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Self-discipline pervasively impacts most aspects of human life. It also promotes numerous human behaviors with positive psychological outcomes. Two studies were conducted within the scope of this research. The aim of the first study was to develop and test the psychometric properties of the self-discipline scale (SDS) for adults. Validity and reliability analyses were conducted on two different samples attending different universities in Turkey. As a result of the analyses, a valid and reliable scale was developed consisting of the two-dimensional construct and 13 items. The aim of the second study was to test the sequential mediating roles of grit and life-satisfaction in the relationship between self-discipline and peace among college students. The results revealed that self-discipline is positively related to grit, life-satisfaction, and peace. Path analysis showed that the sequential mediating effect is significant for grit and life satisfaction on the relationship between self-discipline and peace. Overall, these results demonstrated that self-discipline makes a significant contribution to a peaceful life, also grit and life-satisfaction have a remarkable role in this contribution., Author(s): Zeynep Simsir [sup.1] , Bülent Dilmaç [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.411124.3, 0000 0004 1769 6008, Department of Guidance and Psychological Counseling, Faculty of Eregli Education, Necmettin Erbakan University, , [...]

Peace is an ideal that features prominently in utopian thought. The ideas from this source sometimes provide a basis for experiments where ways of living in peace can be put into practice, typically as alternative communities. This paper reviews utopianism as a framework for both ideas and practice. Although there is little evidence that utopian ideas 'succeed' in a formal sense, the process of placing mainstream society in front of a mirror has a value in itself. The main message of utopians is that society can be better than it is and that dreaming of a world without war cannot simply be dismissed as unrealistic., War has been a constant in human history. Yet so, too, is the pursuit of peace. The two are polar opposites but inextricably linked. It is rare to conjecture one [...]

The aim of this paper, which more generally is a contribution to political theology, is to show in what way the conception of peace in Nicholas of Cusa's De Pace Fidei is dependent upon a specific philosophical anthropology. Within it any link between human being and law is replaced by the subject of faith. Central to the argument is demonstrating the ways in which this anthropological position is necessarily interarticulated with the larger metaphysical positions that are advanced across a range of Cusanus' texts. Keywords: belief, faith, Nicholas of Cusa, Paul, political theology, The project of this paper is to contribute to political theology. (1) However, rather than structure political theology in terms either of a set of arguments concerning the secularisation of [...]

In Defensor Pacis Marsilius of Padua grounds the legitimacy of the kingdom, or the state (civitas), on the peace that rule provides the citizens. Looking at Aristotle's claim that the civitas strives to be like an animal in which all parts in the right proportion for the sake of health, Marsilius argues that 'the parts of the kingdom or state will be well disposed for the sake of peace [tranquilitas].' Marsilius goes on to define peace as the agreeable 'belonging together' of all members of the kingdom or the state. In this way, Marsilius moves away from a theological ground of the legitimacy of the state towards one that is entirely secular. However, the ground is an unstable one in that it acknowledges the fact that the 'members' of the body politic are characterised by difference. As such, the ground of legitimate authority will be characterised as much by force as by peace or by the relation of force to peace. Keywords: Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis, peace, sovereignty, glory, While there is no doubt of the importance of Marsilius of Padua (c. 1275-c. 1342) as a contributor to the history of political theory, the exact nature of that contribution [...]

This article examines some of the ways in which Plato conveys a concern with peace and what conceptions of peace he has a concern with. I first consider Plato's attitude to war ([phrase omitted]) and its conventional opposite, peace ([phrase omitted]). In this context we find very little concern with peace at all and, by contrast, a somewhat disturbing emphasis on the importance of war. However, if we turn from war to a different type of conflict, faction ([phrase omitted]), we find a distinct difference. Plato considers faction unproductive because of the internal divisions it sustains. Yet Plato does not specifically call the opposite of faction 'peace'; instead, he uses terms that have different extensions for us, such as [phrase omitted] ('justice'). Nevertheless, it is possible to outline a positive Platonic conception of peace by tabling a set a of peace-related terms. I distinguish three categories of terms that describe (1) conditions of peace (or negative peace), (2) dispositions of peacefulness, and (3) relations of peace, where such relations result from the expression of peaceful dispositions. My examination suggests that positive peace, for Plato, is founded on the unity and integrity of character. Only when individuals are at peace with themselves can peace within society be achieved. Keywords: character, justice , peace, stasis, war, The most general problem facing an attempt to describe Plato's conception of peace is the problem of conceptual change. The historical outline of a normative concept is amoebic. Even within [...]

