367 results on '"Regierungspolitik"'
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2. Der ermöglichende (oder hemmende) Einfluss afrikanischer Regierungen auf Investitionen in Sonderwirtschaftszonen durch China
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Robinson, Bryan and Robinson, Bryan
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- 2023
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
3. Das chinesische Sonderwirtschaftszonenmodell und das China der Zukunft
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Robinson, Bryan and Robinson, Bryan
- Published
- 2023
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
4. Arabisch-amerikanische Jugend und Diskriminierung in der Zeit vor dem 11. September
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Tabbah, Rhonda and Tabbah, Rhonda
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- 2022
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- View/download PDF
5. Präsidenten und Regierungen in der Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft
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Grotz, Florian, Müller-Rommel, Ferdinand, Lauth, Hans-Joachim, editor, Kneuer, Marianne, editor, and Pickel, Gert, editor
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- 2016
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- View/download PDF
6. Social status, political priorities and unequal representation
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Nathalie Giger, Miriam Hänni, Christian Breunig, and Denise Traber
- Subjects
inequality ,Sociology and Political Science ,representation ,Ungleichheit ,Denmark ,Frankreich ,Großbritannien ,Sociology & anthropology ,government policy ,Priorität ,Belgium ,political priorities ,Allgemeine Soziologie, Makrosoziologie, spezielle Theorien und Schulen, Entwicklung und Geschichte der Soziologie ,Regierungspolitik ,sozialer Status ,Österreich ,Sociology ,Political science ,Netherlands ,media_common ,Belgien ,Great Britain ,Representation (systemics) ,Dänemark ,Bundesrepublik Deutschland ,Europe ,Italy ,Austria ,Ungarn ,political agenda ,France ,ddc:301 ,Europa ,Social status ,Inequality ,Politikwissenschaft ,media_common.quotation_subject ,Italien ,Federal Republic of Germany ,Politics ,priority ,General Sociology, Basic Research, General Concepts and History of Sociology, Sociological Theories ,Positive economics ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Niederlande ,Repräsentation ,Spanien ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,Hungary ,social status ,Soziologie, Anthropologie ,Spain ,ddc:320 ,Inequality, Representation, Social status, Political Priorities ,politische Agenda - Abstract
Researchers on inequalities in representation debate about whether governments represent the preferences of the rich better than those of less affluent citizens. We argue that problems of high‐ and low‐status citizens are treated differently already at the agenda‐setting stage. If affluent and less affluent citizens have different priorities about which issues should be tackled by government, then these divergent group priorities explain why government favors high‐ over low‐status citizens. Due to different levels of visibility, resources and social ties, governments pay more attention to what high‐status citizens consider important in their legislative agenda and pay less attention to the issues of low‐status citizens. We combined three types of data for our research design. First, we extracted the policy priorities (most important issues) for all status groups from Eurobarometer data between 2002 and 2016 for 10 European countries and match this information with data on policy outcomes from the Comparative Agendas Project. We then strengthen our results using a focused comparison of three single country studies over longer time series. We show that a priority gap exists and has representational consequences. Our analysis has important implications for the understanding of the unequal representation of status groups as it sheds light on an important, yet so far unexplored, aspect of the political process. Since the misrepresentation of political agendas occurs at the very beginning of the policy‐making process, the consequences are potentially even more severe than for the unequal treatment of preferences. published
- Published
- 2021
7. Des dictatures ouest-africaines 'éclairées' contestées par la capture de l'État? Perspectives du Bénin, du Togo et du Sénégal
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Kohnert, Dirk and Kohnert, Dirk
- Abstract
Populist nationalism is on the rise in sub-Saharan Africa. Depending on the political orientation, it is both reinforced and confronted by social media and social movements. Nationalism also cements the longstanding rule of autocratic regimes in West Africa, particularly in Togo, Benin and Senegal. Supported by the commodification of the party system, autocrats set up a shadow state. They use populism to prop up their illegitimate rule and to destabilize the opposition. The internet and social media play a crucial role in the spread of fake news through the mostly state-controlled media. The Catholic Church also tried, with little success, to counteract the wave of nationalism. In Benin, for example, in 2019 the bishops of Cotonou called for a 'fast on the lies that inundate and poison interpersonal and social relationships'. In Lomé, the bishops' conference condemned the systematic persecution of the opposition and the arrest of its leader, presidential candidate and former prime minister Agbeyome Kodjo. Senegal, like Benin, has long been marketed as a 'showcase of democracy' in Africa, including peaceful political transition. But things changed radically with the 2019 Senegalese presidential election, which brought new configurations. One of the main problems was political transhumance, which was elevated to the rank of religion with disregard for political morality. It threatened political stability and peace. In response, social networks of mostly young activists established in 2011 after the Arab Spring focused on campaigning for grassroots voters for good governance and democracy. They proposed a break with a political system they saw as neo-colonialist. Activists such as 'Y'en a marre' (literally 'I'm fed up') and other dissident social movements benefited from the country's particular social conditions, which favoured collective action. Should President Macky Sall opt for a third term in 2024, it would again pose a serious challenge to Senegalese democracy., Le nationalisme populiste est en hausse en Afrique subsaharienne. Selon l'orientation politique, elle est à la fois renforcée et confrontée par les réseaux sociaux et les mouvements sociaux. Le nationalisme cimente également la domination de longue date des régimes autocratiques en Afrique de l'Ouest, en particulier au Togo, au Bénin et au Sénégal. Soutenus par la marchandisation du système des partis, les autocrates ont mis en place un État fantôme. Ils utilisent le populisme pour étayer leur pouvoir illégitime et déstabiliser l'opposition. Internet et les médias sociaux jouent un rôle crucial dans la diffusion de fausses nouvelles par le biais de médias principalement contrôlés par l'État. L'Église catholique tenta aussi, sans grand succès, de contrer la vague de nationalisme. Au Bénin, par exemple, en 2019, les évêques de Cotonou ont appelé à "un jeûne sur les mensonges qui inondent et empoisonnent les relations interpersonnelles et sociales". À Lomé, la conférence des évêques a condamné la persécution systématique de l'opposition et l'arrestation de son leader, candidat à la présidence et ancien Premier ministre Agbeyome Kodjo. Le Sénégal, comme le Bénin, a longtemps été présenté comme une "vitrine de la démocratie" en Afrique, y compris la transition politique pacifique. Mais les choses ont radicalement changé avec l'élection présidentielle sénégalaise de 2019, qui a apporté de nouvelles configurations. L'un des principaux problèmes était la transhumance politique, élevée au rang de religion au mépris de la morale politique. Il menaçait la stabilité politique et la paix. En réponse, les réseaux sociaux de jeunes militants pour la plupart créés en 2011 après le printemps arabe se sont concentrés sur la campagne des électeurs de base pour la bonne gouvernance et la démocratie. Ils ont proposé de rompre avec un système politique qu'ils considéraient comme néo-colonialiste. Des militants comme "Y'en a marre" (littéralement "j'en ai marre") et d'autres mouvements so
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- 2022
8. Die Richtlinienkompetenz der Bundeskanzlerin, und wie man mit ihr (nicht) umgehen sollte
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Pehle, Heinrich and Pehle, Heinrich
- Abstract
Die Richtlinienkompetenz ist im Zuge der Auseinandersetzungen um die Asylpolitik die Diskussion geraten. Es zeigt sich, dass ihre Inanspruchnahme zur Konfliktlösung nicht nur ungeeignet war, sondern sich kontraproduktiv, nämlich krisenverschärfend wirkte.
