Search

This study presents a comprehensive analysis of the declaration of war speech delivered by Russian President Vladimir Putin, utilizing three distinct yet complementary analytical frameworks: Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Narrative Analysis (NA), and Propaganda Analysis (PA). Through the application of these methods, the research aims to examine the linguistic features, narrative structures, and propagandistic elements within the speech to better understand the persuasive tactics employed by Putin and the socio-political implications of his rhetoric. The findings of this study contribute to the growing body of literature on political discourse analysis and highlight the value of combining multiple analytical approaches for a more nuanced understanding of political rhetoric. Ultimately, this research emphasizes the significant role that language and narrative play in shaping public opinion and promoting specific political agendas.

This study presents a comprehensive analysis of the declaration of war speech delivered by Russian President Vladimir Putin, utilizing three distinct yet complementary analytical frameworks: Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Narrative Analysis (NA), and Propaganda Analysis (PA). Through the application of these methods, the research aims to examine the linguistic features, narrative structures, and propagandistic elements within the speech to better understand the persuasive tactics employed by Putin and the socio-political implications of his rhetoric. The findings of this study contribute to the growing body of literature on political discourse analysis and highlight the value of combining multiple analytical approaches for a more nuanced understanding of political rhetoric. Ultimately, this research emphasizes the significant role that language and narrative play in shaping public opinion and promoting specific political agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Political environments shaped by ascendant populism and growing anxieties over globalization have been compared to the early twentieth century, including concerns about the power of state-sponsored propaganda. The revisiting of propaganda analysis as a tool for analyzing government campaigns is thus warranted. Analysis: This article applies propaganda analysis to populist Ontario Premier Doug Ford's Federal Carbon Tax Transparency Act. Canadian journalism's response is then measured through a comparative frequency analysis alongside the premier's sensationalized "buck-a-beer" campaign. Conclusion and implications: The applicability of a reinstated propaganda analysis is solidified in the current Canadian context, and journalism prioritizing profit over democracy is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about the use of war propaganda during World War I and World War II. The author cites passages from "Propaganda Technique in the World War," by Harold Lasswell and "Allied Propaganda and the Collapse of the German Empire in 1918," by George C. Bruntz. Also noted are a number of technological innovations that have increased the channels of distribution for propaganda.

This article studies the specific type of relationship that establishes terrorism as journalism to build its own reporting system in order to target the information on terrorism. The aim of the regime is to complete classical purposes of terrorism through information. This paper proposes an exegetical model built from the information-propagandistic elements of the concept of terrorism, which aims to develop a practical guide to interpret the reporting relationships of terrorism, no guidelines for journalists covering terrorism. The model helps to detect whether they are terrorists who manage information, rather than journalists, and the procedures used to achieve it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on information and propaganda theories, the present paper focuses on media presentation of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)-bailout agreement for Greece in 2010. The research objective is the quantitative analysis of propagandistic characteristics in the political and journalistic discourse on the MoU, as it was presented by TV prime-time news bulletins and internet news sites, and was examined using content analysis. Three propaganda scales were created, based on theoretical approaches of propaganda sentimental and logical methods. The scales were explored with respect to independent control variables using statistical inference in order to demonstrate the various "ingredients" of propaganda in the discourse of the communicators examined. Among the results one can encounter the use of mainly sentimental propagandistic methods on behalf of the communicators, the constant increase of the propaganda methods used during our period of study (February to June of 2010), the use of at least two propaganda methods per communicator (within short statements) and the ideological use of the same propaganda methods on behalf of politicians of different parties so as to either support or criticize the MoU- bailout agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article expands Bruce Fink's observations grounded in Jacque Lacan's thought with a contribution that locates Ernst Kris's case report. It shows how Kris's work in propaganda analysis during World War 2 influenced his postwar psychoanalytic method and provides a clearer understanding of the dynamics and aesthetics, politics and ethics of Kris's approach to treatment. It speculates on how Kris's war experience could have impaired the theoretical stringency of his postwar clinical work.

