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Part 1 of 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1411 I. SEDITIOUS LIBEL AND "SCHISMATICAL" SPEECH 1415 A. Sedition and the Star Chamber 1418 B. Blackstonian Alienability and the First Amendment [...], We are living in what Professor Jonathan Turley calls an age of rage. However, it is not the first such period. Professor Turley explores how the United States was formed (and the Constitution was written) in precisely such a period. Throughout that history, sedition has been used as the vehicle for criminalizing political speech. This Article explores how seditious libel has evolved as a crime and how it is experiencing a type of American revival. The crime of sedition can be traced back to the infamous trials of the Star Chamber and the flawed view of free speech articulated by Sir William Blackstone. That view continues to resonate in "bad tendency" rationales for criminalizing what Professor Turley calls "rage rhetoric." An advocate for a broader theory of free speech, Professor Turley suggests that the United States should break this cycle and reject a crime that it is not only superfluous in many cases, but the product of the anti-free speech theories extending back to the seventeenth century. The elimination of the crime would fulfill what Professor Turley believes is the original and revolutionary view of free speech articulated by some figures at the start of the Republic. It would finally slay what James Madison called the "monster" lurking in our political and legal systems for centuries.

This article compares the development of two capital cities in Southeastern Europe, paying particular attention to the political context of this process. The two cities examined in this article are Sofia, the capital city of Bulgaria, established as an autonomous principality in 1878, and Sarajevo, the main city of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was occupied by the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the same year. The comparison of these two cases aims to reveal their transformations from towns in imperial borderlands into primary cities of the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century. This article focuses on key planning and architectural projects, instruments that represent ideas about nascent states, and the material legacy of Ottoman times in Sofia and Sarajevo to demonstrate how political conditions influenced the attitudes to heritage and urban development. This article aims to demonstrate that the creation of capital cities is a complex process that impacts the nation-building processes. Keywords: capitality, late 19th century, Sarajevo, Sofia, architecture, urban planning Cet article compare le developpement de deux capitales du sud-est de l'Europe en accordant une attention particuliere a son contexte politique. Les deux villes en question sont Sofia, capitale de la Bulgarie devenue principaute autonome en 1878, et Sarajevo, ville principale de la Bosnie-Herzegovine sous occupation austro-hongroise a partir de la meme annee. La comparaison de ces deux cas cherche a reveler les elements d'une transformation qui les a vues passer, dans la deuxieme moitie du XIXe siecle, de villes excentrees de l'Empire a villes de premier plan des Balkans. L'article s'interesse a certains projets majeurs d'urbanisme et d'architecture, instruments revelateurs des idees concernant les Etats naissants, et au legs de l'ere ottomane a Sofia et a Sarajevo, dans le but d'illustrer l'influence des conditions politiques sur les attitudes a l'egard du patrimoine et du developpement urbain. L'article entend montrer que l'etablissement d'une capitale est un processus complexe qui se repercute sur la formation de la nation. Mots-cles : statut de capitale, 19e siecle tardif, Sarajevo, Sofia, architecture, urbanisme, The goal of this article is to compare the development of two capital cities in Southeastern Europe, paying particular attention to the political context of this process. The two cities [...]

I. INTRODUCTION Freedom of speech and assembly, as protected by the First Amendment, has long been a defining character of "The Land of the Free." Much of American history has [...]

General semantics, although it might be ignored by those traditionally aligned with the study of political communication, offers a great deal to the study of politics and communication. This paper argues that Neil Postman's notion of context analysis serves as a direct corollary to the traditional method of content analysis in that it helps communication and media scholars understand political communication. To illustrate the value of context analysis, this essay seeks to contribute to both the study of general semantics and political communication through a case study analysis of the educational philosophy of Myles Horton (1905-1990) as he and others practiced that philosophy at the Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee during the labor movement and Civil Rights Movement of the mid-20th century. In particular, this paper constructs a context analysis of the semantic environment surrounding the political education of members of those social movements conducted at Highlander as an approach to understanding political organizing, collective action, and change. By articulating the educational practices at the Highlander Folk School as a semantic environment, general semantics educators and political communication scholars can begin to identify how the environment can produce communication and talk that leads to successful political action in the face of anti-democratic forces. Keywords: semantic environment, context analysis, Myles Horton, Highlander Folk School, Neil Postman, political organizing, political activism, For most communication and media scholars who hear the term political communication, I think it reasonable to suggest that the approach of general semantics--and its scholarly counterpart, media ecology--might not […]

I Introduction It is arguable that dignity was recognised in Clubb v Edwards; Preston v Avery ('Clubb') (1) as a constitutional value. (2) In that decision, dignity received 'a degree [...], In this article I consider the state of play for dignity in Australian constitutional law in the light of Clubb v Edwards; Preston v Avery ('Clubb') and Farm Transparency International Ltd v New South Wales ('Farm Transparency'). In Part II, I explore the meaning of dignity in these decisions. I respond to the concern voiced following Clubb that dignity is an indeterminate, incoherent or empty concept. Together, the judgments in Clubb and Farm Transparency give dignity some content and meaning. Doctrinal analysis of these judgments reveals the emerging meaning of dignity in Australian constitutional law. This article offers this original doctrinal analysis, focusing on the new light that Farm Transparency can cast on the meaning of dignity. This doctrinal analysis suggests that dignity in Australian constitutional law is a multidimensional concept, including dignity as the intrinsic worth of natural persons, and dignity as a thick autonomy interest. In Part III, I address the second concern voiced following Clubb that the quirks of the Australian constitutional law system preclude recognition of the dignity of the speaker, and thus will cause dignity to be relevant only to the limitation of the implied freedom of political communication and not its protection. I address the complexities that apply in the Australian context and argue that none of these completely closes the door on dignity.

Zimbabwe's political landscape has undergone significant changes since the 2017 coup, with the post-coup period being christened the 'New Dispensation'. The advent of the 'New Dispensation', characterised with promises of a new and revolving democracy, coincided with the coming of voting age of 'Ama 2000'. The paper investigated the electoral participation of 'Ama 2000' in Zimbabwe's 2023 elections. A theoretical framework that looked at factors that influence youth political participation was developed and used in explaining the electoral participation or their lack thereof. Hundred and fifteen focus group respondents between the ages of 18 to 23 were selected in Zimbabwe's cities of Harare and Bulawayo, wherein conversations on the motivations and barriers on youth political engagement were facilitated. Whilst Ama 2000' demonstrated political knowledge and interest, they are generally apathetic, with a few participating in voting whilst most did not associate with the other forms of electoral participation. Disillusionment with both politicians and political parties, politically motivated violence, and life cycle factors were the major reasons for their lack of interest in the country's 2023 elections. Arguably, there is no democratic and plural 'New Dispensation' after all, as these same factors have deterred older youth from participating in elections under the authoritarian Mugabe regime. However, the limited participation of Ama 2000' in voting demonstrates commitment to democratic principles and a desire to shape the country's future. To address the youth apathy gap, political parties must actively engage with them, reform, and promote inclusivity. At state level, structural reforms of an electoral nature are necessary to protect the security of the voter. Civil society has a role to play in strengthening civic education programs that instill a sense of civic duty and active participation in democracy. By involving youth in the democratic process, Zimbabwe can build a foundation for inclusive political participation., 1. Introduction Youth political participation is vital for the sustainable development and democratic governance of any nation. With 67.7% of Zimbabwe's population being under the age of 35 (UNICEF 2023), [...]