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- 2022
9. 'Enlightened' West African dictatorship challenged by state capture? Insights from Benin, Togo and Senegal
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Kohnert, Dirk and Kohnert, Dirk
- Abstract
Populist nationalism is on the rise in sub-Saharan Africa. Depending on the political orientation, it is both reinforced and confronted by social media and social movements. Nationalism also cements the longstanding rule of autocratic regimes in West Africa, particularly in Togo, Benin and Senegal. Supported by the commodification of the party system, autocrats set up a shadow state. They use populism to prop up their illegitimate rule and to destabilize the opposition. The internet and social media play a crucial role in the spread of fake news through the mostly state-controlled media. The Catholic Church also tried, with little success, to counteract the wave of nationalism. In Benin, for example, in 2019 the bishops of Cotonou called for a ‘fast on the lies that inundate and poison interpersonal and social relationships’. In Lomé, the bishops' conference condemned the systematic persecution of the opposition and the arrest of its leader, presidential candidate and former prime minister Agbeyome Kodjo. Senegal, like Benin, has long been marketed as a 'showcase of democracy' in Africa, including peaceful political transition. But things changed radically with the 2019 Senegalese presidential election, which brought new configurations. One of the main problems was political transhumance, which was elevated to the rank of religion with disregard for political morality. It threatened political stability and peace. In response, social networks of mostly young activists established in 2011 after the Arab Spring focused on campaigning for grassroots voters for good governance and democracy. They proposed a break with a political system they saw as neo-colonialist. Activists such as 'Y'en a marre' (literally 'I'm fed up') and other dissident social movements benefited from the country's particular social conditions, which favoured collective action. Should President Macky Sall opt for a third term in 2024, it would again pose a serious challenge to Senegalese democracy., Populistischer Nationalismus ist in Subsahara-Afrika auf dem Vormarsch. Er wird je nach politischer Ausrichtung durch soziale Medien und soziale Bewegungen sowohl verstärkt als auch konfrontiert. Der Nationalismus zementiert auch die langjährige Herrschaft autokratischer Regime in Westafrika, insbesondere in Togo, Benin und Senegal. Unterstützt durch die Kommodifizierung des Parteiensystems errichten Autokraten einen Schattenstaat. Sie nutzen den Populismus, um ihre illegitime Herrschaft zu stützen und die Opposition zu destabilisieren. Das Internet und soziale Medien spielen eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Verbreitung von Fake News durch die meist staatlich kontrollierten Medien. Auch die katholische Kirche versuchte mit wenig Erfolg, der Welle des Nationalismus entgegenzuwirken. In Benin beispielsweise riefen die Bischöfe von Cotonou 2019 zu einem "Fasten der Lügen auf, die zwischenmenschliche und soziale Beziehungen überschwemmen und vergiften". In Lomé verurteilte die Bischofskonferenz die systematische Verfolgung der Opposition und die Verhaftung ihres Anführers, Präsidentschaftskandidaten und ehemaligen Ministerpräsidenten Agbeyome Kodjo. Senegal wurde, ebenso wie Benin, lange Zeit als 'Schaufenster der Demokratie' in Afrika verkauft, einschließlich eines friedlichen politischen Wandels. Doch die Dinge änderten sich radikal mit der senegalesischen Präsidentschaftswahl von 2019, die neue Konfigurationen mit sich brachte. Eines der Hauptprobleme war die politische Transhumanz, die unter Missachtung der politischen Moral in den Rang einer Religion erhoben wurde. Sie bedrohte die politische Stabilität und den Frieden. Als Reaktion darauf konzentrierten sich soziale Netzwerke von meist jungen Aktivisten, die 2011 nach dem Arabischen Frühling gegründet wurden, darauf, Wähler an der Basis für gute Regierungsführung und Demokratie zu werben. Sie schlugen einen Bruch mit einem politischen System vor, das sie als neokolonialistisch ansahen. Aktivisten wie 'Y'en a marre
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- 2022
10. ThemenMonitor, 1. Quartal 2022: Tabellenband
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forsa Politik- und Sozialforschung GmbH and forsa Politik- und Sozialforschung GmbH
- Abstract
Ergebnisse der wöchentlichen Umfragen, welches Thema aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft die Bundesbürger persönlich am meisten beschäftigt.
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- 2022
11. Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente: Rescuing Colombia's Peace
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German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Lateinamerika-Studien, Birke Daniels, Kristina, García Pinzón, Viviana, Kurtenbach, Sabine, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Lateinamerika-Studien, Birke Daniels, Kristina, García Pinzón, Viviana, and Kurtenbach, Sabine
- Abstract
Colombia elected a new progressive government on 19 June. While the COVID-19 pandemic did not play a direct role in the campaign, it has deepened both structural problems as well as pre-pandemic trends such as high levels of social inequality, citizen distrust regarding state institutions, and increasing violence in certain regions of the country. While these social disparities led to a call for change by different groups, reducing violence will be a key policy test for the new government. COVID-19 hit Colombia at a delicate time. A comprehensive peace agreement had been signed in 2016, but the elections of 2018 brought the forces that had run on an anti-agreement platform into government. A half-hearted implementation of the accord resulted, which together with increasing citizen dissatisfaction led to mass protests at the end of 2019. In the wake of the pandemic's onset, around six million Colombians fell into poverty. Despite some social policies such as the solidarity income (ingreso solidario), in many fields the state retreated from the provision of public services - in contrast with an increase in repressive measures, as for instance in the pursuit of coca eradication. After a short decrease in collective forms of violence due to lockdown policies, pre-pandemic patterns resumed. In peripheral and border zones, armed actors strategically leveraged the pandemic to increase their control over illicit enterprises and local populations. The entanglement of deteriorating socio-economic conditions, increasing violence, and an extremely unpopular government opened the door to the election of the first left-leaning president in Colombia's history, Gustavo Petro. The new government offers the historic opportunity to save the peace agreement and initiate the profound changes Colombia desperately needs. External actors need to support the reform agenda. Particularly, the implementation of the structural changes established in the peace agreement as well as reform of the
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- 2022
12. OxCOVID19 Database, a multimodal data repository for better understanding the global impact of COVID-19
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Mahdi, Adam, Błaszczyk, Piotr, Dłotko, Paweł, Salvi, Dario, Chan, Tak-Shing, Harvey, John, Gurnari, Davide, Wu, Yue, Farhat, Ahmad, Hellmer, Niklas, Zarebski, Alexander, Hogan, Bernie, Tarassenko, Lionel, Mahdi, Adam, Błaszczyk, Piotr, Dłotko, Paweł, Salvi, Dario, Chan, Tak-Shing, Harvey, John, Gurnari, Davide, Wu, Yue, Farhat, Ahmad, Hellmer, Niklas, Zarebski, Alexander, Hogan, Bernie, and Tarassenko, Lionel
- Abstract
Oxford COVID-19 Database (OxCOVID19 Database) is a comprehensive source of information related to the COVID-19 pandemic. This relational database contains time-series data on epidemiology, government responses, mobility, weather and more across time and space for all countries at the national level, and for more than 50 countries at the regional level. It is curated from a variety of (wherever available) official sources. Its purpose is to facilitate the analysis of the spread of SARS-CoV-2 virus and to assess the effects of non-pharmaceutical interventions to reduce the impact of the pandemic. Our database is a freely available, daily updated tool that provides unified and granular information across geographical regions.
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- 2022
13. Experts in Government: What for? Ambiguities in Public Opinion Towards Technocracy
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Ganuza, Ernesto, Font, Joan, Ganuza, Ernesto, and Font, Joan
- Abstract
Technocratic governments and similar systems that give more voice to experts in the decision-making process are one of the potential alternatives to traditional representative party government. These alternatives have become increasingly popular, especially in countries where strong political disaffection and previous favourable pro-expert attitudes exist simultaneously. The Spanish case is one of these settings, with the emergence of a political party, Ciudadanos (Citizens), that represents these ideas. This article contributes to the understanding of public opinion support for an expert government, its main motives, and social supports. We claim that experts are not so much a decision-making alternative as they are a desired piece of the decision-making process. Support for a more significant role for experts comes especially from those that credit them with ample technical capacities, but most citizens want them to work as a piece of representative government, not as an alternative to it. The article combines two types of evidence: A survey of a representative sample of the population, including innovative questions about support to expert governments, and 10 focus groups that allow a more in-depth comprehension of the support (and criticism) of an increased role for experts. The results provide a nuanced picture of the types of expert involvement sought and their respective social support.
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- 2022
14. Social status, political priorities and unequal representation
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Traber, Denise, Hänni, Miriam, Giger, Nathalie, Breunig, Christian, Traber, Denise, Hänni, Miriam, Giger, Nathalie, and Breunig, Christian
- Abstract
Researchers on inequalities in representation debate about whether governments represent the preferences of the rich better than those of less affluent citizens. We argue that problems of high- and low-status citizens are treated differently already at the agenda-setting stage. If affluent and less affluent citizens have different priorities about which issues should be tackled by government, then these divergent group priorities explain why government favours high- over low-status citizens. Due to different levels of visibility, resources and social ties, governments pay more attention to what high-status citizens consider important in their legislative agenda and pay less attention to the issues of low-status citizens. We combined three types of data for our research design. First, we extracted the policy priorities (most important issues) for all status groups from Eurobarometer data between 2002 and 2016 for 10 European countries and matched this information with data on policy outcomes from the Comparative Agendas Project. We then strengthen our results using a focused comparison of three single country studies over longer time series. We show that a priority gap exists and has representational consequences. Our analysis has important implications for the understanding of the unequal representation of status groups as it sheds light on an important, yet so far unexplored, aspect of the political process. Since the misrepresentation of political agendas occurs at the very beginning of the policy-making process, the consequences are potentially even more severe than for the unequal treatment of preferences.
- Published
- 2022
15. Aufbau europäischer Resilienz und Handlungsfähigkeit: Lehren für 2030
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Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V., Parkes, Roderick, Kirch, Anna-Lena, Dinkel, Serafine, Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V., Parkes, Roderick, Kirch, Anna-Lena, and Dinkel, Serafine
- Abstract
Dieser Bericht enthält zwölf mögliche Szenarien für die Welt im Jahr 2030. Er bietet Einblicke darin, wie die EU angesichts der großen disruptiven Veränderungen, die in diesem Jahrzehnt voraussichtlich aufkommen werden, ihre Handlungsfähigkeit erhalten und ausbauen kann. Die Publikation erschien im Vorfeld der Bundestagswahl im September 2021, die als Referendum über ein zehn Jahre andauerndes Krisenmanagement der Regierung gewertet werden kann.
