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Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflicts. Its all-powerful military is engaged in a subterranean battle to maintain its power. Economically, the country persisted in troubled waters as it has been for most of its recent history. In domestic politics, the failed experiment of a hybrid regime under Ex-Prime Minister Imran Khan forced the military to part ways with Mr Khan and install a coalition government of 13 political parties through a no-confidence vote in parliament in April 2022. Mr Khan's political party is facing a severe crackdown in Pakistan after he accused the powerful military of his ouster from power. At the regional level, a favourable outcome in Afghanistan in the shape of the Taliban's takeover has not yielded any significant positive results for Pakistan. After concluding the Afghan conflict on a favourable note, paradoxically, the military establishment hints at a desire to shift away from geo-security to geo-economics in its foreign policy goals. At the extra-regional level, the military is walking a tightrope to balance its ties between the USA and China to offset any adverse consequences arising from its strategic partnerships with China over China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). In this article, we explain a series of issues confronting Pakistan currently—including a deep economic crisis, political paralysis, and a resurgent terror threat—focusing on the military's ambitions in the region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islam is the key character of Pakistan's national identity, but ironically, it has also become a tool used by different sectarian/jihadi outfits to perpetrate violence against different religious minorities in Pakistan. The targeted persecution of the Hazara Shia community in Balochistan certainly stands among such cases. Since 2003, a Sunni militant group, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), has been perpetrating targeted violence against the Hazara Shias in Balochistan. This paper explores why LeJ has been waging targeted violence against the Hazara community. Is it motivated solely by anti-Shia hatred or are other factors, such as local-level socio-political and economic grievances and the changing regional security environment, also playing a part in exacerbating the violence? The analysis reveals that although Sunni-Shia sectarian dimensions and regional geopolitical factors are still relevant in explaining the targeted persecution of Hazaras, they are no longer the sole instrumental causes behind the violence. It demonstrates that local level disputes over socio-economic resources and access to political power have now become more significant, to the extent that they are transforming the relationship between Sunni sectarian outfits and local ethnic communities in Balochistan, thus creating incentives for militant groups to promote religious hatred and sectarian intolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between March and May 1954, an election and two riots took place in East Pakistan, with far-reaching implications. On 30 May, the prime minister of Pakistan, in a bellicose tone, declared that 'enemy agents' and 'disruptive forces' were at work and imposed governor's rule for the first time in East Pakistan. The autocratic and high-handed attitude of the Central government in Karachi over the seemingly wayward East Wing was to become a portent of future conflicts between the province and the state, eventually leading to the unmaking of Pakistan in 1971. What precipitated the 1954 crisis? Who were the enemy agents and disruptive forces that the prime minister had alluded to? The reference was to the Bengali labourers in East Pakistan—the main protagonists of the 1954 Karnaphuli Paper Mill and Adamjee Jute Mill riots. These were the most violent industrial riots in the history of United Pakistan, if not the subcontinent. Using sensitive materials obtained from multiple archives, this article dismantles the conventional thesis that these riots were 'Bengali–Bihari riots', fanned by the flames of Bengali provincialism at the political level, or events instigated by the Centre to derail the democratic hopes of the Bengali population of Pakistan. A microhistory of the events demonstrates a more complex picture of postcolonial labour formations and solidarities; the relationship between state-led industrialization and refugee rehabilitation, and conflicting visions of sovereignty. This is a story of estrangement between employers and workers over the question of who were the real sovereigns of labour, capital, and Pakistan itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dual citizenship has been the subject of intense political debate in Pakistan barring the elected representatives, in parliament, the provincial assemblies and the presidency, from holding dual nationality. The perceptions that holding a foreign citizenship challenges the undiluted loyalty to country further engender question mark over their political participation in country's affairs. A qualitative study has been carried out in the city of Rawalpindi to explore the stance of Pakistani nationals on such exclusion of Pakistani dual citizens from mainstream politics of Pakistan asking should the individual's association to the state be an exclusive one? In this paper, in‐depth interviews were conducted with a sample of 40 male and female respondents (22 Pakistani citizens, 18 Pakistani dual citizens) and 6 constitutional experts. The results indicate distrust among Pakistani citizens when considering dual citizens' right of representation in general elections of Pakistan, stemming from a mistrust of their "split loyalties". