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The rise of the Digital Silk Road has significantly shifted the focus of China's Belt and Road Initiative. This change in emphasis has produced sizeable political and academic analyses, considering that the Digital Silk Road is Beijing's coherent top-down geopolitical—if not grand—strategy. This article challenges this view. By adopting a slogan politics approach, this article argues that the Digital Silk Road can be better understood as a vague political slogan. Far from a sophisticated top-level design, the rise of the Digital Silk Road was a result of economic and political struggles among domestic actors and the shifting socio-political landscape. This article also shows that Chinese domestic actors have (un)consciously interpreted the slogan of the Digital Silk Road in their preferred ways to advance their own agenda. Beyond nationwide support to echo the slogan, there is neither a coherent understanding nor a nationally concerted effort to advance a singular geopolitical objective, if there is any. Consequently, company-level interests and agendas, rather than a top-down geopolitical masterplan, have dominated the development of the Digital Silk Road. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the theoretical and empirical interest of protest slogans and writings for social movement research. It shows how this material can contribute to a better understanding of collective identities, emotions, and claims made in contemporary demonstrations. Theoretically, it invites researchers to go beyond the actual 'words' to invest these slogans as political performances: increasingly individualized and diversified, these writings carry a public staging and a political discourse that can address multiple audiences. Therefore, they give access to the individual and collective voices expressed within contemporary social movements – and the way they interplay. To take into account their diversity, the article proposes a typology of the main political functions of these writings – whether they aim to lay claims, to proclaim, to mobilize or to witness, which will determine their very form and their favored support. Secondly, the article revisits the ethical and methodological issues raised by the collection and analysis of protest writings for the empirical study of social movements. It examines different ways of mining their potential for comparison and mixed method device, through either textual, visual or qualitative analysis. To do so, it draws on the experience and results of an international study of youth social movements in the second decade of the twenty-first century, to which this method was widely applied to identify and compare the fundamental rhetorics of these post-2008 protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Axel Honneth's book, "The Poverty of Our Freedom," argues that our understanding of freedom is lacking and that modern society's failure to fulfill the promises of social liberty leads to societal fragmentation. The book consists of thirteen essays that challenge this normative crisis and expand on Honneth's vision of social freedom. Honneth engages with philosophers such as Hegel and Marx to argue that freedom is only possible in relation to others in the social sphere. The book emphasizes the importance of recognition, respect, and solidarity in reimagining freedom as a collective endeavor. [Extracted from the article]

This study aims to examine the use of the appraisal system, especially the attitude subsystem, and the judgement of appraisal in the political campaign slogans of legislative candidates in Tuban Regency. There have been many studies on political campaign slogans, but similar studies using appraisal theory have not been found. In fact, appraisal system analysis can help text readers understand the attitudes and judgments of text creators towards the things they communicate. The data in this study were analyzed using appraisal system theory. The data were obtained through the listening method and analyzed using the referential pairing method. The results show that judgment is the most widely used attitude subcategory in slogans. This shows that the advertisement creators emphasize judgment on human behavior, both towards themselves and others (society). Meanwhile, the most dominant subject and object of judgment is the legislative candidates themselves as slogan creators. This finding shows that legislative candidates in Tuban Regency tend to make subjective claims about their own qualities without quoting or displaying opinions from other parties in their political advertisements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political campaign slogans, such as "Make America Great Again" or "The Netherlands Ours Again," indicate that right-wing populists in Western countries use nostalgia to depict the national past as glorious. At the same time, populist radical-right parties (PRRP) portray this glorious past as being in stark contrast with the gloomy present of their country, which is portrayed as being in a state of decline. This suggests that PRRP in Western societies draw on both societal discontent (i.e., the belief that society is in decline and poorly functioning) and national nostalgia (i.e., a longing for the good old days of the country) to mobilize their voters. Although there is a burgeoning literature on reasons for PRRP electoral support, fewer studies have focused on its emotional or affective underpinnings. While scholars have proposed that both societal discontent and national nostalgia are an integral piece of a new master-frame employed by PRRP in Western countries to increase their electoral appeal, these