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- 2022
16. Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente: Rescuing Colombia's Peace
- Author
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Birke Daniels, Kristina, García Pinzón, Viviana, Kurtenbach, Sabine, and German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Lateinamerika-Studien
- Subjects
Verflechtung ,Politikwissenschaft ,domestic policy ,Epidemie ,Colombia ,soziale Ungleichheit ,epidemic ,government policy ,strukturelle Gewalt ,Regierungspolitik ,Wahlkampf ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Political science ,interdependence ,interconnection ,Kolumbien ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,Politikverdrossenheit ,social inequality ,Innenpolitik ,dissatisfaction with politics ,Lateinamerika ,election campaign ,Latin America ,structural violence ,ddc:320 ,COVID-19 ,Pandemie ,Interdependenz - Abstract
Colombia elected a new progressive government on 19 June. While the COVID-19 pandemic did not play a direct role in the campaign, it has deepened both structural problems as well as pre-pandemic trends such as high levels of social inequality, citizen distrust regarding state institutions, and increasing violence in certain regions of the country. While these social disparities led to a call for change by different groups, reducing violence will be a key policy test for the new government. COVID-19 hit Colombia at a delicate time. A comprehensive peace agreement had been signed in 2016, but the elections of 2018 brought the forces that had run on an anti-agreement platform into government. A half-hearted implementation of the accord resulted, which together with increasing citizen dissatisfaction led to mass protests at the end of 2019. In the wake of the pandemic's onset, around six million Colombians fell into poverty. Despite some social policies such as the solidarity income (ingreso solidario), in many fields the state retreated from the provision of public services - in contrast with an increase in repressive measures, as for instance in the pursuit of coca eradication. After a short decrease in collective forms of violence due to lockdown policies, pre-pandemic patterns resumed. In peripheral and border zones, armed actors strategically leveraged the pandemic to increase their control over illicit enterprises and local populations. The entanglement of deteriorating socio-economic conditions, increasing violence, and an extremely unpopular government opened the door to the election of the first left-leaning president in Colombia's history, Gustavo Petro. The new government offers the historic opportunity to save the peace agreement and initiate the profound changes Colombia desperately needs. External actors need to support the reform agenda. Particularly, the implementation of the structural changes established in the peace agreement as well as reform of the country's security institutions. While the latter are ignored in the peace accord, doing so is a necessary condition to promote trust in the state and to contain violence by means other than repression. In addition, new economic policies for greater social inclusion and the mitigation of climate change are urgent topics on the agenda too.
- Published
- 2022
17. Handlungsunfähiges Frankreich
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Kempin, Ronja, Mintel, Julina, and Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit
- Subjects
politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,Frankreich ,Innenpolitische Lage/Entwicklung ,Staatsoberhaupt ,Macron, Emmanuel ,Regierungspolitik ,Regierungsprogramm ,Wirtschaftsreformen ,Sozialreform ,Gesellschaftliche/Politische Opposition ,Sozialer Konflikt ,Politikwissenschaft ,ddc:320 ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Political science - Abstract
Das Wahljahr 2022 hat Frankreichs Präsidenten Emmanuel Macron geschwächt. Obgleich wiedergewählt, ist sein politischer Handlungsspielraum jetzt stark eingeschränkt. Mehrheiten für seine wirtschafts- und sozialpolitischen Reformen müssen teuer erkauft werden, lassen sich vielleicht gar nicht finden. Die Auflösung der Nationalversammlung könnte ein Ausweg sein. Dass die politischen Extreme weiter gestärkt werden, kann Macron nur vermeiden, wenn er zu seinem Versprechen einer progressiven Politik zurückkehrt und die Kluft zwischen Arm und Reich verringert. Seine politische Agenda birgt Konflikte für die deutsch-französische Europapolitik. Will Berlin jedoch verhindern, dass Macrons Nachfolgerin 2027 tatsächlich Marine Le Pen heißt, sollte es die Reformagenda des französischen Präsidenten unterstützen. (Autorenreferat)
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- 2022
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
18. Building European Resilience and Capacity to Act: Lessons for 2030
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Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V., Parkes, Roderick, Kirch, Anna-Lena, Dinkel, Serafine, Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V., Parkes, Roderick, Kirch, Anna-Lena, and Dinkel, Serafine
- Abstract
Containing twelve scenarios for the world in 2030, this report offers insights into how the EU can maintain and build up its capacity to act in the face of the major disruptive changes that are likely to come over this decade. It is being released in the run-up to German elections in September 2021 that will serve as a kind of referendum on ten years of government-heavy crisis management.
- Published
- 2021
19. Populismus als Protest: Zur Krisengeschichte der spanischen Demokratie
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Müller, Philipp and Müller, Philipp
- Abstract
Hätte man einen Kenner der spanischen Politik bei der nationalen Parlamentswahl von 2008 nach den Veränderungen in den kommenden zwölf Jahren gefragt, hätte er wohl kaum vorhergesagt, dass bald über 30 Prozent der Stimmen auf Parteien entfallen würden, die es zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch gar nicht gab. Die rechtsradikale Partei Vox ("Stimme"), die bei der Parlamentswahl im November 2019 einen Stimmenanteil von etwa 15 Prozent erhielt, existiert erst seit Ende 2013. Unidos Podemos ("Gemeinsam schaffen wir das"), eine sich selbst als linkspopulistisch präsentierende Partei, die auf dem Höhepunkt ihres Erfolges 2016 etwas mehr als 21 Prozent der nationalen Stimmen erhielt, wurde erst wenige Wochen zuvor gegründet. Die Partei Ciudadanos ("Bürger"), auf die bei der Wahl im April 2019 fast 16 Prozent der abgegebenen Stimmen entfielen, war ursprünglich eine 2006 gegründete katalanische Regionalpartei, die erst seit 2015 an nationalen Wahlen teilnimmt. Demgegenüber sank der Stimmenanteil der zwei einstmals führenden sozialistischen und konservativen Altparteien - Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE, "Spanische Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei") und Partido Popular (PP, "Volkspartei") - von gemeinsam fast 84 Prozent im Jahr 2008 auf knapp 49 Prozent bei der Wahl im November 2019.
- Published
- 2021
20. Challenging Trust in Government: COVID in Sub-Saharan Africa
- Author
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German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Afrika-Studien, Hartwig, Renate, Hoffmann, Lisa, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Afrika-Studien, Hartwig, Renate, and Hoffmann, Lisa
- Abstract
COVID-19, arguably the new millennium's most trying test of state capacity, caught the world off guard. In order to contain the spread of the virus, governments had to respond quickly and comprehensively: strict lockdowns, movement restrictions, masks, and social distancing - measures that draw not only on public resources but also on the buy-in and cooperation of civil society. Citizen compliance and cooperation are founded on trust in government institutions. As such, the pandemic has also been a stress test for trust in government. Trust in government is a crucial determinant of effective crisis management, and governments lacking such trust suffer a profound disadvantage. In many instances, strict lockdown measures were accompanied by an expansion of executive powers. This creates power imbalances, or aggravates existing ones, and poses a threat to trust in government. High levels of vaccine hesitancy, a looming recession, and expectations of government support require ongoing efforts to build and ensure trust in government. Even though many African countries seem to have gotten through the coronavirus crisis relatively well until now, vaccine hesitancy and looming recessions pose ongoing challenges for trust in government. Hence, governments must actively engage in building trust as they prepare for future crises. The Ebola epidemic has shown that a bottom-up approach entailing collaboration with pre-existing networks and institutions at the local level can facilitate this process. In contexts where executive powers have been expanded, the evolution of this process needs to be carefully monitored.