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan was created in the name of religion (Islam) as an independent country in 1947 on the basis of Two Nation Theory wherein the Muslims of Indian subcontinent could live, preach and profess their religion freely from the dominance of Hindus. After independence the state elites did not make any tangible programmes which could establish the country as an Islamic state. However, the state elites established religious ministry after 27 years of the establishment of Pakistan. The ministry was not established to implement or enforce religious programmes for Pakistan. Contrary it was established to control religious elites and their institutions which could be used for political gain. This paper is designed to illustrate the historical aspect of role of religion in Pakistan. The paper further will analyse how state elites used religion for political gains by politicising religion in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent months there has been an effort to reignite debate about the suitability of a federal parliamentary system and argue that it needs to be replaced by a centralized presidential form of government. This has led to sharp reactions from those who favour a continuation of parliamentary government in Pakistan especially with regard to the strong federal provisions of the Eighteenth Amendment (2010) to the Pakistani Constitution, which granted greater autonomy to the provinces and undid many of the changes imposed by military rulers. This paper examines the original version of this debate from Pakistan's experience in the 1950s and 1960s with the aim of identifying and discussing the rationales of those in favor of a presidential Pakistan and the price that the country paid for undermining parliamentary government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1969 saw the release of the Pakistani political fantasy film Zerqa , directed by socialist filmmaker Riaz Shahid. At once a leftist critique of the Ayub Khan regime and an endorsement of Palestinian armed struggle, Zerqa refracted Pakistan's political crisis through the question of Palestine. This paper historicizes Zerqa against Pakistani and third-worldist creative responses to Palestine in the 1950s and 1960s. Through textual analysis of the film and its ephemera, I argue that Zerqa 's approach to solidarity, gender, and the figure of the Arab-Jew both captures the nuances of the identities imbricated in the Palestinian struggle and universalizes Palestine toward its own political ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan claims to maintain neutrality in the Iran–Saudi rift. Sustaining this approach, however, has been problematic against a backdrop of intensifying Iran–Saudi rivalry. Pakistan's choices suggest a tilt towards Saudi Arabia. Based on extensive fieldwork in Islamabad, this paper focuses on the meanings and uses of neutrality in Pakistan's foreign policy. The paper argues that Pakistan cannot be neutral due to its stronger cultural, economic and defence ties with Saudi Arabia but it promotes this rhetoric due to a combination of demographic, geographic and geopolitical factors. Islamabad's claim of neutrality serves the dual purpose of the national interests in relation to domestic and foreign affairs. Based on its economic, sectarian and geopolitical realities, Pakistan desires a neutrality in the Iranian-Saudi rivalry but it is very difficult because it has strong and multifaceted relations with Saudi Arabia. Based on the assessment of Pakistan's foreign policy choices, we argue that Pakistan continues to lean away from Iran towards Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan was established in the name of Islam for the Muslims residing under the control of British India in 1947. This study focuses on the grass root level effects of uncivil language of political leaders used in the electoral campaigns and telecasted on television. The research method was survey and purposive sampling technique was used for data collection from nine towns of Lahore from the Muslim citizens who actually participated in the GE 2018. The theoretical support was taken from The Speech Act Theory and Psycho-Linguistic Theory. The study revealed that the impact of uncivil language of political leaders is witnessed at grass root level as 36.9% citizens re-used the negative phrases of political leaders in their social circles as χ²(4) = 26.809, p < .05. Hence, the hypothesis “Muslim citizens re-used negative political terms and phrases coined by their party leaders against teachings of Islam” was fully supported by this research study and literature. Negative statements of political leaders repeated on television were also re-used by the citizens in their routine life (by 43.1%) showing a significant effect as χ²(4) = 33.464, p < .05. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognizing constraints Pakistani women legislators face despite their entry into politics on a 17 per cent quota in national and provincial assemblies, it is time to rethink how quotas can lead to their political mainstreaming. This article explores quota legislators' views on their own accountability and empowerment based on the first online survey in Pakistan with 200 women in the assemblies (2013-18). Findings show quota legislators resist classification as male proxies and view themselves as accountable to notional voters, although they are indirectly elected. Many report silencing and harassment by male colleagues. Cross-party women's caucuses in each assembly have a mixed track record of facilitating substantive representation, undermined by religious parties and class differences. Respondents favoured further affirmative action mechanisms to increase their political voice, e.g. additional quota requirements within parties, more tickets for general seats and participation in key decision-making bodies of parties. A trajectory for women in politics to move from quota seats (in local bodies and assemblies) to general seats is not yet in place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious authorities in many Muslim-majority countries have argued that the suspension of communal prayers during an epidemic does not contravene Islamic law. In Pakistan, such measures have proven difficult to enforce, in part because many religious leaders in the country have opposed the closure of places of worship and the limits placed on public religious gatherings. The question is why? This paper suggests that the distrust of the state in matters of religion in Pakistan can be traced back to the colonial era, and that the political developments following independence have amplified frustration and mistrust between political and religious authorities in the country. Significant sources of contention in matters of religion and state remain unresolved under the prime ministership of Imran Khan. At the same time, the pandemic has thrust earlier conflicts into the spotlight and exposed contests over opinion, expertise, and authority in matters of religion and public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political transformation of civil society-state relations in Pakistan. Topics explored include the military and economic power associated with the traditional elites in the country, the working relationship between non-government organizations (NGO) and the state during the administration of former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf, and the outlook for civil liberties and equal rights in the country.