elements have hardly been empirically studied in reference to voters. Relying on an integration of research in political science and social psychology, we hypothesized that both societal discontent and national nostalgia go together with a greater sympathy, and likelihood of voting, for PRRP. In addition, we predicted that national nostalgia is an explanatory mechanism that links societal discontent to more support for PRRP. These hypotheses were tested in the context of the Netherlands, among a representative sample of native Dutch voters, using the Dutch Parliamentary Elections Study of 2021. Results demonstrated that while both societal discontent and national nostalgia were relevant predictors of PRRP support, there was no strong evidence for national nostalgia as an explanatory mechanism of the link between societal discontent and PRRP support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current paper is an analytical investigation into the elements that led to the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf winning the 2018 general elections in Province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. This study is significant because the consecutive success of PTI is termed as landmark development in history of KP. Researcher adopted positivism as research philosophy, quantitative methodology as the research paradigm, statistical approach was employed and survey method as research design was used. The study was delimited to the voters of Dera Ismail Khan. The numerical data was tested through appropriate statistical means, after checking the validity and reliability. The results revealed that all the factors had contributed significantly in the consecutive success of PTI. Among these factors (new reforms, political slogans, charismatic leadership, the establishment's role, the youth factor, and anti-corruption campaign), new reforms, introduced by the PTI government during 2013 -2018 period has contributed more than any other variable. The results showed that almost 88% change can be attributed to these variables. It was concluded that voters of Dera Ismail Khan favored the PTI candidates on basis of the new reforms introduced by them. The study recommended that political parties should work on the reforms in the institutions which has been established for the benefit of people but they are doing opposite. Future researchers can study in other regions of the KP on this particular issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research deals with the editorial positioning of 15 Spanish and Portuguese newspapers and magazines on Marcelo Caetano's official visit to Spain in 1970. The editorials and opinion articles are analysed using a quantitative, qualitative and comparative methodology. We identify different ideological orientations. The paper concludes that the official newspapers and some moderate ones were triumphalist in the opinions expressed; few opinions distanced themselves from the official political slogans; and the opposition press oscillated between keeping silent and expressing reservations about both regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established its own military force (People's Liberation Army [PLA]), it has always emphasised 'The Party Commands Gun' (dangzhihuiqiang, µ³Ö¸»Óǹ). However, the high-ranking CCP leaders who hold 'military power (junquan, ¾üȨ)' would also use their influence in the PLA to influence or even change the direction of Chinese politics. In addition, the meaning of 'The Party Commands Gun' also varies by period, and the meaning of it is also quite different in different eras in the CCP party history. In this article, the author aims to analyse the connotation changes of the CCP's political slogan 'The Party Commands Gun' from the perspective of historical evolution. Based on examples from the history of the CCP, the focus will be compared to the CCP's revolutionary era, the Mao Zedong era and the post-Mao era of 'The Party Commands Gun'. From the perspective of empirical analysis and historical evolution, the author reveals the evolution of the purpose of 'The Party Commands Gun' from the revolutionary era to Deng Xiaoping era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The city of Athens, with its urban landscape adorned by graffiti, murals, and non-institutional interventions, serves as a living text constantly under revision and editing. These interventions, whether in the form of political slogans or artistic expressions, disrupt the city's narrative and engage its users in an ongoing dialogue. Drawing parallels to text editing, these interventions act as annotations, deletions, and corrections, shaping the urban experience. Phosphorescent pink markings document the aftermath of clashes between protesters and security forces, offering a socio-political narrative that combats collective forgetfulness. Vandalized historic monuments, like the Polytechnic building, become focal points, sparking debates about public art and state tolerance. Just as text editing can be a tool for care or manipulation, interventions in Athens reflect the complex relationships between citizens, the state, and public space. In this dynamic interplay, the city becomes a negotiated text, continually reinterpreted with each editorial act, reflecting the diverse voices and perspectives of its users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines diverse political slogans in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) from 1947 to 2019. It discusses the rhetorical impacts of these slogans and how they impacted and shaped the diverse ideological orientations across the different regions of J&K. Building on the rhetorical function