- Published
- 2021
21. Corona crisis and political confrontation in Brazil: the president, the people, and democracy under pressure
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Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit, Zilla, Claudia, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit, and Zilla, Claudia
- Abstract
During his election campaign, Jair Bolsonaro promised economic recovery, the fight against corruption, and an iron hand against violent crime - today, these tasks represent the weak spots of the President: Brazil has become an epicentre of the Covid‑19 pandemic. Even though Bolsonaro downplays the situation and opposes containment measures, the virus and the chaotic crisis management are bringing about serious negative health, social, and economic consequences for the citizens. Investigations, including those on corruption, and revelations about the Justice Minister who resigned are targeting the President and his family. While the homicide rate is on the rise again in 2020, Bolsonaro pleaded in a cabinet meeting for armed resistance from the population against the health protection policies in the federal states. Threatened by impeachment, the President is struggling for his political survival, challenging the rule of law and democratic principles. (author's abstract)
- Published
- 2020
22. Corona-Krise und politische Konfrontation in Brasilien: der Präsident, die Bevölkerung und die Demokratie unter Druck
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Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit, Zilla, Claudia, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit, and Zilla, Claudia
- Abstract
Wirtschaftsaufschwung, Korruptionsbekämpfung und eine eiserne Hand gegen Gewaltkriminalität hat Jair Bolsonaro im Wahlkampf versprochen - heute bilden sie die schwachen Flanken des Präsidenten: Brasilien ist ein Epizentrum der Covid‑19-Pandemie geworden. Auch wenn Bolsonaro diese kleinredet und sich gegen die Eindämmungsmaßnahmen stellt, zeitigen das Virus und das chaotische Krisenmanagement gravierende sanitäre, soziale und ökonomische Folgen für Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Ermittlungen, unter anderem wegen Korruption, sowie die Enthüllungen des zurückgetretenen Justizministers nehmen den Präsidenten und seine Familie ins Visier. Während die Mordrate im Jahr 2020 wieder ansteigt, plädierte Bolsonaro in einer Kabinettsitzung für den bewaffneten Widerstand der Bevölkerung gegen die Politik des Gesundheitsschutzes in den Bundesstaaten. Der vom Impeachment bedrohte Präsident ringt um sein politisches Überleben und fordert dabei rechtsstaatliche und demokratische Prinzipien heraus. (Autorenreferat)
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- 2020
23. Indigene Völker unter Druck
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GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Lateinamerika-Studien, Flemes, Daniel, Schöneich, Svenja, GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Lateinamerika-Studien, Flemes, Daniel, and Schöneich, Svenja
- Abstract
Der Druck auf die indigenen Völker Lateinamerikas steigt bis hin zur Existenzbedrohung. Die linkspopulistische Regierung Mexikos setzt sich ebenso wenig für die Interessen der Indigenen ein wie die konservative Übergangsregierung in Bolivien. Brasiliens rechtsradikaler Präsident betreibt gar eine offene Assimilierungspolitik. Als neue Bedrohung kommt nun das Coronavirus hinzu, auf das die isoliert lebenden Völker immunologisch nicht vorbereitet sind. Der eingeschränkte Zugang zu Gesundheitsdiensten und fehlende Intensivbetreuungskapazitäten erweisen sich während der Coronakrise in schwer zugänglichen Indigenengebieten als verhängnisvoll. Indigenenverbände befürchten, dass COVID-19 zur Ausrottung einiger indigener Völker führen kann. Lateinamerikas indigene Völker sind eine bevorzugte Zielscheibe schwerer Menschenrechtsverletzungen. In Brasilien wurden allein in den letzten zwei Jahren mindestens 163 Indigene im Kontext von Landkonflikten getötet. In Bolivien erschoss das Militär bei Antiregierungsprotesten 36 überwiegend indigene Unterstützer des Ex-Präsidenten Evo Morales. Und im mexikanischen Chiapas leben derzeit etwa 5.000 überwiegend indigene Vertriebene in improvisierten Camps. Zwar bezeichnen sich Mexiko und Bolivien in ihren Verfassungen als plurikulturelle Nation bzw. als plurinationaler Staat. Doch in der Realität werden indigene Rechte zunehmend ausgehöhlt, um den Ausbau von Infrastruktur, Landwirtschaft und Rohstoffabbau in indigenen Gebieten voranzutreiben. Besonders perfide zeigt sich dabei Brasiliens Präsident Bolsonaro, indem er die Indigenenschutzbehörde unter die Leitung eines Agrarlobbyisten stellt. Die Bundesregierung und die Europäische Union sollten es trotz der Fokussierung auf das eigene Coronavirus-Management nicht versäumen, auf die besorgniserregende Lage der indigenen Völker zu reagieren. Um ein Massensterben durch COVID-19 abzuwenden, müsste die WHO umgehend den Transport medizinischen Personals und Behandlungsinfrastruktur in die teils
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- 2020
24. Internationale Normdurchsetzung: Enforcement, Management oder Adjudication?
- Author
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Universität Bremen, FB 08 Sozialwissenschaften, Institut für Interkulturelle und Internationale Studien (InIIS), Zangl, Bernhard, Universität Bremen, FB 08 Sozialwissenschaften, Institut für Interkulturelle und Internationale Studien (InIIS), and Zangl, Bernhard
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- 2020
25. Poland's Parliamentary Elections and a Looming Hungarian Scenario
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Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V., Sierakowski, Sławomir, Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V., and Sierakowski, Sławomir
- Abstract
Thanks to economic growth, Poland’s ruling PiS party has introduced social programs that have further bolstered its popularity. Unlike in recent European elections, the opposition is not running as a unified bloc in parliamentary elections on October 13, 2019. If PiS again wins a majority, it will take steps to cement its system of illiberal democracy. As long as he maintains good relations with Donald Trump, PiS’s leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski does not seem wary of reactions from Brussels and Berlin.
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- 2020
26. Challenging Trust in Government: COVID in Sub-Saharan Africa
- Author
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Hartwig, Renate, Hoffmann, Lisa, and German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Afrika-Studien
- Subjects
Politik ,contagious disease ,Vertrauen ,Malawi ,Gesundheitswesen ,population ,Epidemie ,Krisenmanagement ,Pandemie ,Covid-19 ,epidemic ,Sierra Leone ,government policy ,Afrika südlich der Sahara ,Regierungspolitik ,Burkina Faso ,Bevölkerung ,Benin ,Niger ,Social sciences, sociology, anthropology ,Africa South of the Sahara ,crisis management (econ., pol.) ,Sozialwissenschaften, Soziologie ,Health Policy ,illness ,government ,Regierung ,Liberia ,Senegal ,Krise ,crisis ,health care delivery system ,Togo ,ddc:300 ,Gesundheitspolitik ,Krankheit ,politics ,confidence ,Infektionskrankheit - Abstract
COVID-19, arguably the new millennium's most trying test of state capacity, caught the world off guard. In order to contain the spread of the virus, governments had to respond quickly and comprehensively: strict lockdowns, movement restrictions, masks, and social distancing - measures that draw not only on public resources but also on the buy-in and cooperation of civil society. Citizen compliance and cooperation are founded on trust in government institutions. As such, the pandemic has also been a stress test for trust in government. Trust in government is a crucial determinant of effective crisis management, and governments lacking such trust suffer a profound disadvantage. In many instances, strict lockdown measures were accompanied by an expansion of executive powers. This creates power imbalances, or aggravates existing ones, and poses a threat to trust in government. High levels of vaccine hesitancy, a looming recession, and expectations of government support require ongoing efforts to build and ensure trust in government. Even though many African countries seem to have gotten through the coronavirus crisis relatively well until now, vaccine hesitancy and looming recessions pose ongoing challenges for trust in government. Hence, governments must actively engage in building trust as they prepare for future crises. The Ebola epidemic has shown that a bottom-up approach entailing collaboration with pre-existing networks and institutions at the local level can facilitate this process. In contexts where executive powers have been expanded, the evolution of this process needs to be carefully monitored.
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- 2021
27. OxCOVID19 Database, a multimodal data repository for better understanding the global impact of COVID-19
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Davide Gurnari, Alexander E. Zarebski, Yue Wu, Niklas Hellmer, Adam Mahdi, Ahmad Farhat, Lionel Tarassenko, Tak-Shing T. Chan, Piotr Błaszczyk, Dario Salvi, John Harvey, Pawel Dlotko, and Bernie Hogan
- Subjects
0301 basic medicine ,Databases, Factual ,data bank ,Computer science ,International Cooperation ,computer.software_genre ,ddc:070 ,epidemic ,government policy ,Information and Documentation, Libraries, Archives ,0302 clinical medicine ,Pandemic ,Regierungspolitik ,Archiv ,Digital curation ,Multidisciplinary ,Sozialwissenschaften, Soziologie ,Database ,Health Policy ,Scientific data ,Public Health, Global Health, Social Medicine and Epidemiology ,Variety (cybernetics) ,Government Programs ,impact ,Medicine ,Infectious diseases ,ddc:300 ,epidemiology ,Gesundheitspolitik ,Data integration ,Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) ,Relational database ,Science ,Severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) ,Multimodal data ,MEDLINE ,Sample (statistics) ,Epidemie ,Integrated Dataset (EVS 2008) (ZA4800 v4.0.0) [COVID-19 ,Coronavirus ,European Values Study 2008] ,Article ,03 medical and health sciences ,Information und Dokumentation, Bibliotheken, Archive ,Humans ,National level ,Zeitreihe ,Pandemics ,Weather ,Social sciences, sociology, anthropology ,archives ,News media, journalism, publishing ,Epidemiologie ,Government ,SARS-CoV-2 ,COVID-19 ,Datenbank ,Folkhälsovetenskap, global hälsa, socialmedicin och epidemiologi ,030104 developmental biology ,Auswirkung ,Publizistische Medien, Journalismus,Verlagswesen ,time series ,computer ,030217 neurology & neurosurgery - Abstract
Oxford COVID-19 Database (OxCOVID19 Database) is a comprehensive source of information related to the COVID-19 pandemic. This relational database contains time-series data on epidemiology, government responses, mobility, weather and more across time and space for all countries at the national level, and for more than 50 countries at the regional level. It is curated from a variety of (wherever available) official sources. Its purpose is to facilitate the analysis of the spread of SARS-CoV-2 virus and to assess the effects of non-pharmaceutical interventions to reduce the impact of the pandemic. Our database is a freely available, daily updated tool that provides unified and granular information across geographical regions. Design type Data integration objective Measurement(s) Coronavirus infectious disease, viral epidemiology Technology type(s) Digital curation Factor types(s) Sample characteristic(s) Homo sapiens
- Published
- 2021
28. Aufbau europäischer Resilienz und Handlungsfähigkeit: Lehren für 2030
- Author
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Parkes, Roderick, Kirch, Anna-Lena, Dinkel, Serafine, and Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V.