Youth in democratic activities has changed the political scenario of Pakistan. The current study was aimed to identify the youngsters towards their participation in democratic paractices and political activities. The novelity of presnt study is to introduce a new theory of 'Youth-Inn' which indicated the continuous youth participation and involvement in community problem solving, peers motivation, influence public to do vote, and other political matters. The phenomena of this study are based on the present political scenario of Pakistan and youth participation in building the political structure. The study was quantitative in nature and data were collected through random sampling techniques, hundreds of respondents participated from two provinces of Pakistan, which are Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The objective of the study is to highlight the performance of youth activities, contribution to the political participation, their role in political parties and interests in political and social matters. The findings of the study suggest that youth in Pakistan are increasingly participating in democratic, social and political activities, which are their basic and core responsibility to take apart and do sufficient steps for the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's progress toward full democracy is dependent upon many variables. One major obstacle to establishment of a mature democracy is widespread corruption, which penetrates deep into the institutions of governance and accountability. Three civilian governments (1958–1971, 1977–1988, 1999–2008) have been overthrown by the military, and three (1988–1990, 1991–1993, 1994–1996) removed by elected presidents on charges of 'public corruption.' The extensive literature on causes of corruption in Pakistan has focused on the most apparent reasons, which include politicized bureaucracy, weak institutions, and incompetent political classes. No attention has been paid to the role of the National Accountability Ordinance (NAO), a legal framework under which the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) has been operating since November 1999. This study is the first to highlight the NAO's role in spreading corruption. Rational choice theory and the economics of crime are applied to evaluate Pakistan's anti-corruption law, particularly the settlement system. The study concludes that flaws in the law in an environment where the NAB lacks institutional autonomy result in the benefits of a crime outweighing the costs for an offender. In other words, awareness of gaps in the law increases corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In authoritarian states, emerging democracies, and well-established democracies alike, alternative accounts that contest official state narratives are common. Why do people believe such accounts even in the absence of supporting evidence? While this question has been explored in the United States, relatively little research has assessed it in other contexts. Through a survey experiment carried out in Pakistan, this article tests the impact of cues by political parties on belief in such conspiracy theories. The results provide evidence in favor of partisan cueing: When alternative narratives are endorsed by political parties viewed favorably by the respondent, they are more likely to be believed. I suggest that political parties are able to capitalize on misinformation and a lack of trust in official institutions for tactical advantage. Results differ by subgroup: Higher income and urban respondents are swayed more by their own party source than are lower income and rural individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Indian and Pakistani Punjab, this paper focuses on how, despite membership in or conversion to majority religious communities, former untouchables in both countries continue to experience caste-based discrimination. In India, a rights-based idiom for caste politics is limited by fragmentation within the Dalit community and the compromises required by electoral politics, while the imposition of a totalising Islamic identity by the state has resulted in the erasure of caste from the political discourse in Pakistan. This paper suggests that class-based mobilisation may be a better route to Dalit empowerment on both sides of the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines some turns in the Pakistani political career of the Dalit leader Jogendranath Mandal between 1947 and 1950 when he resigned as a government minister and left the country. The imperatives of Dalit emancipation interacted with concerns about the position of minorities, thereby revealing the conditions by which difference became legible in the new state. In the creation of Pakistan, Mandal had seen a promise of furthering Dalit emancipation, but this vision could not withstand the state's view of an undifferentiated Hindu minority population. By tracing Mandal's trajectory, this essay follows both the promises offered by Pakistan and the slow closure of such alternative possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little research has been done on political dynamics within the Christian community in Pakistan itself, a lacuna I begin to address through survey research among Christian and Muslim students in Lahore. I ground this study in a detailed discussion of the existing literature on Pakistan, and comparative political research on national attachment of minorities elsewhere. I am particularly interested in assessing to what extent Christian students in Lahore have a strong sense of belonging and connection to the national community or feel marginalised from it. In fact, I find that Christians do have a strong sense of connection to their Pakistani identity, but are more inclined toward military rule and less interested in and knowledgeable about politics than their Muslim counterparts. Intra-Christian differences based on income level and denomination are apparent as well: Christian students from wealthier backgrounds have higher levels of political interest and knowledge, whereas poorer students and those affiliated with Pentecostal denominations have less political engagement but higher levels of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses several articles published within issue on topics including image-savvy militant leaders' impact on civilians, Denial of Organizational Involvement, and role of militaries in both domestic politics and policy formulation in Pakistan.