that political assertion serves through the use of slogans, the article analyses slogans that have shaped the cultural and political trajectory of J&K since 1947. The analysis is insightful for understanding the political history of J&K and the role of institutions and processes like the party system and elections in the smooth functioning of democracy. Though considerable literature exists on J&K's politics and conflict, however, the subject of slogans has remained largely neglected, despite the significance that they hold for a comprehensive historical understanding of the region. Studying this subject, we believe, not only opens a political window to analyse regional history differently but also highlights how the rhetorical functions of political assertions shape popular opinions and hold the potential to impact thought patterns and cultural settings. Strategies to develop slogans and how the political parties and other groups used them will be analysed contextually and the developments that have shaped the modern political history of J&K. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a comparative analysis of seven youth movements, this article shows the rise of a rhetoric of intergenerational injustice over the past decade, increasingly associated with a direct accusation of older generations and with a generational and global 'we'. Theoritically, we propose to approach the 'generational voice' – rather than the generational 'presence' – to shed light on the generational grievances, emotions and identities carried within movements. We draw on the textual analysis of protest slogans (n = 1914) collected directly from: the Indignados (2011), the student movements in Chile and Quebec (2011–2012), the Paris 'Nuit Debout' movement (2016), the Hong Kong pro-democracy movements (2014 and 2019), and the Montreal pro-climate march (2019). Using mixed methods, the article shows the existence of four major rhetorics of generational injustice – be it economic, social, political or environmental – associated with an increasingly radical critique of a legacy, deemed too heavy for 'future generations'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lekki Tollgate massacre, which was part of the brutal tactics used to put down the #EndSARS protests, underscored the incorrigibly violent nature of the Nigerian state. It also ruptured the sense of linear progressive time which governs the hegemonic conception of history and memory in Nigeria—for instance, time as post-civil war, post-dictatorship, etc. The boundary of this idea of a nation on a progressive march, made up of people healed of all traumas, and cured of their historical scars is fiercely and violently policed. A case in point is the fervour with which Biafra as a form of collective memory is being resisted and silenced. However, the murderous incident at the tollgate brought to the fore the fact that each violent moment in Nigeria's turbulent history has created a fractured sense of history for many victims, and consequently hampered the possibility of forging a settled sense of belonging and national unity. One site where this sense of history as violently fractured has been adequately imagined is the creative arts, especially poetry. Poems have archived, mediated, and remediated memories of violence that are mostly excised from official history. Thus, in this article I read selected poems from Soro Soke , a poetry collection curated by Brittle Paper in collaboration with James Yeku and Jumoke Verissimo. My aim is to examine how the poetic responses to the Lekki massacre generate alternative, unvarnished historiographies that call attention to the haunting and brooding presence of Nigeria's brutal past in the present. I am also interested in the ways in which the selected works act as archives of violent memories and how they seek to recover the humanity of those killed by naming them and grieving their loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The utilization of fixed expressions, whether they are linguistic or culturally rooted, is a common practice in newspaper headlines. This research places its focus on cultural fixation, which pertains to elements of culture that are widely shared and ingrained in the community, such as movie titles, political or advertising slogans, song snippets, and more. It offers an in-depth examination of how cultural fixation contributes to the discourse in journalistic headlines. The incorporation of these intertextual elements is a deliberate choice and a rhetorical strategy aimed at capturing the reader's attention and providing commentary on the presented information. The air of mystery evoked by headlines built upon cultural fixation prompts the reader to draw parallels between the cultural reference and the subject matter, with the goal of uncovering the underlying commentary and reconstructing the intended meaning conveyed by the headline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to analyze the revivalist approach among the Barelvis, a Sufi-oriented religious movement of the 19th century that emerged in British India but gained momentum after the division of the Indian Sub-Continent and the creation of Pakistan. Though the group has been widely ignored in the mainstream political arena of Pakistan it gained some momentum after adopting new approaches after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Their unique and versatile concepts have given a new life to this political and reformative struggle. As a reformist movement of Pakistani Muslims, Barelvi came up with an idea of their own after 1979. The movement of Minhaj Ul Quran and its academic discourse affected many middle-class educated Pakistani