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Party division in Peru is a constant event and has become an expected feature of Peruvian parliamentary politics. For instance, in 2016, the elected Congress was composed of six parliamentary groups, and at the moment of its dissolution, that number doubled. This article explores the factors that produce such rapid division in the Peruvian Congress during two parliamentary periods (2011–2016, 2016–2019). It argues, through quantitative analysis, that there is a direct and negative relationship between the fragmentation of parliamentary groups and party discipline due to party affiliation and the dynamics of subnational party competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the political situation in Peru in 2022, focusing on the state of democracy through an analysis that combines structural and conjunctural factors. The argument is that the cyclical confrontation between the Executive and Legislative powers –noticeable since 2016— resulted in a victory of the Legislative that led to an imbalance of powers in favor of Congress. This altered not only the 200-year-old tradition of presidentialism in the country, but also the fundamental principles of a democracy reinaugurated in 2001. The estallido emerged as a reaction and accentuated both the delegitimization of the government and of the regime, as a whole. The instauration of an authoritarian government deepened the confrontation. In this way, the country entered an authoritarian transition with uncertain results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Without any substantial constitutional change, Peru has moved during the last five years from a presidential political system, where the Executive controlled the political agenda, to one where the Peruvian Congress has considerable power. This article claims that the trigger for change was the electoral result of 2016, as it drastically shifted the balance of power between executive and legislative. This election gave a large majority to the opposition in Congress, allowing the generalization of extreme institutional weapons such as the presidential impeachment and the confidence motion. The corruption scandal known as Lava Jato accelerated the process. The proof that this is a new system is that these repertoires of interbranch conflict have remained in place even if no party has able to hold a majority in Congress during the last two electoral cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trying to understand the discursiveness that gave name and signification to the '80 and '90 decades in Peru, we enter into the reading of a key text in the rupture of certain hegemony regarding the reconstruction of recent history and the discursiveness that supports it. Thus, taking into account categories such as "poetics of the tear" or "overflow" (demographic originally) we find a text overflown in terms of the generic and in terms of the post conflict vision in Peru, vision that continued the creole narrative and reproduced the state-nation design to explain the internal conflict, its causes and consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Weakly institutionalized party systems are a defining feature of third-wave democracies. Yet, in some countries like Peru, party weakness is not a static equilibrium but rather part of a dynamic process of "party system erosion" in which weak parties become weaker over time as independents come to dominate subnational posts. As I argue, party system erosion is driven by a particular configuration of institutional factors—weak party brands, ease of ballot access, and limited partisan control over resource distribution. These institutional features increase the likelihood that experienced candidates will run as independents. When these candidates are elected, they obtain more intergovernmental discretionary transfers, which are used to improve performance and maintain clientelistic networks. This resource advantage of independent officials further weakens party brands and reduces experienced candidates' incentives to run with parties in future elections. I test this theory using a data set of 80,000 subnational officials and a regression discontinuity design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article accounts for the events of the year 2019, focusing on the serious political crisis between the government and the Congress and its institutional outcome. The article explains how this crisis escalated in 2019 due to the corruption scandals seriously involving the country's political class. This crisis reached a turning point when President Martín Vizcarra dissolved the Congress in September with high public support. Yet the constitutional order was not broken and both the government and the country exhibited a surprising institutional continuity. Moreover, elections to replace the dissolved Congress were held without major incidents. On the one hand, the article argues that the institutional solution to the political crisis is related to the continuing loss of prestige of the Peruvian political class due to the corruption scandals. The possibility of social unrest linked to the dissolution of the congress, therefore, decreased. On the other hand, the weakness and flexibility of the Peruvian system made possible the rise of an independent politician to the top of the government, who, fortunately, was an institutionalist rather than an authoritarian leader. The article concludes that the overall outcome was contingent - it does not solve the structural problems of the Peruvian democracy as continuous sources of instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines national efforts to protect wildlife in the twentieth century. Its focus is the vicuña, a small llama-like species native to the Andes, which nearly went extinct due to the high economic value of its wool. Instead, the Peruvian national government—despite significant regime shifts—intervened to put in place and then perpetuate a series of conservation measures, including trade restrictions and a territorial reserve, that protected the population and allowed it to rebound. Using a combination of cultural, economic, political, and biological methods to understand the animals and people concerned about them, this article argues that conservation reoriented relationships among people and wild animals. Cultural affinities led to ethical claims about the animal's value as well as utilitarian arguments about its potential economic worth for community and economic development. Moreover, the vicuña themselves shaped both the landscapes and the conservation programs with their biological habits. Saving the vicuña proved to be a complex social process that challenged facile assumptions about past environmental actions of politically volatile, economically marginalized, and socially divided nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El objetivo de este ensayo es la presentación del escenario inesperado por el que atraviesa el Parlamento peruano, luego del primer caso en que se invoca la facultad constitucional del presidente de la República para disolver el Congreso, en medio del interregno parlamentario, luego de la elección del «parlamento-rabo», y ad portas de su instalación, es cuando surge el estado de alarma sanitaria por la COVID-19, que impide el normal funcionamiento y ejercicio de las atribuciones políticas del Congreso. En este escenario se propone el análisis de las condiciones de validez para el cumplimiento de las tareas legislativas y de control político del Parlamento, como garantía del principio de proscripción de toda forma de concentración de poder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights Peru's efforts to deal with its past political violence and how they were hampered by the denialist interpretations of the State and the lack of political will to guarantee the rights of truth, justice, reparation and non-repetition. It discusses the armed conflicts between the State and the Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path (CPP-SP) and Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (TARM) insurgent groups, the capture of SP leader Abimael Guzman, and the dismantling of the TARM.

In this paper we analyze the difference between instantaneous and permanent administrative infractions, in light of article 252 of the Single Orderly Text of Law N° 27444, Law of General Administrative Procedure, approved by Supreme Decree N° 004-2019-JUS and the most approved doctrine; to then evaluate whether the infringement stipulated in the current numeral 66) of article 134 of the Regulations of the General Fishing Law, approved by Supreme Decree N° 012-2001-PE, amended by Supreme Decree N° 017-2017-PRODUCE, is an instantaneous infringement, as considered by the Sanctions Appeals Council of the Ministry of Production in Plenary Agreement N° 003-2017, by developing the legal nature of the same assumption of fact contained in the old infraction typified in numeral 101) of article 134 of the Regulations of the General Fishing Law, approved by Supreme Decree N° 012-2001-PE, modified by Supreme Decree N° 013-2009-PRODUCE, concluding that the Sanctions Appeals Council of the Ministry of Production is mistaken in considering the infraction in mention as instantaneous, because in fact is a permanent one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. government paid the economics department at the University of Chicago, known for its advocacy of free markets and monetarism, to train Chilean graduate students. These students became known as the "Chicago Boys," who implemented the first and most famous neoliberal experiment in Chile after 1973. Peruvian, Mexican, and other Latin American economics students followed a similar path and advocated a turn to neoliberal policies in their own countries. The Chicago Boys narrative has become an origin story for global neoliberalism. However, the focus on this narrative has obscured other transnational networks whose ideas possess certain superficial, but misleading, similarities with neoliberalism. I examine Chilean and Peruvian engagements with Yugoslavia's unique form of socialism, its worker self-management socialism, which was part of a worldwide discussion of anti-authoritarian socialism. I first introduce the Yugoslav socialist model that inspired those in Chile and Peru. I then examine socialist discussions in Chile and Peru that called for decentralized, democratic socialism and looked to Yugoslavia for advice. I conclude by examining the 1990s postponement of socialism in the name of a very narrow democracy and realization of neoliberalism. The Chicago Boys story assumes the easy global victory of neoliberalism and erases what was at stake in the 1988–1994 period: radically democratic socialism on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2001, Peruvians passed the most comprehensive and participatory decentralization reform in the country's history. The reform contributed to widespread optimism about the country's future after authoritarian leader Alberto Fujimori stepped down the year before. More than 15 years later, many Peruvians are pessimistic about the state of decentralization and citizen participation