This article focuses upon the language of the propaganda texts, targeted at Ukrainians, written by the rebels participating in the Polish uprisings of 1830-1831 and 1848. The language used within this propaganda literature was critical, notes the author, especially its bilingualism (which reflected both the rising status of Ukrainian vis-à-vis Polish, as well as initial stages of vernacular standardization of the Podolian and Volhynian dialects). The author presents an analysis that supports the findings of Olexa Horbach, who maintains that, in Podolia and Volhynia (Right Bank Ukraine) in the 19th century, a form of standard literary Ukrainian developed, existing alongside the Galician (Left Bank Ukraine).

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By the late 19th century the discourse of modernity was used by business sectors in the National Territory of La Pampa, for attracting investments and labor force oriented to their colonization and production initiatives. Photography played a core role in legitimating modernization project, by providing an arsenal of images that documented the economic developments and the general progress of the Territory, but also by contributing to resignify a space associated to "desert" and barbarism. Through the analysis of two photograph albums produced in La Pampa in the early 20th century, this article deals with the way that photography was used for propagandistic purposes appealing to social imaginaries related to progress and modernization. However, each album was produced in a different social context, in which not only economic and social conditions varied, as the way modernization project was perceived by society did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A personal narrative is presented which explores the author's experience of as an intelligence analysts on communist efforts in Africa aimed to help guide the U.S. Information Agency (USIA) direct its propaganda efforts.

The 1930s in America abounded with debates about language and communication. Interest in the effects of propaganda and the problems of miscommunication prompted the development of organizations like the Institute for Propaganda Analysis (1937) and Count Alfred Korzybski's Institute of General Semantics (1938). Albeit in different ways, each of these groups aimed to increase the public's awareness of the effects of language and to improve its ability to communicate. But the assumptions about language and communication held by these organizations would ultimately render them short-lived in terms of public and scholarly attention. This article examines the work of these organizations in relation to that of Kenneth Burke, and demonstrates how Burke developed his rhetorically oriented theories of communication against and in response to this rich background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses the Việt Minh national liberation movement and race hatred during the First Indochina War. The author analyzes several examples of Việt Minh tracts and propaganda. The propaganda genre of colonial and postcolonial cannibal stories is talked about. The author examines why propagandists believed that such texts would resonate with the beliefs and experiences of the people of the Mekong Delta, Vietnam.

The article presents an examination of the propaganda strategies employed by William Pierce, leader of the neo-Nazi organization the National Alliance, in his novel "The Turner Diaries" to promote an ideology of hate. How these propaganda techniques are designed to urge the reader to identify with the Turner character by the use of editorial authority is examined through Pierce's source materials such as the John Birch Society's "John Franklin Letters," and Eugene Methvin's "The Riot Makers," and editorials he published in his paper "Attack!" The historic roots of the hate novel genre are discussed. The practice of selling "The Turner Diaries" at gun shows is mentioned.

The article discusses the authors' opinions propagandas used and their impacts on U.S. national consciousness and British colonization around 18th century America. According to the author, the most powerful propanda is integration propaganda, the kind that mold individuals to form themselves into communities that affirm individualities. A way of understanding propaganda as literature that compares, rather than as comparative literature, is briefly discussed. The author noted the efforts of Thomas Paine and other fomenter to use early print media to urge defiance, and U.S. interactions with the East India Company.

