policy was so called ‘productivisation’ which aimed at changing the old (pre-war) professional structure of the Jewish community. It consisted in the increase in number of Jewish labour in industry, the establishment of a separate co-operative sector as well as creating opportunities for Jewish farming in Lower Silesia and the Szczecin region. The Jews gained admittance to work in government oiFices. Of particular interest was the establishment of the co-operative movement which stimulated the activeness of a great number of the Jews. In 1945-1949 the Jews organised 232 co-operatives. Particularly active in this field were Jewish inhabitants of Lower Silesia who created nearly a half of all Jewish co-operatives employing above 50% of workers of the Jewish co-operative movement. The Jewish co-operative movoment contributed to an improvement in material condition of Jews and facilitated their adaptation to a normal life. The Jewish co-operatives had an important psychological impact. They made the war victims unite for a common effort. It significantly integrated the community of Polish Jews. The Jewish co-operatives were also an important element of economic activity and a factor stimulating the economy of the country mainly in the so-called Regained Territories. Zadanie pt. „Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki” nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę.

Orthodox Church members form a socio-religious group seperated from Russian Orthodox Church in the latter half of the 17th century in result of reforms initiated by Moscow patriarch Nikon. Persecuted by the official Orthodox Church they searched for places appropriate for practising their faith in the uninhabited regions of Russia and beyond its borders on the territory of Poland, Sweden, Turkey, Austria and Prussia. Divided into various religious groups (e.g. followers and opponents of the pope) as a result of diversified interpretation of many religious issues, the Orthodox Church members settled down in three regions of present day Poland: Mazury, Augustów, Suwałki and Sejny. Strict religious dictates and injunctions made the number of “old faith” believers diminish with time. In 1994 their population in Poland amounted to 2137: 67 people in the historic region of Mazury, 850 - in the Suwałki-Sejny region (722- in Suwałki itself), 1220 - in Augustów region (910 - in Augustów itself and 130 - in Gabowe Grądy). Having legalised their Church in the 1980s this small religious group has been carrying out activities which aim at the development of their community. It is reflected by older members’ adherence to their faith and transmitting it together with other traditions onto younger generations. The fact that Orthodox Church members have one religion is not equivalent with their belonging to the same nation (they consider themselves Polish, Russian or German nationals). Most Orthodox Church members do not know Old Church Slavic (even the liturgy) and at home depending on the region, they use Polish, Russian or German. Now that interest in different ethnic groups has been revived, this small group with long historical tradition merits to be brought closer to other inhabitants of the country whose history they contributed to make. Staroobrzędowcy to grupa społeczno-religijna, wyodrębniona w drugiej połowie XVII w. z łona rosyjskiego Kościoła prawosławnego. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie genezy oraz współczesnej sytuacji staroobrzędowców w Polsce. Przedstawiono rozwój ich świadomości narodowej, struktury religijnej, stopnia tożsamości etnicznej i kulturowej, konfliktów. Zadanie pt. „Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki” nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę.

Celem autorów jest analiza historycznych miejscowości letniskowych, powstałych w okolicach Łodzi, nawiązujących do koncepcji miast-ogrodów, pod kątem przemian morfologicznych, jakich doświadczyły na przestrzeni lat, jak również współczesnych zagrożeń ich substancji zabytkowej, działań podejmowanych w zakresie jej ochrony oraz możliwych kierunków przyszłego rozwoju. Pod uwagę wzięto trzy osiedla – Kolumnę-Las (dawne Miasto-Las Kolumna, obecnie dzielnica Łasku), Tuszyn-Las (historyczne i współczesne osiedle Tuszyna) i Sokolniki-Las (dawne Miasto-Ogród Sokolniki, w okresie powojennym wieś, od lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku osiedle w gminie Ozorków), których układy przestrzenne, w analogii do klasycznych rozwiązań urbanistycznych miast-ogrodów, miały elementy parkowe, promieniste bądź/i koncentryczne.

Social integration is the process of integrating a minority social group – in this case a national minority – into the main part of society, and consequently adapting and harmonising the various elements relating to the sphere of norms and values accepted in a given social community. Such a process does not necessarily mean abandoning one’s former cultural and national identity, but requires the goodwill of the integrating communities and usually implies that the assimilated minority has to renounce at least part of its former identity (cultural patterns, values, norms, customs, etc.).