around the country. This article explores the root causes of the disillusionment, focusing on the political factors that have contributed to this outcome. While acknowledging many achievements, the article stresses the role that political interests play in limiting the effectiveness of public policy reforms in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Venezuela is facing one of the biggest economic collapses in modern history, forcing more than 10 percent of Venezuelans out of their country. The crisis is far from over and even more emigration is expected in the following years. Since 2016, Peru has received around 800,000 Venezuelans because of its positive socioeconomic conditions and friendly migration regime. Most Venezuelans have settled in Lima (77 percent), becoming, in only two years, six percent of the capital's population, and turning it into the city with the most Venezuelan migrants in the world. The current situation is posing unprecedented challenges for the Peruvian government and society, which have yet to find an official coordinated response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Peruvian presidencies of Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006), Alan Garcia (2006-2011) and Ollanta Humala (2011-2016), about the composition of their cabinets, the legislative production, and the stability of the parliamentary groups. The objective is to identify the balance between the Executive and Legislative powers at Peru on those last terms. In this sense, the low institutionalization of the party system and the increasing fragmentation of the Congress affected both power branches, but in different ways.The Congress obtained a greater capacity to determine the Executive in regard to its growing role as a legislating institution and the cabinet stability, a difference from the previous decades. We concluded that the institutional design of Peruvian presidentialism, as well as it party system, have empowered the Congress to the detriment of the Executive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo discurre sobre el desarrollo del sistema política del republicanismo en Perú entre 1815-1824. El autor comenta sobre el tratamiento de los grupos indígenas de Perú durante este periodo, con un enfoque en la cuestión del nacionalismo. También se considera la batalla de Arequipa entre los independentistas y los realistas (el ejército de la monarquía española) durante la guerra de independencia.

Government transparency is widely promoted, yet little is known about transparency's effects. Survey experiments reported here, made on the streets of Lima, Peru, investigate a simple question: what are the effects of government-sponsored transparency websites, and the information revealed by those efforts, on attitudes about the Peruvian political system? Like many developing countries, Peru lacks much system support, making it more difficult to improve governance and democracy; transparency itself has little impact on political attitudes. However, some dimensions of the information provided by transparency matter: endorsement by a credible third party or framing that associates comparatively good community well-being with government performance. These conditions substantively increase Peruvians' approval of the national political community, the regime's performance, institutions, and local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study of a peasant community in the Peruvian central highlands examines how vibrant political engagement in the 1970s became indifference during the 2016 Peruvian presidential election. It focuses on changing livelihood activities over the past three decades. Thirty years ago, community incomes were based on farming and wage labor, and community members were activists in worker–peasant organizations to achieve better market and work conditions. Now, small‐scale agriculture and formal employment have declined and livelihoods are precarious. The state addresses this through decentralized spending and cash transfers. Despite this unprecedented state support, the community had no interest in the 2016 national election. Instead, their attention was focused on the municipality, which delivers the new funds in Peru's decentralized government system. Rather than leveraging job and income creation, these funds condemn the people to ongoing precarity because the state has avoided the structural changes that would create viable jobs and markets for their products. These concerns find no organized political expression, as recent analysis of Peruvian politics reveals a weak party system and fragmented civil society. This situation poses significant challenges to political organizations that would seek more equitable structural transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do new parties split? Scholars of new party schisms shy away from leadership-centred explanations for fear of excessive voluntarism and thus fail to conceptualise differences between leaders systematically. This article challenges that trend, arguing that externally appealing, internally dominant leaders generate cohesion in new parties. It analyses why some externally appealing leaders are internally dominant, while others are not, and argues that this variation can make the difference between schism and survival. The article supports its argument through a representative case study: the fatal (and consequential) schism of Peru's United Left coalition in the late 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of this paper is to identify the profile of those who voted for one of the populist