This study is a deep-text analysis of military censorship applied to the national press in the Sri Lankan conflict. We examine press coverage of two Sri Lankan military operations, namely Operation Jayasikurui (1997) and the Capture of Elephant Pass (2000), to identify patterns of signification that help us construct a novel theory of conflict reporting under censorship within the context of ethnic, intrastate conflict. Our study shows that Sri Lankan newspapers, while abiding by censorship regulations, contradictorily also manoeuvred around these regulations as if censorship did not exist. Noteworthy were the censorship circumvention techniques that were used. For example, journalists taught readers how to 'read' blank space. They used commentary to educate readers how to read the straight news. They used conflict frames to overcome bias towards official viewpoints. They used multi-source confirmation to avoid pre-dominance of official views. They used respectful words rather than demonised opponents. Great attention was paid to victims of the conflict, destruction of life and property, and civil society. Our findings do not accord well with previous theoretical models of the media role in society and of press censorship under conflict. The Sri Lankan press is highly intertwined within its cultural context and follows its own value system. We propose the 'Catherine Wheel Model of Censorship Circumvention' about press behaviour in times of internal conflict. Our model attempts to explain internal conflict within the developing world context in which the press system is based deeply in culture and is more accustomed to circumventing censorship than obeying it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information has emerged as a critical—potentially the decisive—front in both the global war with violent radical Islam and the overlapping but so far largely unadmitted Cold War with nonviolent radical Islam. In fact, the information front is undoubtedly the closest thing that al Qaeda has to a strategic center of gravity. Unfortunately, America faces an extremely hostile information environment in the Middle East and al Qaeda has proven far more effective at getting its message across than has the United States. A more effective U.S. information strategy would be one that stresses three themes: a democratic critique of radical Islam; an Islamic critique of radical Islam; and a critique of the crisis in Middle Eastern civilization. While these will not necessarily make the U.S. or its policies more popular, they may drive a wedge between radical Islam and potential supporters. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article examines the version of David Altheide's sociological story that resembles "The Emperor's Clothes," by Hans Christian Anderson. It cites that the story revealed Altheide's observation that Americans have accepted and complied with directives, policies that seemed problematic and downright detestable in retrospect. It notes that Altheid attempts to deconstruct a common word and propaganda, as well as define a situation and create a sophisticated view on what he termed public diplomacy or the institutionalized masquerade of making the world safe for freedom and unfettered capitalism. Altheid also stresses that America has based policies on fear without engendering corresponding respect.

Historians have recently devoted significant attention to exploring the ways in which gendered imagery and assumptions were used to mobilize popular support for U.S. foreign and military policies during World War I. Preparedness and government propagandists routinely conflated manliness with military service and attempted to discredit male opponents of war by casting aspersions on their masculinity. The female Red Cross worker was upheld as the ideal model citizen for American women. But a diverse array of antiwar groups hotly contested the notions of gendered citizenship duties promoted by pro-war activists. This article explores the responses of the Socialist Party, Industrial Workers of the World, and American Federation of Labor to the gendered propaganda of preparedness advocates and the Wilson administration between 1914 and 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a news story topic, climate change has potential narrative elements that include the oil industry and the earth's climatic balance. With the world's leading scientists now insisting that the story should be shifting from whether climate change is happening to "What are we going to do about it?" this article offers a critical comparative analysis of how American, Canadian, and internationalnewspapers are framing this key issue. Based on Herman and Chomsky's (1988) media propaganda model, the findings indicate that while newspapers in the United States might be avoiding the issue, all three "regions" show a hesitancy to frame climate change with either extreme weather consequences or oil reduction solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical discourse analysis of presuppositions and strategic functions, in addition to brief comments on the use of propaganda devices in the speech delivered by George W. Bush nine days after the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon and some other US targets, September 11, 2001. This approach makes it possible to explore the tension between idealism and pragmatism, the conflict between ‘us’ and ‘them’, and the other aspects of ideologies and power relationships found in the speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that, if carefully read, the public statements of the Bush administration in the run-up to the March 2003 U.S.-led military intervention in Iraq reveal that the available evidence did not warrant the administration's confident claims that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction (WMD). To support this argument, the essay explores the administration's verbal leakage and Freudian slips, shifts in the burden of proof, strategies that minimized evidentiary accountability, assertions of the presence of convincing evidence that could not be publicly revealed, and tacit concessions that the case for WMD was a patchwork. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most fully articulated case for war in Iraq was presented in Secretary of State Colin Powell's February 5, 2003, speech to the United Nations Security Council. After establishing the context for the speech, this essay examines the strength of that case, focusing especially on structure, reasoning, and evidence. The structure was appropriate to the purpose, if somewhat unusual. Although the speech relied on argument from ignorance, this inference was reasonable in context. The fatal flaw in the speech was the unreliability of key evidence. More critical questioning of evidence at the time could have brought this problem to light and perhaps have avoided some of the consequences that followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the reconsideration of a propaganda model that was proposed by Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman two decades ago. The model emphasizes the role and operation of corporate media and politics in United States. The author notes Chomsky's notable consistency and uniqueness while commenting on the development of U.S politics and culture. The author argues that Chomsky has not explored the deeper issues concerning U.S. media or politics. Issues pertaining to the U.S. war on Iraq were also mentioned. The article discusses the experiences of a young Chomsky as an important factor that shaped the philosophical mind of Chomsky.