men and women of different social and cultural backgrounds. The movement, in broad terms, adopts an inclusive approach that promotes the South Asian culture of Sufism along with the slogans of political change and revolution that have caught the eyes of many in its favor. It has a well-equipped agenda for various political and social problems faced by the people of this region, these ideas provide a unique acceptance and recognition in every corner of the world. In this way, their revivalist ideology has provided a different approach from the rest of the Muslim revivalist movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on translating advertising texts as an indispensable tool for future translators' training. It elaborates on a semiotic approach to English advertising slogans translation into Ukrainian. From this perspective, it is possible to capitalize on language to decode the concepts encapsulated in advertising texts and devise ways of affecting mass consciousness. The present research gives a comprehensive account of translation strategies involved in deciphering the subtlety of meanings actualized in the advertising context. A comprehensive translator's preparation should include training in various translation strategies, as they are essential for producing high-quality translations that meet the needs of both the client and the target audience. By using appropriate translation strategies, translators can ensure that their translations are accurate, efficient, and culturally appropriate while preserving the original text's style, tone, and impact. Commercial, social, and political advertising slogans have been subjected to a comparative analysis. The study results prove that lexicalsemantic, grammatical, and stylistic transformations are used in rendering advertising slogans into Ukrainian. However, the translation process is often complicated due to discrepancies in the syntactic structures of English and Ukrainian languages. The latter affect either separate untranslatable elements or the whole target language text. Therefore, translating advertising texts is a helpful tool for future translators' training, as it allows them to develop a range of skills and strategies essential for success in the translation industry while also meeting the needs of clients who require high-quality translations of their advertising materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Music and football are both identity-enhancing phenomena that come together in a third phenomenon called fan chanting. Fan chants are considered a musical behavior from the perspective of ethnomusicology. Ethnomusicology does not have an object-oriented approach and emphasizes more on performance. In the duality of music/work-performance, ethnomusicology gives more importance to performance. Music is a social activity through which people create their identity. In relation to the issue of identity, ethnomusicology specifically deals with the contribution of music in the formation of social identity. In this connection, four aspects are examined: 1. music as a symbol of identity, 2. music as an opportunity to share identity, 3. music as a factor in creating an emotional quality for identity, and 4. music as a factor in creating a positive capacity for identity. The formation of fan chants is based on participatory performance, where the emphasis is on the maximum participation of people and there is no mention of the duality of artist-audience. With this perspective, performance does not exist for the sake of presenting musical works, but musical works exist so that they can provide artists (fans) with something to perform. One of the common functions of music among different cultures is the issue of expressing identity. One of the aspects of identity is ethnic identity, and fan chanting becomes a vehicle for the manifestation of this type of identity in multi-ethnic countries. Based on field research conducted in Tabriz and using the netnographic method, the main musical sources used by Tractor fans to make chants are as follows: Iranian, Turkish and Azerbaijani popular music, religious music, political slogans related to the Islamic Revolution, chants by fans of Turkish football teams and folk music. Melodies are used from mentioned musical sources, with changes in the original texts. After changing the text, two modes are possible; either the original melody is used in a simpler way, or basically "de-melody" happens and the slogan is sung on the platforms with an emphasis on keeping the rhythm of the original source and with new words. Of course, we should not consider "simplification of melody" and "de-melody" as an absolute binary, but in fan slogans, the use of melody is dynamically changing between "simplification of melody" and "de-melody". These chants, especially since 1388 (2009), with the re-ascension of Tractor to the Premier League of Iran, are widely associated with identity themes. From 1388 (2009) to the beginning of the 1390s (2010s), under the influence of ethnic movements in the 1380s (2000s) in Azerbaijan, these chants took on a political aspect and emphasized issues such as autonomy. After that and with the security measures, the political aspects become less prominent and the cultural aspects become more prominent in the chants. Emphasizing Azerbaijan as a motherland is one of the most important concepts raised in the repertoire of fans' chants in recent years. Emphasis on Azerbaijani identity often occurs in the text, and in terms of musical genre, there is no limit to the use of non-Azerbaijani music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The murder of Mahsa Jina Amini has galvanized a movement for women's