Reports on the move of Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf to withdraw support for Islamic militants in Kashmir, India. Views on Musharraf's action; Functions of the military in Pakistan.

The demand for the creation of Pakistan was based on a historical narrative built around the centrality of the Muslim community in India and its distinctiveness in terms of religious beliefs, cultural traits, and historical traditions. A particular understanding of the past was, in other words, central to the idea of Pakistan. As a result, soon after independence in 1947, a group of eminent historians got together to set up the All Pakistan History Conference. It received official support and patronage as the new state was eager to shape a historical narrative that could strengthen the argument for a distinct Muslim identity. This article looks at the development of this historiography in Pakistan. Unlike existing studies on this topic, which simply point out the 'flaws' in the history textbooks used in Pakistan, I will argue that the dominant historical narrative to be found in these textbooks—or even in many scholarly works produced in Pakistan—is a form of master narrative that has a longer history that dates back to the colonial period. Drawing upon such sources as historical texts produced in Pakistan, recently declassified documents of the Cabinet Division, and proceedings of the All Pakistan History Conference, I will delineate the features of this master narrative, the intellectual history of ideas that shaped it from the colonial to the post-colonial period, and the political exegesis whereby it gained structural dominance in Pakistan that was replicated for intellectual, ideological, and statist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the poetry of poet and journalist Faiz Ahmed Faiz (1911-1984) to discuss exile and imprisonment as a gateway to nature. Also cited are a brief history of Pakistan's government including the creation of military regimes due to U.S. influence, Faiz's campaign promoting democracy and civil liberties, as well as some Faiz's poems as a prisoner like "Captivity."

Abstract We investigate the cross scalar linkages between every day violence and global war on terror in the context of urban Pakistan. We draw upon intensive research undertaken in the twin cities of Rawalpindi/Islamabad and Karachi to highlight how marginalized Pashtun and Bengali Rohingya communities experience state and everyday violence in the context of the global war on terror. Focusing on the gendered aspects of infrastructural and spectacular violence, we argue that every day violence too, is deeply politicised and inflected by national and global level geopolitics. Following Hannah Arendt, we conceptualize violence as a manifestation of a loss of power. Accordingly, drawing upon ethnographic evidence we demonstrate how even domestic violence takes on a public and a political valence. We argue that performances of masculinities and femininities are, in fact, imbricated with geographies of exclusion, marginalization and state policies. The routinization of violence in everyday spaces draws attention to the DNA like relationality of the local with the geopolitical at the global and national scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite global pressure and national security concerns, the efforts of the Government of Pakistan to reform the madrassah system have proven to be futile. Extant literature on madrassah reform challenges relies overwhelmingly on information provided by governments and experts situated outside of these institutions. While these studies and reports present important findings and viable analysis on madrassah systems; most of the research fails to give voice to the major stakeholders of this system itself, such as the administration staff, teachers, students and parents. Our study fills this crucial gap by conducting semi-structured interviews and field observations inside Pakistani madaris (plural for madrassah) and their professional associations. We find that these madaris have been reluctant to participate in policy interventions offered by the government due to a major trust deficit brought on by differences over financial and curriculum regulation, degree recognition and the government's role in shaping popular perceptions about madaris. This reluctance has turned down attempts for madrassah reformation and has in turn made them vulnerable to radicalisation. We conclude with policy recommendations for more effective government reforms and a stronger relationship between madrassah representatives and the Government of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's July 2018 parliamentary election brought to power the right-wing Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf, headed by former cricket star Imran Khan. The victory of Khan, who rails against political elites and against corruption, fits with the global trend of rising support for extremist populist leaders. Yet it also reflects the particular realities of Pakistan's hybrid regime. Khan became a serious contender thanks in large part to his alliance with the military, which had grown increasingly antagonistic toward the rival Pakistan Muslim League of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif (ousted over corruption charges in mid-2017 and later jailed). Serious accusations of fraud and a range of military machinations marred the 2018 electoral contest. Although the July vote formally marked Pakistan's second peaceful turnover of power, the country's political system may be most accurately classified as a pseudodemocratic façade covering the reality of continued military tutelage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is focused on the impact of religion on the electoral pattern of the people of Punjab. Religion as a determinant of voting behavior is best expressed in the votes secured by the religious parties. Thus, religious parties vote in Pakistan and Punjab is studied to build an argument. Religion has a strong impact on human life. It influences each act and attitude of the individual especially in developing countries. In Pakistan; religion has a solid affect in shaping the political attitudes and beliefs of the individuals. It is one of the key elements of politics.2018 general elections saw a sudden rise in the vote bank of religious political parties. It witnessed a 2.17 % increase in the religious vote country wide and 1.32% increase in Punjab. Tahreek Labbaik Pakistan appeared on the scene as a radical Sunni Islamic party, it mobilized the barelvi vote bank to great effect. And it emerged as the third largest party of Punjab, in terms of votes polled. 2018 general elections also witnessed the rise of Milli Muslim League which was a political wing of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, who were previously rejecting the parliamentary form of government and were critical of voting in elections. The increase in the influence of the various spiritual gaddi nasheen in the electoral politics of Punjab was also a prominent factor during the 11th general election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports published within the issue which include the tribal conflict in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), neopatriomoniliasm, and political development in Pakistan.