- Subjects
European Politics ,Politikwissenschaft ,Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitik ,Peace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policy ,Europapolitik ,Krisenmanagement ,government policy ,ddc:320 ,Regierungspolitik ,capacity to act ,Handlungsfähigkeit ,EU ,Political science ,crisis management (econ., pol.) - Abstract
Dieser Bericht enthält zwölf mögliche Szenarien für die Welt im Jahr 2030. Er bietet Einblicke darin, wie die EU angesichts der großen disruptiven Veränderungen, die in diesem Jahrzehnt voraussichtlich aufkommen werden, ihre Handlungsfähigkeit erhalten und ausbauen kann. Die Publikation erschien im Vorfeld der Bundestagswahl im September 2021, die als Referendum über ein zehn Jahre andauerndes Krisenmanagement der Regierung gewertet werden kann.
- Published
- 2021
29. Corona-Krise und politische Konfrontation in Brasilien
- Author
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Zilla, Claudia, Stiftung Wissenschaft Und Politik, and Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit
- Subjects
contagious disease ,economic impact ,Politikwissenschaft ,Gesundheitswesen ,Krisenmanagement ,Polarisierung ,wirtschaftliche Folgen ,government policy ,Regierungspolitik ,Brasilien ,Machtkampf ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Political science ,crisis management (econ., pol.) ,power struggle ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,polarization ,Viruskrankheit ,COVID-19 ,Bolsonaro, Jair ,Amtsenthebungsverfahren ,health policy ,Südamerika ,South America ,health care delivery system ,ddc:320 ,öffentliche Meinung ,public opinion ,Gesundheitspolitik ,Infektionskrankheit ,Brazil - Abstract
Wirtschaftsaufschwung, Korruptionsbekämpfung und eine eiserne Hand gegen Gewaltkriminalität hat Jair Bolsonaro im Wahlkampf versprochen - heute bilden sie die schwachen Flanken des Präsidenten: Brasilien ist ein Epizentrum der Covid‑19-Pandemie geworden. Auch wenn Bolsonaro diese kleinredet und sich gegen die Eindämmungsmaßnahmen stellt, zeitigen das Virus und das chaotische Krisenmanagement gravierende sanitäre, soziale und ökonomische Folgen für Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Ermittlungen, unter anderem wegen Korruption, sowie die Enthüllungen des zurückgetretenen Justizministers nehmen den Präsidenten und seine Familie ins Visier. Während die Mordrate im Jahr 2020 wieder ansteigt, plädierte Bolsonaro in einer Kabinettsitzung für den bewaffneten Widerstand der Bevölkerung gegen die Politik des Gesundheitsschutzes in den Bundesstaaten. Der vom Impeachment bedrohte Präsident ringt um sein politisches Überleben und fordert dabei rechtsstaatliche und demokratische Prinzipien heraus. (Autorenreferat)
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
30. Experts in Government: What for? Ambiguities in Public Opinion Towards Technocracy
- Author
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Joan Font and Ernesto Ganuza
- Subjects
Populismus ,Public Administration ,Sociology and Political Science ,democracy ,representation ,media_common.quotation_subject ,Politikwissenschaft ,Population ,0211 other engineering and technologies ,02 engineering and technology ,Public opinion ,government policy ,Politics ,Representative democracy ,lcsh:Political science (General) ,Political science ,Regierungspolitik ,050602 political science & public administration ,education ,lcsh:JA1-92 ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Technokratie ,politisches System ,media_common ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,021110 strategic, defence & security studies ,Government ,education.field_of_study ,experts ,government ,populism ,technocracy ,business.industry ,05 social sciences ,political system ,Technocracy ,Public relations ,Focus group ,Democracy ,0506 political science ,ddc:320 ,business ,Demokratie - Abstract
Technocratic governments and similar systems that give more voice to experts in the decision-making process are one of the potential alternatives to traditional representative party government. These alternatives have become increasingly popular, especially in countries where strong political disaffection and previous favourable pro-expert attitudes exist simultaneously. The Spanish case is one of these settings, with the emergence of a political party, Ciudadanos (Citizens), that represents these ideas. This article contributes to the understanding of public opinion support for an expert government, its main motives, and social supports. We claim that experts are not so much a decision-making alternative as they are a desired piece of the decision-making process. Support for a more significant role for experts comes especially from those that credit them with ample technical capacities, but most citizens want them to work as a piece of representative government, not as an alternative to it. The article combines two types of evidence: A survey of a representative sample of the population, including innovative questions about support to expert governments, and 10 focus groups that allow a more in-depth comprehension of the support (and criticism) of an increased role for experts. The results provide a nuanced picture of the types of expert involvement sought and their respective social support.
- Published
- 2020
31. Corona crisis and political confrontation in Brazil: the president, the people, and democracy under pressure
- Author
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Zilla, Claudia, Stiftung Wissenschaft Und Politik, and Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit
- Subjects
contagious disease ,economic impact ,Politikwissenschaft ,Gesundheitswesen ,Krisenmanagement ,Polarisierung ,wirtschaftliche Folgen ,government policy ,Brasilien ,Regierungspolitik ,Machtkampf ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Political science ,crisis management (econ., pol.) ,power struggle ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,polarization ,Viruskrankheit ,COVID-19 ,Bolsonaro, Jair ,Amtsenthebungsverfahren ,health policy ,Südamerika ,South America ,health care delivery system ,ddc:320 ,öffentliche Meinung ,public opinion ,Gesundheitspolitik ,Infektionskrankheit ,Brazil - Abstract
During his election campaign, Jair Bolsonaro promised economic recovery, the fight against corruption, and an iron hand against violent crime - today, these tasks represent the weak spots of the President: Brazil has become an epicentre of the Covid‑19 pandemic. Even though Bolsonaro downplays the situation and opposes containment measures, the virus and the chaotic crisis management are bringing about serious negative health, social, and economic consequences for the citizens. Investigations, including those on corruption, and revelations about the Justice Minister who resigned are targeting the President and his family. While the homicide rate is on the rise again in 2020, Bolsonaro pleaded in a cabinet meeting for armed resistance from the population against the health protection policies in the federal states. Threatened by impeachment, the President is struggling for his political survival, challenging the rule of law and democratic principles. (author's abstract)
- Published
- 2020
32. Populismus als Protest: Zur Krisengeschichte der spanischen Demokratie
- Author
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Müller, Philipp
- Subjects
allgemeine Geschichte ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,History ,politische Entwicklung ,Populismus ,Politikwissenschaft ,General History ,Partei ,election ,Protest ,Wahl ,populism ,government policy ,Spain ,ddc:320 ,Geschichte ,political development ,Regierungspolitik ,party ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Political science ,ddc:900 ,Spanien - Abstract
Hätte man einen Kenner der spanischen Politik bei der nationalen Parlamentswahl von 2008 nach den Veränderungen in den kommenden zwölf Jahren gefragt, hätte er wohl kaum vorhergesagt, dass bald über 30 Prozent der Stimmen auf Parteien entfallen würden, die es zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch gar nicht gab. Die rechtsradikale Partei Vox ("Stimme"), die bei der Parlamentswahl im November 2019 einen Stimmenanteil von etwa 15 Prozent erhielt, existiert erst seit Ende 2013. Unidos Podemos ("Gemeinsam schaffen wir das"), eine sich selbst als linkspopulistisch präsentierende Partei, die auf dem Höhepunkt ihres Erfolges 2016 etwas mehr als 21 Prozent der nationalen Stimmen erhielt, wurde erst wenige Wochen zuvor gegründet. Die Partei Ciudadanos ("Bürger"), auf die bei der Wahl im April 2019 fast 16 Prozent der abgegebenen Stimmen entfielen, war ursprünglich eine 2006 gegründete katalanische Regionalpartei, die erst seit 2015 an nationalen Wahlen teilnimmt. Demgegenüber sank der Stimmenanteil der zwei einstmals führenden sozialistischen und konservativen Altparteien - Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE, "Spanische Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei") und Partido Popular (PP, "Volkspartei") - von gemeinsam fast 84 Prozent im Jahr 2008 auf knapp 49 Prozent bei der Wahl im November 2019.