The proclivity to synthesis as opposed to analysis is shown to be the root of the deeply ingrained belief in peace in Indian culture. This can be seen in the rationale behind Mahatma Gandhi's non-violence.Two types of freedom are discussed. Freedom 'for' satisfying instincts is differentiated from freedom 'from' compulsion, and the latter is shown to be the key to achieving peace.Four arguments in the form of theses showing similarity between an individual and society are forwarded: 1) their evolution from animal to civilized and further to an enlightened state, 2) five sheaths that form their personality, 3) being dictated by the subconscious, 4) attachment, hatred, and fear as the three basic dysfunctions., INTRODUCTIONThe land of India has been preoccupied by deep introspection about the inner world of one's own being for millennia. This search enabled the sun of knowledge of consciousness to [...]

Peace research has abandoned the pursuit of positive peace because of a profound commitment to an ontology of violence. By assuming that the world is shaped by arbitrary power relations, scholars working on liberal and post-liberal peace end up focusing their research on negative peace. This article develops a critique of this ontology of violence assumed by the Realist, Liberal, and Critical traditions which conceals the possibility of positive peace. Following the lead of Charles Taylor, it locates the philosophical shackles that stifle peace research in the immanent frame that underpins the political work of Hobbes and his contemporaries. The article outlines the contours of an ontology of peace and revisits the concept of eirenism to conceptualise positive peace., In a recent article published in the International Studies Quarterly, Paul Diehl explains that the scholarly study of peace has been primarily focusing on negative peace as the absence of [...]

Happiness, conflict and peace are terms, ideas, and pursuits that embody myriad meanings, definitions, and expressions. Variation in how happiness and peace are understood exists both within and between the [...]

The peace concept has been traditionally understood as the absence of conflict and war among the states. However, widening and deepening of security conception requires to consider the forms of structural and cultural violence. While the number and intensity of intra-state conflicts has increased in the post-Cold War era, bringing an end to intrastate conflicts and building a long-lasting peace have become one of the important policy agendas of the international community. So, it is necessary to comprehend the concept of peace in terms of both negative and positive meanings. Post-independence Kosovo has been experiencing a transition period and faces major socio-economic and political problems. This article, which aims to analyze the peace predicament of post-independence era of Kosovo, states that in spite of Kosovo's significant improvements in terms of negative peace in its reconstruction period, the country faces important problems in terms of positive peace. Keywords: Peace, Negative Peace, Positive Peace, Kosovo. Baris kavrami, geleneksel olarak devletler arasinda savas ve catismanin olmamasi durumu olarak anlasilmistir. Bununla birlikte, genisleyen ve derinlesen guvenlik anlayisi, yapisal ve kulturel siddet turlerinin goz onune alinmasini gerektirmektedir. Soguk Savas sonrasi donemde sayisi ve yogunlugu artan devlet-ici catismalari sona erdirmek ve uzun sureli bir barisi insa etmek, onemli gundem maddelerinden birisi haline gelmistir. Bu nedenle, baris kavraminin hem olumsuz hem de olumlu anlamlarda dusunulmesi gereklidir. 17 Subat 2008'de bagimsizligini ilan eden Kosova, hala bir gecis donemi yasamaktadir ve onemli toplumsal, siyasi ve ekonomik sorunlarla karsi karsiyadir. Bagimsizlik sonrasi donemde Kosova'daki baris durumunu analiz etmeyi amaclayan bu calismada, yeniden insa donemini yasayan Kosova'nin olumsuz baris anlaminda onemli ilerlemeler kaydetmis olmasina ragmen, olumlu baris anlaminda ciddi sorunlarla yuz yuze oldugu belirtilmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Baris, Olumsuz Baris, Olumlu Baris, Kosova., Giris Savas kadar baris da uluslararasi politikanin temel kavramlarindan birisidir. Baris Arastirmalari'nin temel ilgi alanlari, savasin onlenmesi ve siddet iceren catismalarin bariscil yontemlerle kontrolu ve cozulmesi olmustur. (1) Fakat genel [...]