Pakistan has power shortages and the buildings in Pakistan consume 54% of generated electric power, while the country is at the 7th place in the list of countries most affected by extreme weather events. Pakistan not only has to produce more power but also must employ renewable energy resources to achieve the task to have a sustainable future. The government of Pakistan has already forsaken the task to produce power at a national level and has sublet this job to independent power producers. The prime investments of Pakistani people are in the real estate business with private real estate giants operating in the country. In this research, a net-zero energy housing society (NZEHS) has been analyzed in the future economic hub, the city of Gwadar at the Arabian Sea. Abundant renewable resources are available at Gwadar city with a global horizontal irradiance of 5.19 kWh/m2 day and an average wind speed of 5.19 m/s. A combination of photovoltaic (PV) and wind turbines has been selected with installed capacities of 32.2 MW and 25.5 MW, respectively, to generate energies of 55.9 GWh and 49.0 GWh annually for an electrical load of 101.3 GWh. The net present cost of the system is 149 Million US$ with a Levelized cost of energy of 7.91 CUS$/kWh. The capital cost for this project is 92.4 Million US$. In this NZEHS, each customer must pay 0.0132 MUS$ to get free electricity for 25 years with a simple payback of 4.78 years and a discounted payback period of 5.79 years. This sustainable society will reduce the energy demands from residential loads to provide power for smaller industries to improve economics and reduce unemployment in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan inherited administrative institutions from its predecessor colonial state. These institutions were highly centralized, developed over a time period of many centuries and bequeathed intact. Contrastingly, the political and representative institutions and traditions that Pakistan inherited were moribund because they could not experience smooth sailing and hence not evolved over a reasonable time span. Unfortunately political parties could not develop democratic culture which paved the way for civil and military bureaucracy to overcome established institutional structure. By holding very strong power, the institutions of civil and military bureaucracy continued to override what they found in the form of representative. The tide could not be turned and Pakistan went through more than three decades of dictatorships. Media also faced the same fate and could not play the role of healthy criticizer for government as was due on it being the fourth pillar of state. The media can play its constructive role in democracy only if there is encouraging environment that allow them to do so. Democracy and media both suffered not being in good and strong hands during this period. This research paper is an effort to explore, evaluate and analyze the role of Dawn newspaper in responding to the fourth military coup of Oct 12, 1999. The media outlet studied under this research paper is an English daily newspaper "Dawn". It is an analysis of the role of Dawn in public opinion making, developing political consciousness among Pakistani masses and playing the role of healthy and balanced opposition for military coup of Oct 12, 1999. The findings reveal that despite the friendly behavior of Musharraf government towards media, the response of Dawn to fourth martial law of country's history was very careful and reserve unlike other newspapers of Pakistan. Dawn not only remained stick to its policy of neutrality but also analyzed the events very critically. This research paper is a qualitative analysis of the response of Pakistan's relatively reliable and unbiased newspaper Dawn towards the fourth military coup and political developments mainly, Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO), judicial validation of the military coup and Legal Framework Order (LFO). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to analyze the situation of Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in the context of Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). It analyzes how a suitable public policy mechanism needs to be devised and implemented by replacing the old and an irrational FCR in FATA. It extensively examines the theoretical and conceptual perspectives on the public policy, the policy formation and policy factors. The Parsons' seven steps model of policy framework has been theorized on the study for developing the appropriate policy. The qualitative methodology has been used to get in-detail and in-depth information about the governance mechanism and prevailing issues of FATA. There are three main elements; first getting familiar with the problem, second relevant players and third devising a policy. The study proposes that new public policy for FATA must be carried out with the consultation of the official (legislative, judiciary and executive) and unofficial stakeholders (civil society, media, ethnic groups, public opinion etc). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local government reform in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province between 2001 and 2009 is examined through the lens of multi-level governance. The reforms were initiated by the military-led government of Pervez Musharraf and entrenched the power of the federal government. The reforms of 2001–09 were similar to the reforms implemented by the governments of Ayub Khan in the 1960s and Zia-ul-Haque in 1979. The article argues that three different military governments pursued similar programmes of constitutional reform to secure themselves in power. We conclude that devolution may not always enhance democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral coordination is central to the creation of national party systems under firstpast- the-post rules, but there are instances where we see such coordination fail even at the constituency level. In this article, we argue that electoral coordination requires partisan control of patronage distribution by local bureaucracies. In electoral