The article focuses on how the Islamic language and media were used during the Russian invasions (1994-1996 and 1999-2002) of Chechnya. The research variables are paired: Russia and Chechen public discourse, Chechen public and Chechen private discourse, and both Russian and Chechen discourse in the first invasion compared to the second. Both sides used propaganda to manipulate the international community and reinforce solidarity among war participants. Events in the Chechen wars are mentioned, as well as Zhokar Dudayev, the spiritual and military leader of the Chechen resistance.

Abstract: We characterise the aperiodic autocorrelation for a Boolean function, f, and define the Aperiodic Propagation Criteria (APC) of degree l and order q. We establish the strong similarity between APC and the Extended Propagation Criteria (EPC) as defined by Preneel et al. in 1991, although the criteria are not identical. We also show how aperiodic autocorrelation can be related to the first derivative of f. We further propose the metric APC distance and show that quantum error correcting codes (QECCs) are natural candidates for Boolean functions with favourable APC distance. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

An assessment of Herman and Chomsky's 1988 five-filter propaganda mode! suggests it is mainly valuable for identifying areas in which researchers should look for evidence of collaboration (whether intentional or otherwise) between mainstream media and the propaganda aims of the ruling establishment The model does not identify methodologies for determining the relative weight of independent filters in different contexts, something that would be useful in its future development There is a lack of precision in the characterization of some of the filters. The model privileges the structural factors that determine propagandized news selection, and therefore eschews or marginalizes internationality. This paper extends the model to include the "buying out" of journalists or their publications by intelligence and related special interest organizations. It applies the extended six-filter model to controversies over reporting by The New York Times of the build-up towards the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, the issue of weapons of mass destruction in general, and the reporting of The New York Times correspondent Judith Miller in particular, in the context of broader critiques of US mainstream media war coverage. The controversies helped elect evidence of the operation of some filters of the propaganda model, including dependence on official sources, fear of flak, and ideological convergence. The paper finds that the filter of routine news operations needs to be counterbalanced by its opposite, namely non-routine abuses of standard operating procedures. While evidence of the operation of other filters was weaker, this is likely due to difficulties of observability, as there are powerful deductive reasons for maintaining all six filters within the framework of media propaganda analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The analytic construct of the seven propaganda devices—name calling, glittering generalities, transfer, testimonial, plain folks, card stacking, and bandwagon—long has been familiar in the field of communication. The following documentary account ofthe sevendevices framework, extending and focusing my previous explications ofthe subject, clarifies who first developed the format, how it came to be published, why it both captured immediate interest and longstanding attention, and how later it encountered social and ideological conditions that variously facilitated or impeded its diffusion and use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) propaganda in 1989. Nature of propaganda in a totalitarian system; Difficulties facing the totalitarian propagandists; Inherent flaws of the GDR propaganda; Quality of the GDR propaganda and propagandists; Internal friction within the GDR.