rights and freedom in Iran. Translating political movements and their slogans is often a daunting task, as identities, histories, and struggles are not easily translatable cross-culturally. This movement, too, has provoked frenzied sentimentalism and "feel good" social media activism from celebrities and politicians. From celebrities cutting their hair on social media, to politicians and right-wing activists and leaders denouncing the Islamic regime, the focus of the protest seems to have been lost in the west. The discourse in the west is lacking a critical analysis of the politics of veiling and unveiling in western countries. This commentary points out that the movement spearheaded by Iranian women and schoolgirls is against state coercion. It further argues that reframing the discourse to focus on the protest as being against state control, instead of hijab, will be a more useful way forward for feminist movement globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of External Economic Bulletin / Külgazdaság is the property of KOPINT Konjunktura Kutatasi Alapitvany and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Diaspora and Israel Jews are increasingly engaging their historical narratives of liberation within new forms of co-resistance to the Israeli Occupation, a history that controversially has been weaponized by the settler colonial power to manifest its dispossessive policies. 'Occupation is not our Judaism' has become a political slogan to mobilise Jews against land confiscation, house demolitions, trees uprooting, interrogations, and the Annexation Wall. Activists are concerned about the enactment of violence in the name of Judaism, and seek to contest the establishment of a Jewish nation-state as a solution to antisemitism. Their Jewish identities are articulated on the basis of Israel-centrism, and through intersectional struggles for universal liberation. This article explores the ways in which Jewish historical narratives inform the settler colonial policies in Palestine and the counter activism in which Jews play a potential role. It focuses on the patterns of 'co-resistance' which emerged after the collapse of the Oslo Accords of 1993. While co-existence was propagated during the 1990s to reveal the occupier and occupied as two equal sides, co-resistance emerged as a counter narrative in which Jewish and Palestinian activists stand in solidarity against the occupation. Interviews and on-site observations in the Old Town of Hebron showed how heritage and history have been weaponized by settlers to construct Jewish-only enclaves and to destroy the social and spatial realities that signify the collective identity of the Natives. Despite the failure of co-resistance to reverse the settlement project, the interviewed activists saw it as a viable form of resistance to this project. This article explored its potential in dismissing any claim that casts the settler colonial project in Hebron as a natural return of Hebron's Jews to their history, and to link Nakba to tikkun olam, challenging its exclusion from the moral universe of the Jewish legacies of liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article is examined the now famous political slogan particularly in the South-Western region of Nigeria: àwa l'ókàn [it is our turn] as grounded on political injustice and not resonating with competence as claimed. This has become critical, because it has generated heated debate among Christians across denominational lines. I traced the popularity of the slogan to Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who claimed that, in the 2023 elections, the office of the president of Nigeria should be zoned to the South-Western geo-political zone, and then to him personally; hence Emi l'ókàn [it is my turn]. The theoretical argument in this article is that, although Christians are saved to live differently from the world, they still have critical roles to play in political affairs in ways that are consistent with their faith. The article used both primary and secondary sources that consist of books, articles, personal interviews and the social media. It discovered that the South-Western region has had at least a 15-year stint in the Nigerian presidency since 1999, the South-Southern region, eight years and the South-Eastern region, zero years. In addition, the article found out that the slogan, Emi l'ókàn , has resulted in theological disagreements which are not healthy for Christian unity and purpose in a multi-religious society such as Nigeria. It concluded that 'àwa l'ókàn politics is based on ethnic solidarity rather than oneness in Christ. This position has implications for the Christian body, because preference for ethnicity over justice and fairness, which are Christian principles, challenges sound Christian theo-political theory. Contribution: This article is interdisciplinary in nature. It brings together theology, ethnicity and politics, and argues that these disciplines are dynamic. But in a situation in which conflict of interest arises, it is argued that Christian ethics should guide in taking a moral decision to abide by the principle of oneness in Christ (Eph 2:11–22). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the prolonged use of the slogan 'acqua della salute' ('water of health') by the Italian mineral water brands 'Uliveto' and 'Rocchetta,' owned by CoGeDi International SpA, despite multiple sanctions totaling €110,000 for misleading advertising. It explores the regulatory framework, past actions by the Italian Advertising Standards Authority and Antitrust Authority, and recent decisions, questioning the effectiveness of measures in curbing the continued use of the slogan.