constituencies in which bureaucrats do not hold a monopoly over the distribution of patronage, we might see constituency-level electoral fragmentation. In constituencies in which the bureaucracy controls patronage, however, effective coordination yields Duvergerian equilibria. We formulate and test this argument through constituency- and precinct-level analysis of Pakistani elections and additional evidence from Indian elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peculiar past, cultural and geographical experiences remain centre for pursuance of Pakistan's foreign policy towards Afghanistan. Post 9/11 scenario brought all sorts of challenges for it at the world level. Pakistan has also been engaged in balancing out the impact of external and internal dynamics on policy outcomes. Indefinite US presence, Indian preferential treatment in Afghanistan andmisperceived Pakistan's role by the Afghan government are major challenges with regards to address the external constraints. Pakistan's foreign policy structures and processes stand challenged due to persisting war like situation in Afghanistan, thuswarranting security oriented priorities. Prevailingenvironment and likely future scenes hint at policy prescriptions which must safeguard thelegitimateinterests while having an effective management and control of Pak-Afghan border. Pakistan would have to learn to live with the US presence and nexusof hostileagencies in Afghanistanby exploring new vistas for policy pursuance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is encircled in different types of regional security threats. This paper focuses the threats to the security of Pakistan which emerged from Afghanistan with special focus on India. Long standing issues between India and Pakistan and anti-Pakistan activities of RAW and NDS in the context of their nexus for sponsoring terrorism created law and order situation in the country between 2000 and 2016. Moreover, the infiltration of terrorists into Pakistan, Indian water terrorism as well as subversive activities of different organisations are cause of concern for Islamabad. The increasing gap of Pakistan with its neighbouring countries except China has developed the possible isolation of Pakistan regionally. Regional environment is posing new challenges in the form of competition between regional countries which leads to hostility amongst them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty first century has witnessed a new kind of war, "War on Terror". Pakistan joined this war after the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and became a front line state in this war. Resultantly, Pakistan had to end its support for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban did not accept that policy shift and in reaction began attacking almost every place and segment of society right from military to politicians, mosques to parks, and hospitals to schools. The relationship between media and terrorism is indispensable because terrorists need media coverage and publicity, and media needs shocking and sensational news stories. Given this backdrop, this study intends to investigate two research questions. First, "What reasons of terrorist attacks were discussed in the editorials of major Urdu and English newspaper of Pakistan?" and second, "What solutions were suggested in the major Urdu and English newspaper of Pakistan?" Two newspapers, daily Dawn (English Newspaper) and daily Jang (Urdu Newspaper) have been selected for this study. Content analysis has been used as methodology and editorials published during 2001 to 2016 constitute the population for this research study. The results show that shift in foreign policy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan was discussed as a major reason of terrorist attacks and similarly, as solution, review of foreign policy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan was discussed in highest number of editorials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is significantly weakened and dislodged from former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) yet, it has relocated to bordering areas in Afghanistan under ideological umbrella of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and gets operational and logistics support through Afghan and Indian intelligence agencies. ISIS, having been greatly marginalized in the Middle East is struggling to gain foothold in Afghanistan with TTP as its proxy to execute the deadly terrorist attacks in Pakistan. The presence of ISIS in Afghanistan not only poses threat to Afghanistan but its collusion with TTP threatens Pakistan's internal security as well. Pakistan's sacrifices go in vain if cooperation from Afghanistan and the US forces is not forthcoming in defeating ISIS and TTP operating from Afghanistan. The article argues while domestic reforms and effective implementation of National Action Plan (NAP) by Pakistan is important to quell extremism and terrorism from urban centres, the cooperation from regional countries, harbouring TTP is vital for the elimination of scourge of terrorism from the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Afghanistan shares a common religion, race, history, ethnicity and geography with Pakistan, yet the relations between both have never been smooth and remained estranged. The nature of Pak-Afghan relations saw many ups and downs in past decades and has always been flimsy and they are found in murky waters. Since Pakistan's independence, there have been concerns and determination to have jovial and friendly relations between both the countries. The relationships between the two neighbors can be described as challenging and complex. The detriments that mainly manipulate these relationships have been questionable and experienced ebb and flow for historical and geopolitical reasons with the exception of brief interludes. This distrust at times bordering on hostility continues to date although some has been done to improve the working relationship by third parties i.e., US and EU. In the changed regional context of post 9/11 developments carry hallmark significance