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- 2020
33. Die Richtlinienkompetenz der Bundeskanzlerin, und wie man mit ihr (nicht) umgehen sollte
- Author
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Heinrich Pehle
- Subjects
Basic Law ,Verfassungsrecht ,departmental principle ,Asylpolitik ,Federal Republic of Germany ,Systems of governments & states ,Ressortprinzip ,constitutional law ,Bundeskanzler ,asylum policy ,Bundesrepublik Deutschland ,government policy ,Staatsformen und Regierungssysteme ,Political System, Constitution, Government ,Federal Chancellor ,Regierungspolitik ,ddc:321 ,Grundgesetz ,Richtlinienkompetenz ,Kanzler- und Ressortprinzip ,Regierungspraxis ,Staat, staatliche Organisationsformen - Abstract
Zusammenfassung Die Richtlinienkompetenz ist im Zuge der Auseinandersetzungen um die Asylpolitik die Diskussion geraten. Es zeigt sich, dass ihre Inanspruchnahme zur Konfliktlosung nicht nur ungeeignet war, sondern sich kontraproduktiv, namlich krisenverscharfend wirkte. Schlagworter: Bundeskanzler, Richtlinienkompetenz, Kanzler- und Ressortprinzip, Regierungspraxis ----- Bibliographie: Pehle, Heinrich: Die Richtlinienkompetenz der Bundeskanzlerin, und wie man mit ihr (nicht) umgehen sollte, GWP - Gesellschaft. Wirtschaft. Politik, 3-2018, S. 291-294. https://doi.org/10.3224/gwp.v67i3.01
- Published
- 2018
34. Politische Strategien des buen vivir. Sozialistische Regierungspolitik, indigene Selbstbestimmung und Überwindung des wachstumsbasierten Entwicklungsmodells
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Timmo Krüger
- Subjects
Bolivia ,Politikwissenschaft ,Geography, Planning and Development ,Ethnologie, Kulturanthropologie, Ethnosoziologie ,soziale Bewegung ,Wohlbefinden ,self-determination ,Politics of Scale ,government policy ,Sozialismus ,Bolivien ,well-being ,Political science ,Regierungspolitik ,Post-Development ,cultural anthropology ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,ddc:710 ,Social sciences, sociology, anthropology ,buen vivir ,Andenraum ,socialism ,indigenous peoples ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,ethnology ,Sozialwissenschaften, Soziologie ,Ethnology, Cultural Anthropology, Ethnosociology ,Selbstbestimmung ,indigene Völker ,social movement ,Ethnologie ,Pluralismus ,Kulturanthropologie ,Lateinamerika ,Latin America ,ddc:320 ,ddc:300 ,pluralism ,Ecuador ,Andean Region ,Humanities ,Soziale Bewegungen - Abstract
Die Forderung nach buen vivir geht auf dekoloniale Kämpfe in Bolivien und Ecuador zurück. Gleichzeitig prägen transnationale Prozesse die Entwicklung des Konzepts und tragen zu seiner Wirkmächtigkeit bei. Im Kontext dieser vielschichtigen Wechselbeziehungen verfolgen die Protagonist_innen des buen vivir unterschiedliche skalare Strategien. Für die indigenen Organisationen steht buen vivir in einem engen Zusammenhang mit der Verteidigung ihres Territoriums und der Bewahrung der indigenen Kultur. Sie konzentrieren sich auf regionale und überregionale (bis hin zur kontinentalen) Vernetzungsarbeit und agieren zusätzlich auf zentralstaatlicher Ebene, um weitergehende Selbstbestimmungsrechte für die indigenen Gemeinden zu erwirken. Dagegen plädieren die in der Wissenschaft und in politischen Stiftungen tätigen lateinamerikanischen und europäischen Intellektuellen für eine diskursive Öffnung des Konzepts, um buen vivir auch in internationalen und transkontinentalen Arenen als Alternative zum wachstumsbasierten Entwicklungsmodell etablieren zu können. Vor diesem Hintergrund stellt sich die Frage, ob die diskursive Öffnung des buen vivir emanzipatorische Prozesse stärkt und deshalb forciert werden sollte oder ob die damit verbundene tendenzielle Entleerung des Begriffs im Gegenteil zu einer Schwächung der Mobilisierungsfähigkeit sozialer Bewegungen führt. Der Autor vertritt die These, dass die Debatten um die Vor- und Nachteile einer explizit indigenen vs. einer pluralistischen Ausrichtung des buen vivir nicht sehr virulent werden und auch nicht zu Brüchen innerhalb des Bewegungsspektrums führen werden, solange die Hauptkonfliktlinie zwischen Unterstützer_innen und Kritiker_innen der bolivianischen und ecuadorianischen Regierungen verläuft., While the claim for buen vivir goes back to de-colonial struggles in Bolivia and Ecuador, transnational processes have also influenced buen vivir’s development and contributed to its impact. In this context of complex correlations, the protagonists of buen vivir pursue diverse strategies on different scales. Indigenous organisations link the concept of buen vivir with the defence of their territory and the conservation of their culture. They focus on regional and trans-regional (up to continental) cooperation, as well as operate at the level of central government in order to achieve greater indigenous rights for self-determination. Conversely, Latin American and European intellectuals (working in science or for political foundations) advocate for a discursive opening of the concept. Their aim is to establish buen vivir in international and transcontinental arenas as an alternative to growth-based development models. Against this background the question arises as to whether a discursive opening of Buen Vivir strengthens emancipatory processes and therefore should be supported, or whether, on the contrary, the associated emptying of the signifier weakens the mobilisation capacities of social movements. The author argues that the debates regarding the advantages and disadvantages of an explicitly indigenous or pluralistic alignment of buen vivir will not escalate and cause splits within social movements so long as the main line of conflict runs between the supporters and the critics of the Bolivian and Ecuadorian governments.
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- 2018
35. Boris Johnson auf Kurs No-Deal Brexit: innenpolitische Dynamik in Großbritannien und Optionen für die EU-27
- Author
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Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit, Ondarza, Nicolai von, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit, and Ondarza, Nicolai von
- Abstract
Boris Johnson geht auf Konfrontationskurs: Seit seiner Ernennung zum Premierminister des Vereinigten Königreichs ordnet er die Agenda seiner Regierung dem Ziel unter, die EU um jeden Preis zum 31. Oktober 2019 zu verlassen - mit zunehmender Wahrscheinlichkeit ohne Abkommen. An seinen ersten Amtshandlungen wird deutlich, dass der Wechsel mehr ist als eine Stabsübergabe, wie sie bei einem Führungswechsel innerhalb einer Partei üblich ist. Die Konservative Partei wandelt sich unter seiner Führung endgültig zur Partei des harten No-Deal Brexits, während die Opposition zerstritten bleibt. Ein Machtkampf mit dem Parlament ist in vollem Gange. Angesichts einer nur noch theoretisch denkbaren Parlamentsmehrheit sind vorgezogene Neuwahlen unausweichlich. Entscheidend ist dabei ihr Zeitpunkt: ob vor oder nach dem EU-Austritt. In Anbetracht dessen muss auch die EU ihre Brexit-Strategie überdenken. (Autorenreferat)
- Published
- 2019
36. The legislature and agenda politics of social welfare: a comparative analysis of authoritarian and democratic regimes in South Korea
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Shim, Jaemin and Shim, Jaemin
- Abstract
The article mainly seeks to explain the legislature's preferences in social welfare before and after democratization using South Korea as a case study. Based on an original dataset that consists of all executive and of legislative branch-submitted bills between 1948 and 2016 - roughly 60,000- legislative priority on social welfare is compared over time, and tested using logistic regressions. The key focus of analysis is whether and how the level of democracy affected the degree and universality of social welfare priority. The findings show that the promotion of social welfare is positively related to higher levels of democracy in a continuous fashion, which clearly points to the need to avoid applying a simple regime dichotomy - authoritarian or democratic - when seeking to understand social welfare development. Going further, the article examines the legislature's priority in welfare issues within a presidential structure and under majoritarian electoral rule, at different levels of democracy. The result shows that the higher levels of democracy are, the more the legislative branch contributes to the overall salience of social welfare legislative initiatives as compared to the executive branch. Moreover, the legislative branch itself prioritizes a social welfare agenda - alongside democratic deepening - over other issues.
