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Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The expansion of public history in the context of the 'decolonial turn' has generated conversations about the potential productive and mutually constitutive relations between the two. While recognizing that there is no predetermined connection between public history and emancipatory politics, this paper focuses on the strand in public history associated with movements of anti-colonization and decolonialization. In particular contexts, the ideas and practices of public history can present as acts of resistance, of which there are numerous examples. The focus here is on South Africa where the emergence of people's history (an early instantiation of public history) was closely associated with the anti-apartheid struggle, itself a late instance of decolonization. People's history proliferated during the 1980s and was both separately and co-produced by progressive scholars at some universities and activists in the internal liberation movements. The paper examines the evolution of the articulation of public history and emancipatory politics, from the anti-apartheid struggle to the democratic era, with particular reference to universities. Whereas the latter were important sites for the expansion of public history until the early 2000s, the adoption by university managements of corporatist models has reinforced hierarchical relations between institutions of higher learning and outside publics, thus narrowing the scope for the practice of a public history that seeks to maintain and grow its connection to emancipatory politics and movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does a learning center for civic education do in a museum environment? How and why can democracy be taught in a museum? The Museum Arbeitswelt in Steyr, Austria, offers with its Politikwerkstatt a learning environment for people of different age groups where they can learn, discuss, and talk about democracy. This article shows the history of the Museum Arbeitswelt which was opened in 1987 and the reason why civic education is and has always been a part of the museums educational approach. In detail the genesis of the Politikwerkstatt and its offers, as well as the Tunnel of Memory, another learning environment close to the museum are discussed. This article shows that a museum like the Museum Arbeitswelt can offer important educational offerings to ensure that our democracy will prevail in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Neue Politische Literatur is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wielogłos is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Praktyka Teoretyczna is the property of University of Wroclaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What Britain has lacked in Marxist theorists it has made up for in historians. Last century saw a glittering array of historiographical brilliance: Christopher Hill turned the seventeenth century upside-down; E.P. Thompson transformed the eighteenth; Eric Hobsbawm reframed the nineteenth and twentieth. Raphael Samuel, the youngest of these eminent figures, was different. He did not advance one notable historical argument or theory, instead he changed what it was to be a historian. Samuel's 'people's historian' was a character created to encourage history-making as social activity. He did this through offering support and creating spaces -- like the History Workshop -- for independent research. Although deeply committed to democratising history in this way, there were still times of struggle between the public persona and the private man. This essay explores the making and maintaining of Samuel's people's historian. It concludes by assessing its long-term effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The point of departure for this article is Eastern Europe and its association with mud, which fascinated writers of the enlightenment period. They pictured the region as a wilderness inhabited by fugitives, smugglers and miscreants – an image that went hand in hand with their “civilising” mission of harnessing both nature and the population to productive work. In this narrative mud figures as a hindrance to progress. It is remarkable that mud reappears in the same role in modern Polish cultural texts such as Stefan Żeromski’s Przedwiośnie [The Spring to Come] or Maria Dąbrowska’s Noce i dnie [Nights and Days]. The authors’ goal is to construct an alternative narrative of the modernising projects developed in relation to Eastern Europe from the eighteenth century until the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Socjologiczne is the property of Studia Socjologiczne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Renato Constantino was a historian and a public intellectual whose ideas were often considered as thought-provoking and controversial. Regarded as one of the pioneers in nationalist historiography, he produced a popular yet contentious historical interpretation that was unmistakably Marxist in nature. As a nationalist thinker, Constantino argued that the people's nationalist aspirations can be achieved by introducing them to a partisan form of scholarship. This paper critically examines his idea of partisan scholarship by proving that it was a necessary undertaking that inevitably undermined traditional historical practice and exposed the public to social criticisms and ideological discourse. To understand his intellectual labors, this research contextualizes Constantino during the crucial decades of the 1950s to the 1980s. By looking at his published works within these years, this paper aims to show the conjugal role of his social commentaries and historical expositions in provoking nationalism among readers. Moreover, this research explores the ideological dimension of partisan scholarship. Thus, a more holistic understanding of partisan scholarship could be elicited by interrogating his social commentaries and historical expositions in conjunction with the ideological paradigm apparent in his writings. Finally, this paper examines the impact of Constantino's partisan scholarship by