The article discusses the outline the theoretical bases for the specification of propaganda in regarding cinema presentation. According to the author the importance of the propaganda is determined in which it cuts across several traditional divisions and what separates it from art and politics, documentary and fiction and text and institution. It is suggested that these categories and their boundaries should be modified on the basis of production of a set of insoluble contradictions by replacing the propaganda within a different conceptual space.

The article reports on the effectiveness of alternative propaganda in the U.S. and discusses about human values. The relative effectiveness of different presentations of a single propaganda theme can be hypothesized that the susceptibility of a target population to a given version of a propaganda message is largely determined by selective perception. It was possible to begin to test the above hypothesis as part of a larger experimental study when 28,000 leaflets having to do with contributing to the blood bank were dropped from the air over a town of some 1,500 inhabitants. The study also suggests that the difficult problem of analyzing American value system may be susceptible to a good deal in revealing research.

The article looks at the phenomenon of propaganda in the U.S. society, its capability to alter public opinion, and the challenges it posed to competent scholars. Particular focus is given to the impact of the improved means of communication on the attentions directed by scholars toward the study of propaganda. A definition of propaganda according to the Institute for Propaganda Analysis is provided, which encompasses persuasion from demagogy to argumentation.

The article presents an analysis of the aspects that condition the effectiveness of anti-religious propaganda in the Soviet Union. Over the course of nearly half a century, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has endeavored to undermine the religious ties and inclinations of its citizens. Repressive actions against church officials, the introduction of laws limiting church power and religious proselytism, and the dissemination of atheist propaganda have all been aimed at diminishing the scope and relevance of religion in the Soviet Union. It may be that, while atheist propaganda is irrelevant to the believer, it is highly functional to the atheist, and therefore to the Party. The propagandist may feel that he is participating in an important project by combating a doctrine the regime defines as alien. By inducing propagandists to identify their goals with those of the Party, the leadership stimulates the enthusiasm of its cadres and enhances its control over them. A second explanation is perhaps more plausible. Atheist propaganda may be no more than a harmless ritual that is performed today only because it has always been performed, and because any alternative policy involves considerable risks. The costs of terror are too great, and the leadership lacks either the patience or the confidence to see if religious belief will die out by itself.

In the June 1941 issue of the journal "Public Opinion Quarterly," Bruce Lannes Smith, founder and executive secretary of the Institute for Propaganda Analysis, in an article entitled "Propaganda Analysis and the Science of Democracy," held that the teaching of propaganda analysis seemed to result in an extremely high, even menacing, degree of cynicism, especially among adolescents. This result developed, as a result of teaching methods in use at present. In propaganda analysis, the institute has been emphasizing on objective, scientific approach to controversial issues and, as an integral part of that approach, has been trying to build a vigorous faith in values and ultimate triumph of democratic practice. Concerning cynicism, it is true that any scientific approach which brings home to students, perhaps for the first time, the fact that things they have believed to be true are not true may have an upsetting effect. As students come to recognize the relationship between propaganda and conflict, they find highly pertinent the study of pressure groups and their attempts to control channels of communication.

This article focuses on the procedures in analyzing the content of mass media in the U.S. For many years, students of public opinion have sought valid ways of estimating the influence of mass media of communication. Just after the first World War, interest is directed at propaganda and most of the effort go into propaganda analysis. In 1937, the Institute for Propaganda Analysis which published monthly analyses of campaigns and popularized the seven devices of the propagandist, is founded. Furthermore, propaganda analysis involved the very real difficulty of differentiating propaganda on the one hand from news, education, entertainment, and scientific findings on the other.

The article discusses about the message that is being conveyed by the posters during the First World War. According to the article, students were shown different posters used as propaganda materials during the first world war. The students were asked about their thoughts about the posters and what does it convey to them. Among the posters shown to them were; a poster with a woman holding a sword with the sunken ship Lusitania at the background; an illustration of a woman enticing men to join the navy; a picture of a miner and a soldier standing back to back and a poster appealing to fear.