- Published
- 2019
37. The Revocation of Kashmir's Autonomy: High-Risk Hindutva Politics at Play
- Author
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GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Asien-Studien, Medha, GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Asien-Studien, and Medha
- Abstract
On 5 August 2019, India's home minister Amit Shah made a shock announcement revoking India's constitutional guarantee of autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. This article focuses on the wider ideological context of Hindu nationalism that has spurred this decision in order to assess the move's far-reaching implications for Indian democracy and peace in South Asia. In addition to the revocation of autonomy, a key condition of Kashmir's accession to India, India has further partitioned the state into two parts and downgraded its status to a centrally administered territory. This consolidation of the hard-line stance taken by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government in Kashmir since assuming power is bound to fuel further alienation and resentment. The unilateral decision calls into question India's other federal arrangements too - for instance, with states in India's north-east that also enjoy various degrees of autonomy, increasing the chance of disaffection and instability within the country. The decision also has the potential to spark tensions with Pakistan and China, both of which occupy portions of Kashmir's territory. Pakistan, which lays claim to the entire Muslim-majority province, has already downgraded its diplomatic relations with India. China, which claims rights to the north-eastern portion of Kashmir, has also issued a warning. Increased disaffection among the Kashmiri population is also likely to spur intervention by non-state Islamic groups, resulting in long-term strife. According to a Hindu Right dictum, only a display of might will get India its due in the world. This high-risk manoeuvre in Kashmir appears to be the Modi government's way of testing this axiom. The consolidation of Hindu nationalist politics in India suggests the government is likely to take a more belligerent stance in world politics, especially in issues concerning national security. EU decision-makers can expect to deal with a more uncompromising and hard-line India in the
- Published
- 2019
38. The Rohingya Muslim in the land of pagoda
- Author
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Winarni, Leni and Winarni, Leni
- Abstract
Regarding Southeast Asia as a multi-ethnics region, this paper attempts to examine about why Buddhist Community turns into religious violence against Rohingyas in the State of Rakhine (formerly known as Arakan). Through understanding the triggers of conflicts, this paper applies historical perspective to analyze why ethnic-religious conflict occur nowadays between Buddhist and Rohingya in Myanmar. This paper also discusses how the influence of history has constructed the government’s policy under military regime to exclude Rohingya. However, the ethno-religious conflict is either an indication of a weak state or failure state in managing diversity.
- Published
- 2019
39. Political leadership in South Korea's developmental state: a historical revisit
- Author
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Putri, Ratu Ayu Asih Kusuma and Putri, Ratu Ayu Asih Kusuma
- Abstract
South Korea under President Park Chung Hee underwent rapid industrialization and experienced phenomenal economic growth making the country one of the Asian Tigers alongside Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore. Had suffered by the long-standing Japanese colonialization, South Korea's development strategies in its incipient economic venture, interestingly, postulate unforeseen similarities with those imposed by Japan primarily during the phenomenal industrial revolution of the Meiji government (1868-1912). Exponential modernization in South Korea was substantially forged by the implementation of "developmental state" model. The term was initially coined by Johnson (1982) to explain the pacification of government policies -rather than market- to achieve successful economic rejuvenation of post-war Japan. In light to this historical paradox between South Korea and Japan, this article attempts to revisit the embarking point of South Korea's rapid economic development beginning in the 1960s by drawing attention to the importance of leadership as one of the major components of the developmental state model. It concludes that Park Chung Hee's strong Japanese linkage combined with his pretext for imposing "hard authoritarianism" is particularly influential in determining South Korea’s pragmatic development trajectory.
- Published
- 2019
40. Redefining ASEAN way: assesing normative foundation on inter-governmental relationship in Southeast Asia
- Author
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Aminuddin, M. Faishal, Purnomo, Joko, Aminuddin, M. Faishal, and Purnomo, Joko
- Abstract
This paper endeavors to review the inter-state relation in Southeast Asia countries. Especially in government policy. The most significant problem in regional relationship is about the absence of political awareness. As a consequence, ASEAN only provides limited positive achievement in political performance regionally. This article provides an alternative explanation for the limited achievement in political performance of ASEAN by assessing the implication of using non-interference principe to the incidence of ignorance and disconnection between ASEAN countries that leads to lack of political awareness. In this paper, we try to propose a combination between formal diplomacy actions done by state institution and informal diplomacy actions done by non-government actors. We also points out an alternative strategy to promote political awareness on the future of SEA community. First, open policy to connecting diplomatic based community. Second, optimalize the regional cooperation with more concern with democracy and human rights issue. Third, building and institutionalizing political awareness through people participation.
- Published
- 2019
41. Participation, Democratic Deficit and Good Regulation: a Case Study of Participatory Strategies in the European Regulation of GMO Products
- Author
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Zentrum für Europäische Rechtspolitik (ZERP) an der Universität Bremen, Ferretti, Maria Paola, Zentrum für Europäische Rechtspolitik (ZERP) an der Universität Bremen, and Ferretti, Maria Paola
- Abstract
In the European Union, the institutional reform that risk regulation system has undergone in the last decade has emphasised the need for fostering public participation and stakeholder involvement in decision making processes. Citizen scrutiny, in theory, ought to bring about better governance, and greater participation in public policy decisions is usually regarded as a symptom of a healthy democracy. By presenting evidence from two case studies in the field of bio-technology regulation, this paper aims to prove that taking participation as a tout court advantage is a mistake.
- Published
- 2019
42. Dimensionen digitaler Mündigkeit und politische Beteiligung im Netz
- Author
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Engelmann, Ines, Legrand, Marie, Marzinkowski, Hanna, Hoffmann, Christian Pieter, Weber, Jasmin, Zepic, Robert, Greger, Vanessa, Krcmar, Helmut, Engelmann, Ines, Legrand, Marie, Marzinkowski, Hanna, Hoffmann, Christian Pieter, Weber, Jasmin, Zepic, Robert, Greger, Vanessa, and Krcmar, Helmut
- Abstract
Die Forschung zur digitalen Spaltung (Digital Divide) oder auch Beteiligungsspaltung (Participation Divide) hat diverse Voraussetzungen einer partizipativen Internetnutzung untersucht. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei eine immer größere Vielzahl förderlicher "Literacies" oder Kompetenzen. Um einer zunehmenden Unübersichtlichkeit dieses Forschungsfelds entgegenzutreten, haben erste konzeptionelle Studien das umfassendere Konzept der "digitalen Mündigkeit" vorgeschlagen. Basierend auf einer interdisziplinären Literaturanalyse erarbeitet der vorliegende Beitrag eine Definition der "digitalen Mündigkeit", und führt das Konzept durch eine entsprechende Operationalisierung erstmals einer empirischen Analyse zu. Basierend auf einer Befragung von 1.044 deutschen Internetnutzenden wird der Einfluss der digitalen Mündigkeit - neben soziodemographischen Faktoren, politischer Orientierung und Regierungsvertrauen - auf die politische Online-Beteiligung untersucht.
- Published
- 2019
43. 'Only if You Really, Really Need It': Social Rights Consciousness in the Philippines
- Author
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Reese, Niklas and Reese, Niklas
- Abstract
This article argues that communitarianism, as the prevalent citizenship paradigm in the Philippines, observable also in modest expectations towards government services among Filipinos and a high emphasis on individual and community action, can be used to explain the lack of political change in the Philippines. In its first part, the article presents data on the sense of citizenship and concepts of social rights and obligations among Filipinos by combining findings from a series of problem-centered interviews with young urban professionals and quantitative data collected within annual surveys by the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) on government, social inequality, and citizenship. The second part of the article attributes these findings to everyday concepts of citizenship as ideal-typical state responsibility theories and modern citizenship paradigms. By including ethnographic data, it discovers significant traits of communitarianism in Philippine everyday life. This section goes on to present how communitarianism (with its inherent character of exclusivity) impedes a democratic culture and moreover, how it is unable to serve as a guiding social philosophy in unifying a large-scale society mainly consisting of citizens who are strangers (ibang tao) to each other. Nevertheless, in conclusion, the article suggests the possibility of deepening and broadening the sense of citizenship in the Philippine society and its respect for the stranger by drawing on elements of Filipino culture.
- Published
- 2019
44. Power distribution in ambiguous times: the effects of the financial crisis on executive decision-making in Germany and Spain
- Author
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Fleischer, Julia, Parrado, Salvador, Fleischer, Julia, and Parrado, Salvador
- Abstract
This article examines the dynamics of executive decision-making in Germany and Spain during the global financial and economic crisis between 2008 and 2009. It applies the power-distributional approach and argues that distinct features of the institutional context affect the institutionalisation of decision-making arrangements during crises. In particular, it examines how the principles structuring cabinet and the nexus between the executive and the legislative influence the change or inertia of arrangements for executive decision-making. The comparative analysis reveals that both countries experienced a centralisation of executive decisionmaking, albeit less in Germany than in Spain. These differences are caused by the institutional setting of both countries constraining the Chancellor’s authority in Germany and permitting the dominance of the Spanish Prime Minister (PM) in cabinet. Furthermore, the relationships between the executive and the legislative obstruct a strong centralisation of executive decision-making in Germany, also because party-political actors are aligned to compromises in the executive, and facilitate a centralisation of executive decision-making in Spain, supported by extraordinary law-making procedures which have been applied in order to circumvent parliamentary and thus party-political debates., Der Beitrag analysiert Dynamiken exekutiver Entscheidungsprozesse während der globalen Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise in der deutschen und spanischen Regierungsorganisation in 2008 und 2009. Dem powerdistributional Ansatz folgend wird argumentiert, dass Merkmale des institutionellen Kontextes die Institutionalisierung der exekutiven Entscheidungsfindung während der Krise beeinflussen. In diesem Artikel werden insbesondere die Effekte der konstitutionellen Entscheidungsprinzipien im Kabinett sowie der Beziehungen zwischen Exekutive und Legislative auf exekutive Entscheidungsprozesse untersucht. Die vergleichende Analyse zeigt, dass in beiden Ländern die exekutive Entscheidungsfindung zentralisiert wurde, wenngleich in der deutschen Exekutive weniger intensiv als in der spanischen Regierungsorganisation. Diese Unterschiede lassen sich durch die institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen beider Länder erklären, die die Autorität der deutschen Bundeskanzlerin beschränken und die Dominanz des spanischen Premierministers (PM) fördern. Darüber hinaus beschränken die Beziehungen zwischen Exekutive und Legislative in Deutschland eine starke Zentralisierung exekutiver Entscheidungsprozesse, auch da parteipolitische Akteure an Entscheidungskompromissen in der Ministerialverwaltung teilhaben, während diese Beziehungen in Spanien eine Zentralisierung der Entscheidungsfindung eröffnen, unterstützt durch außerordentliche Rechtsverfahren, die während der Krise angewendet werden und parlamentarische sowie parteipolitische Auseinandersetzungen einschränken.