The article analyzes the book "Environmental Principles - From Political Slogans to Legal Rules" written by Nicolas de Sadeleer, which examines the principles of prevention, precaution, and polluter pays in the field of Environmental Law. The author explores the evolution and application of these principles in different legal systems, including the jurisprudence of the European Union and cases of national legislation. Conflicts between the United States and Europe regarding the precautionary principle are also addressed. The author argues that there has been a paradigm shift in Environmental Law, moving from a curative approach to a preventive and anticipatory one. [Extracted from the article]

In his writing, Lenin addresses what he perceived to be the most urgent and pressing issues for his cause, a clarity of purpose that we could certainly learn from today when many are invested in the production of ever more tedious micro-contributions. This, then, is my practical suggestion for how we address the complexity escalation in organization studies: we should all try to be a bit more Leninist, 'not to return to Lenin, but to (...) I retrieve the same impulse i in today's constellation' ([7], p. 11, emphasis added). Thus, we find Lenin popping up in academic and political discourse not because his ideas are popular or his works widely accepted, but because he formulated one of the most enduring questions in political theory: I What Is To Be Done?. [Extracted from the article]

This paper studies dialogicity in posts and their comments. Focusing on political slogans in the Facebook page of Israel PM Binyamin Netanyahu, we examine the ways comments meta-represent the posts in various degrees of resemblance. Starting with the premise that comments/post interactions are dialogic in the Bakhtinian sense, we argue that comments are dialogic in yet another way, which is related to the form and degree of resemblance between them. The conceptualization draws on the notion of meta-representation supplemented by insights gained from accommodation theory and Bakhtin's dialogism. We argue that through resemblance, the propositional content, ideology and viewpoint conveyed by the initiating slogan are incorporated in the comment, and a tacit dialogue is constructed between them. An additional layer of polyphony is added to the multiplicity of ratified voices otherwise manifest in the interaction between separate posts and comments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stakeholders of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) have been unable to significantly increase their ambitious goal to address climate change. While making impressive progress, it is claimed that the UNFCCC is by no means alone in tackling this issue. Thus, multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) are plausible in a way that supports the climate policy negotiations, considering the ongoing challenges of maintaining the climate system at safe levels. This paper explores how many global agencies beyond the UNFCCC have attempted to address climate change, although the results still do not look convincing. It also suggests how these organizations can improve to benefit climate change mitigation significantly. It further validates potential relations between these agencies and the UNFCCC system and explores the UNFCCC’s obligation to ensure that the various mechanisms function in a complementary manner. The paper concludes that for tackling climate change, MEAs must be overseen by international law, rather than by states. At the same time, scientific truths, not political slogans, should drive decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I Music as Mao's Weapon i is well written, occasionally a little redundant, and comes with detailed background information, photographs, music examples and song lists, which makes it attractive also to the non-China expert. Ouyang argues convincingly that emotional responses differ among four specified generations: pre-socialist, socialist, Cultural Revolution and reform generations. [Extracted from the article]

This paper considers how Japanese futsuu "ordinary"‐ness functions as a cultural logic that mediates aspirations and interpretations of a good life under conditions of socioeconomic risk and precarity. Invoking ordinariness can be a tactic for (re)‐framing otherwise marginalized or marginalizing practices within the norm, shifting what counts as ordinary in the process, and pushing back against neoliberally inflected pressures toward marketable, financialized selfhood. Alignments toward ordinariness emerge across diverse discursive planes including political slogans, blogs, and natural conversations, where the ordinary is treated as aspirational under the shadow of its potential loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unquestionable predominance of slogans in political communication versus their declining relevance in the commercial kind underpins the objective of this study, which is to gain further insight into the strategies and creative discourses employed by political parties in their campaigning before the general, regional and local elections held in Spain in 2019, whereby the results are compared with those obtained in