determining major criticisms about his ideas and then identifying the place of his intellectual contributions within the nationalist and, arguably, postcolonial traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1949, in the wake of the USA's Displaced Persons Act of 1948, the American Committee for the Resettlement of Polish Displaced Persons received thousands of letters from refugees of peasant and worker background residing in camps in Germany and Austria. These potential immigrants appealed to the Polish diaspora for help with securing assurances of accommodation and work which would enable them to resettle in the USA. This paper investigates the discursive strategies of the authors and the wider meanings of their emigration endeavour. Firstly, it demonstrates that non-elite Displaced Persons (DPs) adopted the language of martyrology, patriotism, anti-Communism and freedom to maximise their chances of emigration. These DPs did not evoke the language of rights as they appealed to the traditional network of support, based on benevolence and familiarity. Secondly, it argues that the American Poles and Polish social elites played a crucial role in resettlement of the DPs, providing an additional layer of screening, here called 'the moral screening'. It is an example of how ethnic and cultural communities mediated the resettlement procedures supervised by international humanitarian organisations. Using a 'history from below' approach, this article argues that during this episode of migration, political and economic ideological underpinnings intertwined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exploring the Peasant Uprising of 1846 (also known as the Galician Slaughter or the Szela uprising), Pfeifer examines the Polish nobility's narratives and the different phases of the hegemonic production of knowledge on the subject. The focus is on the ways in which literary texts produced by the nobility explain and arrange a system of power. Pfeifer presents them as factors that create history. The article also addresses the Polish nobility's appropriation of the discourse on the Galician Slaughter, practices of creating meaning through literature by the dominant class, and the ways in which they presented this literature as an objective source of historical facts to solidify both the feudal social machine and Polish national ideology. Pfeifer's main methodological inspirations are Walter Benjamin's work on the notion of history as well as scholarship in new historicism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EDSA People Power I that ousted the Marcos dictatorship led to the production of a number of songs giving various perspectives on the so-called "peaceful revolution." Utilizing Howard Zinn's and Teresita Maceda's concepts about people's history, this paper scrutinized the world phenomenon of songs that reflect people's history so as to contextualize class contradictions in three post-Edsa songs ("Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo"/"The Filipinos' Offering to the World", "Sayaw sa Bubog"/"Dance on Shards" and "Kumusta Na"/"How Are You?"). This paper also compared the various perspectives of distinct social classes on the "victory" and failure of EDSA I, so as to contribute to the unmasking of the emptiness of the historical revisionism which loyalists of the Marcos dictatorship peddle. In general, the paper is aimed at making the significance, meaning and context of these three post-EDSA songs accessible and intelligible to the post-EDSA I generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the concept of putting history “under the power of the public”. It discusses the role played by former employees in researching and publishing the histories of two former large industrial history/heritage sites in Perth, Western Australia. The projects originated not in academia but from past employees who sought the help of labour historians to record the histories. Former employees provided much of the research material and assisted as sources of information, interviewers and interviewees, site guides and critics of work put forward for publication. While academic authors were responsible for interpreting their own research, past employees had a voice in the ways in which the sites’ stories were presented to the public, and the veracity of that information. The article explores the subversive potential of subaltern histories such as these, as well as some principles for putting history under the power of the public. It concludes by examining the strengths and weaknesses of this method, including the extent to which the pressures of academia discourage historians from engaging with “popular” projects requiring “a different voice”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Oral historians in the United States have adopted a problematic history of our field that erases the contributions of our radical forbearers. By fixating on recording technologies, archives, and academia, we ignore those who have shaped the theories and methodologies we draw upon when we facilitate dialogues grounded in personal experiences and interpretive reflections on the past. This article identifies the direct contributions that popular educators such as Myles Horton, Septima Clark, Ella Baker, and Paolo Freire played in shaping the field of oral history in the United States. Furthermore, it highlights the role that Staughton and Alice Lynd, Helen Lewis, the Massachusetts History Workshop, and the Brass Workers History Project played in translating these popular education practices into current oral history theories and methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on British Marxist historian Raphael Samuel's concept of "People's History." Topics discussed include Samuel's mission of the peoples' history which was not about writing the history of people, but to also involve people in history writing, and include people from different fields among the historians; Samuel's appointment as a tutor of sociology at Ruskin College, Oxford, England, in 1962, where he taught people from all walks of life; and Samuel's membership of the British Marxist Historians Group.