W chwili pisania tych słów – koniec kwietnia 2022 roku – trwa wojna między Rosją a Ukrainą. Jej wynik jest nieznany. Kilka rzeczy jest jednak pewnych: 1) świat po tej wojnie będzie inny niż przed nią; 2) o wyniku wojny zadecyduje „wielka gra” pomiędzy trzema graczami – Rosją (w tym sytuacja wewnątrz tego kraju), Zachodem pod przywództwem Stanów Zjednoczonych i z Ukrainą jako bastionem Zachodu, oraz Chinami (jawnym rywalem Zachodu, a tym samym taktycznym sojusznikiem Rosji); 3) jeszcze raz okazuje się, że o losach świata decydują wielkie mocarstwa, które można nazwać imperiami-cywilizacjami; 4) w dziejach wielkich mocarstw, a tym samym i świata, istnieją punkty zwrotne, w których dalszy bieg historii jest niepewny i w których działa nie tylko mechaniczna logika siły materii (relacji potencjałów materialnych i militarnych), ale i czynnik ludzki – postawy żołnierzy bezpośrednio walczących na wojnie, ludności i przywódców obu stron, ich kalkulacje, wyobrażenia, błędy itd., oraz przypadek. W tym opracowaniu uwaga jest skierowana na punkty drugi i trzeci powyższej listy, czyli na imperia-cywilizacje, a w szczególności na jedno z nich – Rosję, jako ilustrację szerszego zjawiska, jakim jest dynamika imperiów- cywilizacji.

Geografia polityczna to jedna z najstarszych dziedzin badań w geografii. Jej początków możemy się doszukać już w pracach Herodota, Platona czy Strabona. Jednak pojemność obydwu pojęć składających się na jej nazwę – geografia i polityka – utrudnia przyjęcie precyzyjnej definicji, co do której panowałby konsensus zarówno wśród politologów, jak i geografów. Można jednak stwierdzić, że badania geografii politycznej obejmują przestrzeń z rozgrywającym się w niej procesem politycznym. Geografia polityczna sytuuje się na pograniczu badań geografii człowieka, nauk o polityce, historii, socjologii i ekonomii.

Badania nad istotą pojęcia granicy są prowadzone co najmniej od dwóch wieków w wielu dziedzinach nauki, licznych ośrodkach naukowych i najczęściej mają interdyscyplinarny charakter. Również wymiar przestrzenny rozważań ma znaczenie – do granicy i jej oddziaływań można bowiem podchodzić w ujęciu globalnym, regionalnym, lokalnym, a także międzypaństwowym. Jeśli przedmiotem rozważań są powiązania ekonomiczne, społeczne lub kulturowe obszarów położonych w bliższej bądź dalszej odległości od linii rozdzielającej dwie (lub więcej) struktury polityczno-przestrzenne, można je traktować jako charakteryzujące się różną intensywnością relacje transgraniczne.

Over the past three decades, a debate has been developing in the world over the dynamics and legitimacy of the fragmentation of state territorial space, its sovereignty and unitary character, i.e., those geographical elements that have dominated European and later world political organization since the end of the medieval age. This discussion has been stimulated especially by the collapse of the Soviet Empire. The proliferation of declarations of independence have forced many scholars of political philosophy, law, sociology, and international relations to see that the international order, composed of sovereign territorial states, believed to be immobile and eternal (according to the principles of jus publicum europaeum), was undergoing profound changes.

Pojęcie granicy państwowej długo ewoluowało – od rozległych granic strefowych, często o nieokreślonej przynależności, do drobiazgowo wytyczanych granic linearnych. Owe nieokreślone strefy, będące często pustkowiami, stanowiły zwykle lasy, stepy, pustynie, góry lub bagna, które niejednokrotnie utrzymywano niezagospodarowane z powodów obronnych. Dominującą funkcją granicy, inaczej niż współcześnie, nie było określenie zasięgu terytorium danego państwa, ale jego obrona, dlatego granice nie miały formy liniowej, lecz postać nieustabilizowanych, trudnych do przebycia stref pogranicza.

Israel and Georgia are both a newly established independence states, which became independence after long years of outside rule. Also, both had different history there are some similarities between them. One of their mutual similarities, namely their international boundaries, will be discussed here.