candidates in the presidential elections in Colombia (2006), Ecuador (2002) and Peru (2006). To this end, four logistic regression models are produced for each country using data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). The results suggest that some of the assumptions in the literature (above all those linked to the mobilisation of discontent and disaffection) are valid only in cases where the populists form part of the opposition and not the government. They also indicate that a structural and ideological component exists that favours the populist candidates whose configuration depends on the context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popular Peruvian saying that "one suffers, but enjoys" summarizes the year 2017 nicely. The year saw numerous social, political, and economic difficulties in Peru. The incumbent government had to face the ravages of El Niño, ministerial crises, and vacancy requests, among other things, while at the same time the economy was slowing down and poverty increasing. However, we believe that for most Peruvians, 2017 was also a joyous year, especially considering the agonizing classification of the Peruvian team in advance of the World Cup after 36 years of absence. In this article, we summarize the social and political context of 2017, focusing on the executive-legislative axis that determined the most important political events during the year of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the importance of a right such as that of religious freedom to guarantee harmonious coexistence in a plural society, and aware that there are more and more frequent cases in which the protection of this right is judicialized, the need arises for the legal operator use adequate interpretation tools to resolve religious conflicts. This work describes the structural elements of ecclesiastical law as a legal discipline called upon to act in these cases. Special attention is paid to the characteristics of its system of sources and to the application of the principles that shape the Peruvian model of relations between the state and the confessions, in order to help the legal operator in this argumentation function in those cases in which that the right to religious freedom comes into play. It is anticipated as a conclusion that there is a large field of action for ecclesiastical law in Peru since the legal effects of the old state confessional model have not yet been erased and, above all, because of legislative advances that are not consistent with this principle of cooperation that now structures the model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I draw on Peruvian government responses circa 1950 to the Alianza Popular RevolucionariaAmericana, an underground political party, to identify the features of a distinctive, mid-twentieth-century corruption/anti-corruption complex. I also show how this earlier complex differs from its contemporary counterpart. In the neoliberal present, concerns with corruption emerge in a context in which the public domain finds itself at risk froman alarming expansion of private appropriating powers. National governments play a key role in reconfiguring the public/private divide, and thus they are directly implicated in corrupt activities. Around 1950, however, it was just the opposite: the private domain was regarded as being under dire threat from an emergent global public. Furthermore, national governments were at the forefront of efforts to prevent the spread of the corrupt globalizing forces that were said to be gathering at the nation's borders. To draw out the distinctiveness of the mid-century corruption/anti-corruption complex, I focus on the distinctive shadow worlds imagined into being around 1950 as government officials sought to protect the nation from corruption. I also explore the peculiar state optic that emerged at mid-century, which mediated government efforts to see the shadow worlds that officials regarded as such a profound danger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written during the playwright's migration to Lima and performed during the first years of the Velasco Alvarado dictatorship in Peru, El ascensor by César Vega Herrera portrays the struggles that migrants face in forging new lives in Peru's capital. El ascensor is absent from the existing debates on the Peruvian theatre of the 1960s and 1970s, making the work a forgotten piece of the nation's theatre history. The play criticizes the revolutionary promises of the Velasco Alvarado dictatorship, and the epoch in general, and places them in contrast with the ignored material needs of the country's migratory urban poor represented through the trials of its main character, Fortunato. This article includes a critical framework on the absurd and internal migration in Peru to highlight the play's treatment of politics and migration in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political instability in Peru, focusing on the consolidation of democratic procedures and economic growth of the country. It states that Peru faced social exclusion and corruption since before 1990 and Alberto Fujimori's administration added to weak institutions. It talks about Fujimori's antiterrorism agenda and his decision to shut down legislature and regional governments.

This article discusses the issues related to confidence in constitutional law in Peru. The author comments on the powers afforded to the executive branch by the Peruvian constitution and examines the history of Peruvian constitutions, including from 1933, 1979, and 1993. The role of the constitutional court is also explored.