This article explores the meaning of peace and human security from the perspective of the individual--the presumed referent point of security--and examines responses to armed conflict, a leading source of insecurity for African peoples. It identifies inherent flaws in approaches to conflict in Africa and looks to a different field--that of leadership--for a more effective formula for peacemaking. In the absence of a framework that can effectively end the cycle of conflict relapse in Africa, the paper argues that an alternative framing of leadership is needed; and that alternative leadership approaches to dealing with conflict and insecurity offer a chance for stable peace and human security. It suggests that an expanded perspective on leadership provides a basis for exploring interventions that can potentially alter peacemaking discourses as well as the terrain in which peacemaking takes place. The article therefore asks what a focus on the individual as the referent point of security means if and when viewed from the perspective of a collection of individuals. In this regard, it presents emerging perspectives from a study of young Africans on leadership programmes in a classroom setting and attempts to extrapolate them to wider societal settings. It then explores how a different perspective of leadership might serve as a facilitator of peace and human security in Africa, drawing examples from past and on-going situations of armed conflict in Africa., 1. Introduction Defining what constitutes peace is as elusive as finding a sustainable threshold within which human communities can live in harmony, while also seeking to attain their full potential. [...]

Over the next few years much will be made of the hundred-year anniversary of the breakdown of the European peace into a thirty-one-year civil war that did not fully cease [...]

Like Megan McKenna's book This Will be Remembered of Her: Stories of Women Reshaping the World, this paper also seeks to entwine three realities: memory, women and resistance. McKenna cogently [...]

From the Origins of Religion to the Present Impasse Religions emerged in the dawn of prehistory, as ubiquitous, diverse responses of humankind to the bewildering wonderment of our planet. They [...]

This essay examines Hemingway's In Our Time in the historical and discursive context of Woodrow Wilson's rhetorical leadership during the years before, during, and after World War I. Addressing Hemingway [...]

This article seeks to reimagine peace against the backdrop of a Foucauldian understanding of politics. Most conventional accounts are based on a sharp distinction between war and peace and alternate [...]

There is general consensus that Randolph Bourne was right in his criticism of Dewey's support for U.S. participation in World War One. Bourne's central argument against Dewey was that war is inexorable. War cannot be controlled; pragmatist method becomes inoperable. Jane Addams largely agreed with Bourne, but would question his claim that war's inexorability is absolute. I will use Addams's participation with the U.S. Food Administration to show cracks in the inexorability of war and also to raise questions about the pragmatist grounding of Bourne's attack on Dewey. I argue that although Addams's participation with the Food Administration was in some ways morally ambiguous, it also demonstrated a more throughgoing, pragmatist understanding of democracy than Bourne's critique contained. Keywords: Jane Addams, Randolph Bourne, Peace, Pacifism, Internationalism, World War I, William James, Pragmatism., Much has been written on Randolph Bourne's criticisms of Dewey's support for the United States' participation in World War One. Dewey agreed with President Wilson that entering the war provided [...]

The advancement of a durable peace in Europe since the end of World War II poses a tough challenge not only to practitioners but also to international relations theory and [...]

Most peaceful islands in precontact Polynesian islands had populations under around 1,000 people and that these societies were over 100 kms away from their neighbors. Some measure of egalitarianism and direct representation in decision making are some of the mechanisms that maintained peace.

The introduction to this special issue on peace in twentieth-century Europe develops a novel interpretation of twentieth-century European history. Rather than focusing on the question of the impact of war and violence within European societies, it seeks to examine what we can gain from exploring how peace was established and maintained in the wake of wars in various European societies. In particular, it focuses on the manifold ways in which different social and international actors negotiated peace, both literally and symbolically. Taken together, the contributions to this special issue thus present a much more complex picture of twentieth-century Europe than the one of a 'Dark Continent' (Mark Mazower) ravaged by violence or that propagated by European institutions of a peaceful Europe. L'introduction de ce numero special sur la paix au vingtieme siecle developpe une nouvelle interpretation de l'histoire europeenne. Plutot que de se concentrer sur l'impact de la guerre et de la violence sur les societes europeennes, les auteurs cherchent a examiner le profit que nous pouvons en tirer en analysant comment la paix etait etablie et maintenue au lendemain des guerres dans differentes societes europeennes. Plus particulierement, l'attention est portee sur les nombreuses manieres dont les differents acteurs sociaux et internationaux negocient la paix, au sens litteral et symbolique du terme. On arrive ainsi a une image plus complexe que celle de la dichotomie classique entre un 'continent sombre' (Mark Mazower), ravage par la violence, d'une part, et l'image d'une Europe pacifique, vehiculee par les institutions europeennes, d'autre part. Die Einleitung zu diesem Sonderheft uber 'Frieden in der europaischen Geschichte' entwickelt eine Neuinterpretation europaischer Geschichte ira zwanzigsten Jahrhundert. Statt sich auf die Folgen von Krieg und Gewalt zu konzentrieren, nahern sich die Autoren dem Problem aus der Perspektive an, wie in unterschiedlichen Gesellschaften ira Gefolge von Krieg und Gewalt Frieden geschaffen wurde. Sic konzentrieren sich dabei besonders auf die Art und Weise, wie verschiedene gesellschaftliche und internationale Akteure jeweils uber Frieden verhandelten, sowohl im wortlichen als auch im ubertragenen und symbolischen Sinne. Die Autoren entwickeln somit ein komplexeres Bild als jenes eines von Gewalt verwusteten 'dunklen Kontinents' (Mark Mazower) oder gar eines friedlichen Europas, wie es von den europaischen Institutionen propagiert wird.

