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Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Archivo histórico de Kipus: Revista Andina de Letras y Estudios Culturales, 1997. Esta información es parte del repositorio institucional UASB-Digital, de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador.

En la cultura histórica de la primera generación de liberales españoles, las referencias a la Edad Media permitieron legitimar sus propuestas constitucionales. Esto implicó un desprecio del reformismo borbónico del siglo XVIII, al identificarse con el despotismo ministerial y el afrancesamiento de la nación. Sin embargo, a lo largo de la década de 1830 esta percepción se fue transformando, hacia una mirada que veía el reinado de Carlos III como el de una regeneración interrumpida. Los escritos de Andrés Muriel y otros autores permiten estudiar los diversos horizontes de expectativa que se podían visualizar al invocar este reinado. La visión positiva del reformismo borbónico aparece como el correlato del cambio de rumbo de las expectativas revolucionarias.

Resumen En este artículo se plantea una aproximación al pensamiento contrarrevolucionario durante el periodo del Primer Imperio Mexicano a partir de las obras impresas de Juan José Fernández de Lara y Arellano, cura de Tepeyanco. Su actividad como polemista en 1822 permite reparar en los principales temas que enfrentaron a liberales y serviles tras la independencia. Revela las expectativas que los conservadores depositaron en el nuevo país y las frustraciones que afrontaron al no materializarse sus demandas. Este estudio atiende asimismo a la dimensión profética y escatológica del religioso, quien participaba de una interpretación pesimista de la realidad. Se propone observar la reacción mexicana como parte integral y constitutiva del proceso revolucionario hispánico. A ambos lados del Atlántico, los antiliberales comprendieron que los tiempos estaban cambiando y que, necesariamente, se requerían combinar viejos y nuevos repertorios de actuación para seguir en la brecha.

Copyright of Vínculos de Historia is the property of Vinculos de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Memoria y Civilizacion is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article we intend to present some considerations (more than explanations) about the field of meanings of the words homeland and patriotism in Portugal in the aftermath of the Liberal Revolution of 1820. To this end, we will use as a reference a periodical called Patriota Portuense, published between January and December 1821 in Porto. The article is divided into two fundamental parts. Firstly, we will try to understand how the concepts of homeland and patriotism gained popularity in the educated and politicized circles of Enlightened Europe, especially in Spain, France and England. We chose these countries because of their preponderance in the experience of the first Portuguese liberalism and in the interpretations of the concepts under analysis, in the case of the last two even because of the experience and learning that exile will provide. In the second, we will focus on the revolutionary meaning that, with the military pronouncement of 1820, in Portugal, these terms definitively began to be enunciated through the Patriota Portuense. As we consider newspapers to be key analytical instruments for conceptual history, we will try to see, in an unstable political context, what meanings were attributed by this periodical to words and how it tried to act on reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La conmemoración del bicentenario del Trienio Liberal en 2020 fue la chispa revolucionaria que provocó el estallido en ambos hemisferios de una eclosión historiográfica sobre este período. Desde un primer instante, los historiadores e historiadoras especialistas en el segundo período constitucional se lanzaron a organizar congresos, publicar libros, dosieres de revistas y un largo etcétera. Todo iba bien hasta que en marzo 2020 la pandemia paralizó la conmemoración. A pesar de la gravedad de las noticias, pero gracias a la incansable labor de los y las especialistas durante la llamada nueva normalidad, esa eclosión historiográfica del Trienio resurgió como un potente haz de luz para cumplir con varios objetivos: superar los estigmas de la historiografía franquista y la tesis del fracaso que predominó durante los años de la Transición y abordar el análisis de la revolución liberal de 1820 como una historia compartida juntando de forma definitiva los procesos revolucionarios de España y América. Por esta razón, en este trabajo se busca realizar un embrionario estado de la cuestión sobre esta eclosión historiográfica del Trienio Liberal que estalló en el marco de su conmemoración en 2020.

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal History of Latin American Education / Revista Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the economic conditions that dictated the end of the exclusive colonial regime that characterized the relationship between Portugal and Brazil until 1808, the year in which the opening of Brazilian ports to international trade was decreed. Such conditions help to understand the impossibility of rebuilding the empire after the liberal revolution of 1820, as clearly perceived by some deputies to the Constituent Courts. The mirage of an impractical recolonization represented, however, an important stimulus for the construction of the political independence of the Brazilian nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo analiza los proyectos y las realidades de cambio que protagonizaron el Patriarcado de Lisboa y el Patriarcado de Indias en Portugal y España, respectivamente, durante la Revolución liberal. Esta óptica comparativa nos lleva a considerar, además del complicado acomodo de una institución propia del Antiguo Régimen al nuevo sistema impuesto por el liberalismo, la dificultad de establecer límites nítidos entre las esferas de actuación del Estado liberal y la Iglesia en un momento caracterizado por la confrontación entre ambas instancias. Pero también, paradójicamente, cómo estas instituciones que tantos recelos suscitaban podían acomodarse, no sin contradicciones, al nuevo contexto, en el que en ambos países ibéricos se planteaba el paso de Monarquía a nación conservando la religión como elemento definitorio para asegurar que las antiguas lealtades revertían en el nuevo sistema liberal.