in the world history as it has brought both the countries at the brink of major national disasters. The post 9/11 scenario provided an opportunity to Pakistan to renew its diplomatic ties and political relations with Afghanistan and to reconsider her Afghan policy. This paper aims at discussing the core problems and highlights the future prospects of Pak-Afghan relations in post 9/11 scenario, as it brought a drastic change in world in generally and in this region particularly. It is a turning point in history when Taliban government was ousted as a result of American military action in Afghanistan. The study will explore and reveal its overall impact on both the countries with the existing diplomatic relations, areas of hostility and economic relations with making suitable recommendations for strengthening political stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is going to explain about the power politics among the political and apolitical institutions in Pakistan. Politics is an activity for seeking power in a legitimate way. Persuasion is a force that obliges the state actors to achieve objectives through power. Power is a capability to shift the probability in to ones own favour especially when circumstances are going against any actor. Political institutions are a backbone of any country and they keep the country on a right track. However, if the institutions became dysfunctional owing to their bad construction or composition, it undermines the state on a large scale. Pakistan's political institutions like parliament have been under pressure due to the persuasive role of apolitical institutions that are judiciary, military and bureaucracy. It is the case of legitimacy and authority, our political institutions do not enjoy. The dynastic politics among leading interest (political) groups, nepotism, and corruption are such social evils that allow apolitical institutions to intervene in the state. The regular elections within political groups are necessary for transforming those groups in to political parties. This paper is based on empirical method of research and purely on personal analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural or man-made disasters are dreadful incidents that devastate lives, disturb the socioeconomic and socio-political structure of a society and preserve or erase developments and gains based on decades, within few minutes. A catastrophe has the capacity to affect existing general population to their base, parting an occasion for self-investigation and reassessment of their framework and composition. This study signifies the Radar Digital Elevation Model centered pattern of drainage network to appraise the catastrophic landslide events due to the 2005 earthquake in Neelum-Jhelum Valley in SE-Indus Kohistan Zone north of Pakistan. This investigation highlights zones affected by the earthquake and vulnerable to landslides by utilizing Hypsometric integrals (HI values) and Hack SL-gradient techniques that are proficient in detecting erosion, land mass and tectonic movements. Dataset principally includes "Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM)" Digital Elevation Model having pixel resolution of 90 meters. Hypsometric investigation brings evidence related to the deformation periods of a geographical stage. To accomplish this objective, D8 method was used, 355 subbasins of 4th Strahler order, from 5th Strahler order 75 subbasins and from 6th Strahler order 15 subbasins were delineated. To appraise the indentations of erosional scarps, Hypsometric curves (HC) and Hypsometric integrals (HI) for all distinct subbasins were computed. Variable topographic elevations (Maximun, minimum and mean) were determined to decipher the HI values. The HCs are characterized as convex up, S shaped and concave down curves. Curvature of convex up symbolizes a lesser amount of eroded or deformed subbasins (comparatively young geography), and are located in conjunction of the North-Eastern anticline side of the Muzaffarabad that indicates the tectonic behavior of HKS, however S-shaped curvatures denote the transitional stage between the convex up and concave down deformational stage. The curvatures of concave down represents extreme deformation phase and are located west and eastern side of HKS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A refugee is a person who has been displaced and forced to cross the border because of the situation of conflict or war in the country. After the World War II the UN adopted a legal definition of refugee. In the light of this convention, refugees have got some rights that includes right to return, right to family unification, right to travel and restriction to forward movement. There are two main perspectives on refugee influx. The first is humanitarian perspective and the second is political and military. Pakistan has remained a home for more than a million of Afghan population, i.e. among the world's largest refugee population, for past 40 years. The issue of Afghan refugees in Pakistan is the protracted one because of long conflict in Afghanistan by the major powers in the past, and now the terrorist organizations, violence and political and economic turmoil has kept the refugee influx alive in Afghanistan. The presence of the huge mass of Afghan refugees residing (or having lived) in Pakistan is testament of the international community, regional stakeholders, and Afghan national regimes inability to solve the root causes of massive human displacement - conflict, disaster, oppression, and chaos. Over the years, the Afghan refugee crisis has greatly caused a stern in Pakistan-Afghan relations. This is primarily due to war on terror, domestic threat posed byrefugees, fragile Pakistan economy and declining donor assistance. In total there are three million registered and unregistered Afghan refugees exist in Pakistan (Nation, 2016). Making Pakistan vulnerable to security issues, mass movements and illegal trade of drugs and arms from Afghanistan. The Afghan refugees in Pakistan are given a legal status until the end of 2017 (UNHCR, 2017). UNHCR takes care of the refugees by