Peruvian overseas migrants' voting is almost null in the political and electoral agenda in Peru. The Peruvian overseas voting results are analyzed with an aggregate statistical count; then, with a disaggregated analysis of their results by political parties in the first rounds of the national elections of Peru in 2006, 2011 and 2016. With the systematized statistics, the electoral rationale of the Peruvian overseas vote is analyzed and discussed. The study presents a close approach to the Peruvian overseas electorate that is not only inclined to the right (based on Peruvian political terms) but also made up of different types of migrant voters who have variable electoral preferences by country of residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the development of this article, the institutional position of the Congress of the Republic in the Peruvian constitutional system is analyzed. To do this, it explains what the principle of representative democracy and its main characteristics in the "unicameral" and "bicameral" representation systems of the Congress of the Republic. Subsequently, the bills that propose to restore the bicameral system in the current Congress are analyzed and the possible legal and political effects that could cause its return in the current Peruvian politics are exposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to explore the normative and institutional aspects of the right of access to information of political parties in Peru. To this end, a documentary review has been made of the legal, doctrinal and theoretical aspects of the implications of this norm. Based on this, it is argued that the current regulation of this right is incipient, although the parties are quasi-public entities, with responsibility and public interest. However, the formal and constitutional regime that regulates it is limited; even the concept itself is incipient in the party system. On the other hand, it is probable that a large part of the argument contrary to the extension of this right is due to the fact that said requested information is confronted with the protection of privacy. In this way, much of the relevant information that may be sensitive to democratic order remains unknown. Finally, it is recommended that this fundamental right be leveled by gradually legislating rules for parties to provide requested information and broadening the approach based on jurisprudence and institutional evolution from a comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quality and quantity of laws is a common concern in many countries as changes of rules generate costs to the people. This article is the result of an investigation about the bad practices in legislating in the Peruvian Congress, such as overregulation and the use of general provisions to overturn laws. Likewise, it covers solutions for clarity, legislative technique and good practices to avoid affecting legal certainty as a constitutional principle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the return to democracy in 1980, we have witnessed a crisis of parliamentary representation in Peru that made the population tolerate the rupture of the democratic order in 1992. The Congress is one of the public authorities with the lowest approval in the last two decades. That is why the author explores and raises the need to discuss the figure of partial parliamentary renewal in Peru, which existed throughout the nineteenth century but was abolished in the 1920 Constitution. In this way, the people would have the opportunity to renew the trust on elected representatives and, thus, strengthen political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article develops the history of the emergence of the preferential vote in Perú and the objectives that it pursued, in order to evaluate the utility of this mechanism in the current scenario. The disadvantages that this mechanism entails for political organizations, candidates and the elector itself, necessarily lead to evaluate reform alternatives in favor of the stability of the political system and governability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The electoral reform is one of the great challenges that the Peruvian Congress assumed during this legislation, specifically trough the Constitution and Regulation Commission, as a response to the needs of the population. This reform, due to its great thematic scope, was structured in 03 stages: the first, attending to the regional and local elections of 2018, contained the urgent legal reforms of the subject, and was fully approved in the commission by November 17th, 2017. It achieve also the approval of the Commission's opinions regarding: (i) the unmodifiability of electoral norms; (ii) electoral schedule; (iii) financing of political organizations; (iv) strengthening of permanent political organizations; (v) internal democracy; (vi) flexibility of requirements to become a candidate, while still demanding the existence of a minimum degree of connection between the candidate and the constituency for which he intends to apply; (vii) increase of the minimum percentage of valid votes to be elected governor and lieutenant governor in a first election or round; and, (viii) impediments to being candidates for public office of popular election. The second stage, to be carried out in the period 2017-2018, will imply the approval of the required constitutional reforms; the third stage, which will be conducted in the period 2018-2019, will culminate with the approval of norms referring to the strengthening of political organizations. This article focuses on analyzing the most relevant aspects of the legal reforms approved by the Constitution and Regulation Commission during this first stage, as well as specifying the issues that will be addressed in the second and third stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the real context of reform of the political system undertaken by the Congress of the Republic, the present work points to the nonexistence of institutionalized institutional organizations as their main characteristic and, therefore, the most important aspect to improve. Thus, they are raised two proposals so far forgotten by the legislative initiatives in process: the reorientation of the participatory scope of the "political movements" in order to allow the reentry of political parties into the regional political sphere; and the need to implement immediate presidential re-election not only as a mechanism for demanding political responsibility in the presidential model, but as an important instrument for internal party renewal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on three bills of constitutional reform submitted to Congress such as: the bill of reform, the bill 267/2016-CR that proposes to expressly incorporate the recognition of a secular state, and the draft law 1740/2017-CR that proposes to restore the bicameral system. It also analyzes its content and its success in the task of carrying out a political reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]