An intersection of peace and development is explained by developing a theory of peace as freedom. The theory offers a framework for assessments and reassessments of peace and development at any scale and in any place.

This experimental essay attempts to show how alternative methods and approaches are valuable in interrogating the ways in which orthodox theories of international relations (IR) approach peace. Drawing on a [...]

ABSTRACT In this article, we examine the links among food insecurity, globalization and conflict. We summarize and critically evaluate existing studies on conflict as a cause of food insecurity; food [...]

Role of contemplative practices in improving students' awareness towards peace and tolerance is presented.

Previous studies provide strong evidence for the Kantian theory of peace, but a satisfactory evaluation requires establishing the causal influence of the variables. Here we focus on the reciprocal relations between economic interdependence and interstate conflict, 1885-1992. Using distributed-lags analyses, we find that economically important trade does have a substantively important effect in reducing dyadic militarized disputes, even with extensive controls for the influence of past conflict. The benefit of interdependence is particularly great in the case of conflict involving military facilities. Militarized disputes also cause a reduction in trade, as liberal theory predicts. Democracy and joint membership in intergovernmental organizations, too, have important pacific benefits; but we find only limited support for the role of costly signals in establishing the liberal peace. We find no evidence that democratization increases the incidence of interstate disputes; and contrary to realists' expectations, allies are not less conflict prone than states that are not allied. Democracies and states that share membership in many international organizations have higher levels of trade, but allies do not when these influences are held constant.

While the commercial institutional peace research program provides empirical evidence that international institutions, especially preferential trade arrangements, help reduce the incidence of militarized inter-state conflict, it fails to delineate clearly how such institutions matter. Building from the logic that low opportunity costs for fighting, private information, and commitment problems constitute important causes of war, this article explores three interrelated causal mechanisms. First, the state leaders' increased expectations about future commerce create an incentive for these actors to consider peaceful bargains as an alternative to costly war. Second, security coordination under the umbrella of a commercial institution provides fuller information about state military capabilities, thus making inter-state bargaining for dispute resolution more efficient. Third, in bringing together high-level state leaders on a regular basis, commercial institutions may create the trust necessary to overcome commitment problems in inter-state bargaining. I explore how these mechanisms have operated within the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Economic Community of West African States.

In the euphoria that accompanied the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, there was much talk of an 'outbreak of peace.' Today, although the [...]

ABSTRACT Progress through sustainable practices of agriculture and industrial growth has been the desired objective in many countries around the world. However, progress through sustainability has eluded majority of humans. [...]

ABSTRACT This Article examines the role of corporate law in promoting sustainable peace. The Author argues that corporate legal theory can make a distinctive contribution to a more peaceful world [...]

The extent to which democracy and Islam are mutually exclusive is tested empirically with implications for civilizational conflict and the democratic peace. Three measures of democracy are used: a political rights index, an index of liberal democracy, and a measure based on institutionalization. Environmental variables such as sea borders and rainfall that minimize external threat to democratic systems are found to predict better to the more rudimentary political rights index, while cultural variables, including Islam in a negative direction, are more clearly associated with liberal democracy. The measure of democratic institutionalization behaves in a manner intermediate between the two. Divergence of the structures of explanation for these measures suggests that conclusions concerning the likelihood of war between democracies can depend on the specific index of democracy employed. The absence of a significant negative association between Islam and the political rights index under controlled conditions suggests that the probability of civilizational conflict is low.

The application of conventional Western conflict resolution mechanisms has resulted in the removal of the justice principle from the Arab-Israeli conflict. Analysis of the Middle East peace process shows that the shift from closed agenda to an open agenda may be more deleterious in this case. Likewise, the transition from a justice-driven entitlement-benefits matrix to a utility-driven cost-benefits matrix may only lead to issue transformation and the regression of goals.