Copyright of Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to analyze the political practices of the Ecuadorian conservatives and clergymen exiled in Pasto during the first years of the Liberal Revolution. These practices included armed incursions as well as an intense editorial activity. The experience of exile contributed to redefining Ecuadorian conservatism and also revealed the porosity of the border between Ecuador and Colombia and the transnational dimension of the struggle between conservatives and liberals in the Andean countries in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La movilización armada de la sociedad propiciada por la revolución liberal incluyó el fomento de la idea de comprometer con el nuevo orden a los ciudadanos completos, aquellos que no solo habían de disfrutar en exclusiva de los derechos políticos, sino también del derecho a portar armas. Se formaron, en consecuencia, una serie de milicias ciudadanas dependientes normalmente de los ayuntamientos y con un fuerte componente de clase, herederas en gran medida de las ya existentes en la Edad Moderna, pero con la particularidad de contar con un significado y una implicación política muy superior. La necesidad de defender lo propio, junto al interés por posicionarse en el nuevo escenario abierto por la revolución, sacó a las burguesías locales de su aversión a los alistamientos y las implicó ampliamente en los nuevos cuerpos armados. Sin embargo, las milicias acabaron resultando un problema conforme el Antiguo Régimen fue derrotado y la revolución fue revisada en sentido moderado. Por un lado, por las pugnas internas por su control, y por otro por su conversión en foco de contestación del poder central, sobre todo cuando estaba ocupado por el enemigo político.

El artículo tiene por objeto analizar la confi guración del papel político del Rey en el texto constitucional gaditano. Tras enmarcar la Constitución de 1812 en el contexto del constitucionalismo revolucionario, de escasa vigencia histórica, pero cuyas principios habrían de acabar por tener gran proyección hacia el futuro, el artículo analiza los poderes; otorgadas el monarca por la primera Constitución de la historia española, poderes que, de haber aquella logrado mantenerse, hubiera conducido antes o después a una efectiva parlamentarización de la monarquía española.

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the bicentenary of the Liberal Revolution of 1820, the Revista da FLUP – História in its v.10, nº 2 (2020) publishes a dossier related with this event, that has the objective to allow a reflection on the Portuguese Liberalism, accordingly to the new historiographical tendencies. This theme was object of great interest by Portuguese historians and writers, as well as foreigners, in the 19th and 20th centuries. In fact, the military rebellion of the 24th August 1820 was of vital importance, in the History of Portugal, as it made possible the realization of first elections, by direct suffrage that ever took place in the country and the writing of the first Liberal Constitution in 1822. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hispania Sacra is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Our knowledge of the Spanish Church during the 19th Century has advanced considerably through the publication of some prominent bishops’ biographies. However, many of these figures are still unfamiliar to us. This is the case with Juan José Bonel y Orbe (1782-1857), a distinguished prelate during the difficult years of Isabel ii’s regencies and the beginnings of moderate politics. Bishop of Málaga and Córdoba and later primate of Toledo and cardinal, he gave many speeches as a senator, as well as being the Queen’s confessor. This article provides an approach to his biography on the basis of the published sources available, with the objective of shedding light on his historical importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Miscelanea Comillas is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo examina el cambio jurídico y social que supuso la desamortización de censos durante la revolución liberal en España. La legislación desamortizadora transformó la propia concepción de los censos como formas de explotación de la tierra y el trabajo al admitir su redención y, por tanto, el acceso de los censatarios a la plena propiedad de la tierra anteriormente acensuada. Esto no solo repercutía en el fenómeno desamortizador general, sino que también permitió acomodar estas figuras jurídicas de origen antiguo al nuevo régimen liberal, pues diferenciaba entre los censos de los bienes nacionales, redimibles a través de la normativa desamortizadora, y los censos entre particulares, que permanecían como derechos de propiedad privada, a pesar de que no fuesen de "propiedad perfecta". También se analizan proyectos de reforma como los de los ilustrados o el de Flórez Estrada, que nos revelan una mayor complejidad respecto a las ideas liberales sobre la propiedad de la tierra, más allá de las disposiciones finalmente llevadas a cabo.

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recently, institutions have been interpreted as an element of remarkable explanatory capacity for economic growth. The relationship between liberal revolution and industrialization is a good example of this since both came hand in hand in many European countries. On the contrary, in Spain, the institutional framework established by the liberals was not the most appropriate to promote the nascent industrialization, as a result of the continuities of the previous institutional frame, the bases of its economic policy and the high political instability. The modern secondary sector only acquired a certain importance from 1840 onwards and it was, moreover, very concentrated territorially. The tools used, to varying degrees, by the liberal state related to the industry were deregulation, protection of industrial property, tariff policy, among others. The direct absence of the industrialists in the body of the State deprived to the economic policy had an industrialist bias. Although there were some initiatives, the State financial situation prevented the continuity and the absence of a global plan condemned them to a low impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1808, the Liberal Revolution came about in a country with few liberals. It was not born from the impulse of its supporters, who found as a fait accompli the collapse of the institutional framework of the Old Regime after the Napoleonic invasion. Few and weak, the liberals took three decades to consolidate the revolution. The weak social base of liberalism would condition its consolidation and development in the middle years of the 19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education represents one of the pivotal debates that took place during the era of Liberal Revolution in Spain. The controversies that surrounded education — particularly following the outbreak of the Peninsular War — cannot be understood without addressing their fundamentally political nature. This article adopts a historical-conceptual perspective to examine the link between public education and sovereignty; it interrogates how distinct perspectives on this subject reflect a particular notion of the relationship between civil and religious power. The events of 1808 and the Cortes de Cádiz allow a reformulation of the relationship between the Church and the State, which had been growing in complexity since the era of the Bourbon Reforms. Furthermore, this study demonstrates the ways in which, particularly in periods of crisis, pedagogical discourses and practices become central to historical semantics. Revolving around the concept of sovereignty, the battle for education enables us to develop our understanding of the way in which public instruction is linked to fundamental questions in the origins of liberal Spain, such as regalism and secularisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]