- Published
- 2019
45. Wohin steuert Frankreich? Der wirtschafts- und europapolitische Kurswechsel der Regierung Jospin
- Author
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Deutsch-Französisches Institut - dfi, Uterwedde, Henrik, Deutsch-Französisches Institut - dfi, and Uterwedde, Henrik
- Published
- 2019
46. German-African research co-operation: practices, problems and policies.
- Author
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Fuest, Veronika
- Subjects
PUBLIC administration ,GOVERNMENT policy ,ECONOMIC conditions in Africa, 1960- ,AFRICAN foreign relations, 1960- ,AFRICAN politics & government, 1960- ,SOCIAL conditions in Africa ,GERMAN economy, 1990- ,GERMAN economic policy ,GERMAN foreign relations, 1990- - Abstract
Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2007
47. Tackling Chinese Upgrading through Experimentalism and Pragmatism
- Author
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Julia Kirch Kirkegaard
- Subjects
Pragmatism ,Sociology and Political Science ,Economics ,02 engineering and technology ,government policy ,Welthandel ,Regierungspolitik ,Pragmatic governance ,0202 electrical engineering, electronic engineering, information engineering ,wind energy ,wirtschaftlicher Erfolg ,media_common ,economic development (on national level) ,Wind power ,Industrial upgrading ,Corporate governance ,05 social sciences ,Wirtschaft ,Economic Sectors ,Fragmented authoritarianism ,economic success ,ComputingMilieux_GENERAL ,Economy ,institutional factors ,Economic Policy ,Experimentalism ,General Economics, Econometrics and Finance ,China ,Embeddedness ,020209 energy ,media_common.quotation_subject ,Wirtschaftsentwicklung ,Context (language use) ,Policy experimentation ,industrial upgrading ,self-disruption ,wind power ,policy experimentation ,pragmatic governance ,fragmented authoritarianism ,Social Sciences ,Energy Economics ,0502 economics and business ,ddc:330 ,institutionelle Faktoren ,world trade ,Government ,business.industry ,Windenergie ,Self-disruption ,Wirtschaftssektoren ,Wirtschaftspolitik ,Political Science and International Relations ,Economic system ,business ,050203 business & management - Abstract
This paper examines the development of China's wind turbine industry, shedding light on the Chinese mode of disruptive industrial upgrading through policy pragmatism and fragmented, experimental governance. Based on a historical analysis of China's wind turbine industry, the paper highlights three distinct phases, which are all marked by their own inbuilt and potentially self-disruptive impasses and associated crises. In turn, these impasses have forced the Chinese government into radical and flexible interventions, which have spurred on Chinese companies to creatively find new ways to develop and upgrade. The paper illustrates the transformation of Sino–foreign relations by China's non-linear upgrading approach, particularly during the Chinese wind power industry's quality crisis, and its development model. It also discusses the implications this examination of China's approach has for the literatures on China, upgrading, and catch-up. Finally, the paper calls on future studies to enquire further into China's distinct mode of industrial upgrading and its embeddedness in China's institutional context.
- Published
- 2017
48. 정부효과성과 사회신뢰
- Author
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Kim, Sang Mook and Seung-Hyun Kim
- Subjects
Vertrauen ,democracy ,Politikwissenschaft ,effectiveness ,Systems of governments & states ,Public administration ,government policy ,Regierungspolitik ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Political science ,politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,Government ,ISSP ,government ,Regierung ,ISSP2014 ,social trust ,government effectiveness ,Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM) ,International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) [ZA6670 v2.0.0] ,Staatsformen und Regierungssysteme ,Political System, Constitution, Government ,ddc:320 ,ddc:321 ,Business ,confidence ,Staat, staatliche Organisationsformen ,Social trust ,Effektivität ,Demokratie - Abstract
This study focuses on government activity and social trust, and analyzes the effects of government effectiveness as well as the subjective recognition on the responsiveness, commitment, integrity, and democracy of government. It uses the data of 49,807 respondents from 34 countries (38 regions) in the 2014 Citizenship II survey of International Social Survey Programme, and the Worldwide Governance Indicators by the World Bank. Using hierarchical linear modeling, it shows the positive effects of government effectiveness, democracy, and GDP per capita at the national level on the respondents’ social trust. At the individual level, the corruption and democracy of government are significantly associated with social trust. Among the control variables, participation in a group (sports, leisure or cultural), a voluntary association or an interest group (trade union, business, or professional), and degree are positively related to social trust, but sex, age, and participation in political party, or religious organization are not significant. This result means that both the contextual factor on government activity at the national level and the subjective recognition at the individual level are related to social trust, and shows the possibility that the government may contribute to enhance the level of social trust when it conducts properly its own roles. Finally, it discusses the limitations of this study as well as its academic and practical implications.
- Published
- 2019
49. The Revocation of Kashmir's Autonomy: High-Risk Hindutva Politics at Play
- Author
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Medha and GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien, Institut für Asien-Studien
- Subjects
Politikwissenschaft ,Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitik ,domestic policy ,conflict ,Selbstverwaltung ,Peace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policy ,Südasien ,India ,Nationalismus ,South Asia ,Internationale Beziehungen ,government policy ,political independence ,politische Unabhängigkeit ,Regierungspolitik ,political development ,nationalism ,Region ,Pakistan ,Indien ,autonomy ,Political science ,politische Entwicklung ,Innenpolitik ,government ,internationaler Konflikt ,Konflikt ,Regierung ,Autonomie ,International Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policy ,Zentralregierung ,Hindutva ,Jammu und Kashmir ,ddc:320 ,International relations ,international conflict ,internationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitik ,self-administration ,ddc:327 - Abstract
On 5 August 2019, India's home minister Amit Shah made a shock announcement revoking India's constitutional guarantee of autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. This article focuses on the wider ideological context of Hindu nationalism that has spurred this decision in order to assess the move's far-reaching implications for Indian democracy and peace in South Asia. In addition to the revocation of autonomy, a key condition of Kashmir's accession to India, India has further partitioned the state into two parts and downgraded its status to a centrally administered territory. This consolidation of the hard-line stance taken by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government in Kashmir since assuming power is bound to fuel further alienation and resentment. The unilateral decision calls into question India's other federal arrangements too - for instance, with states in India's north-east that also enjoy various degrees of autonomy, increasing the chance of disaffection and instability within the country. The decision also has the potential to spark tensions with Pakistan and China, both of which occupy portions of Kashmir's territory. Pakistan, which lays claim to the entire Muslim-majority province, has already downgraded its diplomatic relations with India. China, which claims rights to the north-eastern portion of Kashmir, has also issued a warning. Increased disaffection among the Kashmiri population is also likely to spur intervention by non-state Islamic groups, resulting in long-term strife. According to a Hindu Right dictum, only a display of might will get India its due in the world. This high-risk manoeuvre in Kashmir appears to be the Modi government's way of testing this axiom. The consolidation of Hindu nationalist politics in India suggests the government is likely to take a more belligerent stance in world politics, especially in issues concerning national security. EU decision-makers can expect to deal with a more uncompromising and hard-line India in their future engagements with the country.
- Published
- 2019
50. Poland's Parliamentary Elections and a Looming Hungarian Scenario
- Author
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Sierakowski, Sławomir and Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V.
- Subjects
politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur ,Parlamentswahl ,democracy ,Polen ,Politikwissenschaft ,conservative party ,authoritarian system ,Partei ,parliamentary election ,government policy ,ddc:320 ,konservative Partei ,Regierungspolitik ,post-socialist country ,postsozialistisches Land ,Poland ,party ,Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture ,Political science ,autoritäres System ,Demokratie - Abstract
Thanks to economic growth, Poland’s ruling PiS party has introduced social programs that have further bolstered its popularity. Unlike in recent European elections, the opposition is not running as a unified bloc in parliamentary elections on October 13, 2019. If PiS again wins a majority, it will take steps to cement its system of illiberal democracy. As long as he maintains good relations with Donald Trump, PiS’s leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski does not seem wary of reactions from Brussels and Berlin.
- Published
- 2019
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