previous research. The aim is thus to determine the attributes of electoral slogans regarding such aspects as their semantic density, complexity, use of rhetorical devices, core focus or communication efficiency. Accordingly, this study is framed in the field of research on political advertising, employing content analysis. To this end, an analysis was performed on an extensive corpus of 197 slogans, selected according to the criteria of comprehensiveness, relevance and representativeness. In short, it can be claimed that the tendencies noted in previous studies have stabilized, albeit with some new developments in relation to briefness, the use of double or triple slogans, expressive focus, bilingualism, the use of visual resources (such as emoticons) or digital language (contractions), the presence of rhetorical devices, and the relevance of voters and candidates versus political parties, among other factors. Besides the specific evolution of their formal and content-related aspects, we argue that the relevance of political slogans still prevails, and rather than undermining their essence and uses, the advent of social media has instead enhanced them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few years, globalization has become increasingly popular. In addition to having a theoretical significance, it is also a political and ideological slogan that mobilizes supporters and opponents for certain actions, not just in the sphere of politics, economics, or sociology. A key characteristic of the late 20th and early 21st century world economy is globalization. Despite having been slowed down or blocked in various ways, it has also been strengthened by global institutions that regulate economic activity in various ways. This activity gradually takes on the characteristics of a global strategy, first through regionalization, then more broadly. Several economic factors had an impact on the process of adaptation, including a change in the structure of the world market, the division of labor, and a change in the way "center" and "periphery" were defined. These factors gave birth to a global process that encompassed most countries, giving it a global character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tertium Linguistic Journal / Pólrocznik Jezykoznawczy Tertium is the property of Cracow Tertium Society for the Promotion of Language Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The digitalization of communication means has revolutionized the way people observe and react to the social and political developments in their surroundings. The rapidly growing influence of social media prompted this exploratory research article on the use of social networking sites by politicians to build a cordial and strong relationship with the common citizens. This article focuses on investigating social media's influence on the relationship between politicians and citizens through the moderating effect of political slogans. Social media not only enables the politicians to directly communicate with the citizens but also encourages political participation of citizens in the form of feedback via comments on social networking sites. Political slogans play a significant role in the image building of a particular political force in the eyes of citizens. A quantitative analysis approach is utilized in this study. Data are collected via a survey questionnaire from a variety of social media users with a cross-sectional time horizon. In total, 300 people submitted their responses via the questionnaire, which was circulated in the first 2 months of this year (i.e., January and February 2022). The convenience sampling method was utilized for data collection across two cities in Pakistan. Smart PLS 3 has been used for hypothesis testing. The effect of the Moderator, i.e., political slogans of the basic four political parties of Pakistan are measured individually. Results show that the impact of social networking sites and politics on politicians' and citizens' relationships is positive and significant. This study can be a stepping stone for further related research to enable the politicians to make positive relationships with the citizens by effectively utilizing the social media platform.

Women have made notable political gains globally, evidenced by the number of elected women. In Kenya, though the current number of elected women in parliament, senate and governor position is the highest it has ever been, women contestants still face a number of challenges during their political campaigns. To strategically position themselves during campaigns, women have to use slogans that appeal to the Kenyan electorate in the different parts of the country. This qualitative study, anchored on the theory of gender issue ownership, focusses on the campaign slogans that women running for parliament, senate and governor positions used during the 2017 general elections in the country. Data was collected from online sources-contestants’ Facebook pages and groups, websites etc. and thematically analysed. Findings showed that the slogans appealed to motherhood qualities, a sense of community, credible leadership, and to musicality. The study helps to further understand women's political campaigns in Kenya and other related contexts.

The article is a critical analysis of data collected during anthropological fieldwork in the Albanian city of Berat, where one of the world's largest political slogans is located. The inscription "ENVER" on Shpirag mountain was created in 1968 as a birthday present for the leader of the Albanian regime Enver Hoxha. For almost thirty years, this inscription dominated the city, being visible from a distance of many kilometers. After the political transformation in 1991, the new Albanian government planned to destroy the slogan as a remnant of the cult of personality. However, despite the help of the army and the use of explosives, the inscription could not be removed. The giant slogan from Berat is a phenomenon on a global scale: its history, as well as its meanings, created a unique narrative about Albanian politics and culture. For over three decades, the inscription has become an element of the local aesthetic and social landscape. In 2012 the Albanian artist made a subversive act of capturing the old propaganda slogan: as a consequence, the original inscription "ENVER" was replaced with a new one: "NEVER." Anthropological fieldwork and art-based research focused on the slogan, encouraged participants to express ideas, insights, views, and experiences. The data collected during the research are very varied. Many of them consist of superficial judgments, gossips, presumptions, and stereotypical clichés. They are also accompanied by much deeper expressions, articulating the palimpsest memory of women and men living in the shadow of ENVER/NEVER. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the crackdown on the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989, the beginning of the 1990s witnessed one of the few instances in modern Chinese history of the silenced making their voices heard - through printed messages on T-shirts. Phrases and sentences in large Chinese characters were printed on the front or back of plain white short-sleeve T-shirts with statements originating from a variety of sources, including literature, rock music, pop songs, movies, cartoons, old sayings and political slogans - or sometimes only an apparently meaningless assemblage of words. These phrases distanced the wearers from the earnest attitude that was promoted by the state, affording the wearer a sense of individual empowerment. This paper focuses on this cultural T-shirt fad of the 1990s in China and traces its rebellious origins, along with the multiple interpretations of its significance. This hermeneutic phenomenological inquiry relies on Chinese newspapers published at the time, as well as the researcher's own observations as a participant of this shared cultural experience. As a unisex sartorial symbol, the "cultural T-shirt" presented an open arena for both males and females, as well as a battleground over "spiritual pollution". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current political crisis in Hong Kong is characterized by a level of social unrest that the city has not seen since the riots of 1966–67. After that earlier round of turmoil, the British colonial regime secured legitimacy through socioeconomic improvement in Hong Kong. "Prosperity and Stability" became the hallmark of Hong Kong's success, which extended into the period of political uncertainty in the 1980s. Transcending the handover of Hong Kong to China in 1997, this catchphrase was adopted as the slogan of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government in its bid for legitimacy through socioeconomic appeals. Against this perennial state rhetoric, grassroots protesters began to demand "Democracy and Freedom" around June Fourth. These public demands have escalated since the Umbrella Movement in an environment of socioeconomic regression. Examining these two pairs of keywords—prosperity/stability and democracy/freedom—this article underscores the contention in the legitimacy of governance in Hong Kong since the closing decades of British rule. This analysis indicates that it would be unproductive for the governing authorities or the protesters to deny the earnestness of either the political or socioeconomic assertions in the ongoing contention of legitimacy to govern Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Language plays a pivotal role in social movements, and the influence of slogans in embedding social and political ideologies as well as initiating change in particular contexts have been duly acknowledged. Political slogans often bear narratives, and narratives hold roles played by social actors. The present study analyses textual resources used by protesters in expressing and negotiating feminist ideology through slogans at the 2019 Women's March MY in Kuala Lumpur, specifically through social actor representation. Following Social Actor Network by van Leeuwen (2008), 270 protest signs were examined. The findings of the study revealed activation, classification, nominalisation, and agent deletion as the most prominent categories of social actor representation in the advocacy of women's rights through three main narratives of solidarity and incrimination, generalisation of harmful actions, as well as resistance and reclamation of power by women. Additionally, protest signs also co-opted intertexts mainly sourced from politics, feminist leaders, corporate social activism, and popular culture. Contributing an insight into the polyvocal and intertextual nature of the discourse of protest, a clear implication of the study is the established potential of the representational process in raising social awareness and conveying feminist messages to not only protest violence against women, but also the continuous discrimination against women in the family, workplace, and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism for the book "On the Genealogy of Morality" by Friedrich Nietzsche, is presented. Topics include humans cannot be fenced in by their social contexts is marginalized against moral and social infractions that violate human dignity; and Lovers perceive moral exemplars that embody admirable lessons about human conduct.

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