providing assistance but for only registered number of refugees. It also provides assistance to return to their homeland through Voluntary Repatriation Program. But most of the Afghan families are hesitant to return back to the country due to fragile conditions in Afghanistan. The paper proposes an integrated counter-terrorism policy response wherein national security and humanitarian interests are inevitably inter-linked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The word 'Islamic Republic' is debatable among scholars as what meaning and role the word 'Islam' adds to the republic is still not agreed upon. Therefore, there is a need for resolving this ambiguity by explicitly defining and explaining the meaning and role of Islam in an Islamic Republic. Pakistan, too, is an Islamic Republic, which got the name 'Islamic Republic of Pakistan' for the first time in the constitution of 1956. This study intends to comprehend the mentioned issue by highlighting the similarities and differences between democracy and Islamic system of governance. In this qualitative study, iterative analysis of semi-structured interviews of ten doctorate scholars is carried out. The study comes across primary contradictions between the two systems and gives a way out for a system having characteristics of both Islam and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani Siddiqui (1926-2003) who did not believe in separating religion from politics joined active politics in 1970. His journey from passive to active politics was gradual. Though he started taking part in politics by establishing 'National Guards' in 1940's to further the cause of All India Muslim League of a separate homeland for the Muslims of the Indian Sub-continent, However, soon after the partition, following the footsteps of his father Maulana Shah Abdul Aleem Saddiqui (1892-1955), Maulana Noorani concentrated more on the missionary activities. Along with this he also participated in the Anti-Qadiani Movement in 1953 and later elected as the senior vice president of the Jamiat-i- Ulema-i- Pakistan (JUP) West Pakistan in 1955.After the death of his father in the same year Maulana Noorani took full charge of his father's missionary work abroad (1955-1969) and remained fully committed to it. During this time period he remained unknown in Pakistani politics until, in 1970, he presided over a historical meeting of the leading Ulama and Masha'ikh of Ahl-i-Sunnat wa Jammat held in Darul ulum Hizb-ul-Ahnaf Lahore, which resulted in the unification of various groups of the JUP and gave birth to a 'united' political party of Ahl-i Sunnat. This paper had presented a critical review of Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani's early political career, showing that how he roused from the office bearer JUP Karachi to the position of JUP parliamentary leader and one of the leading political figures of the country. The paper also focused on his role in the victory of his party in 1970 election, strong opposition of socialism, propagation of Nizam-i-Mustafa, democracy and efforts to keep the country united. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In federal systems, upper chamber of the legislature is considered as a representative institution of the smaller units but the evidences suggest that the parliamentary features of federations limit the territorial role of the upper/federal chamber. This is because the relative party discipline in parliamentary democracies and the supremacy of popular house on the second chamber in such federations. Building on this proposition, the paper attempts to determine the territorial character of Pakistani Senate through evaluating its role for pro-autonomy legislation during the debates over 18th constitutional amendment in Pakistan. The evidence demonstrates congruence of opinion between the Senators and the members of National Assembly over certain autonomy issues. Hence, it seems to suggest that the parliamentary nature of the institutions limits the territorial of the Senate of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the interplay between corruption and governance in post 9/11 Pakistan. Post 9/11 Pakistan is characterized by a protracted conflict that has affected daily lives of people as well as governance trends. Primary data in the form of Key Informant Interviews with government officials, journalists and public representatives is used for this paper. Secondary data sources included research papers, newspaper articles and data pertaining to corruption, governance and conflict have been utilized. Evidence from post 9/11 Pakistan indicates that weak governance is related with corruption and is dependent on the state of the institutions and conflict induced instabilities. The paper outlines how different Governments in the post 9/11 period, instead of improving social services delivery for the populace, indulged in mismatched priorities, leading to a lack of accountability and transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the Pakistani state has made significant advances in formalising and universalising citizenship through the digitisation of citizenship numbers. The National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) is at the forefront of this initiative, which has now covered 96% of Pakistan’s 180 million citizens. The state successfully used this digitisation of citizenship to reach out to its citizens in the aftermath of a large-scale flooding disaster in 2010 and 2011. The universal cash transfer programme instituted for disaster-affected households used citizenship numbers to identify and then provide ATM cards to those domiciled in the worst-affected regions. This paper draws upon my fieldwork done in 2012-2013 in Lower Sindh and argues that while still in its infancy, a new form of ‘disaster citizenship’ is visible in southern Pakistan, which is driven partially by this digitisation of citizenship in the country. It explores the post-disaster political space where state actors and citizens came to interact with each other, and argues that these informal and unplanned interactions overlapped with formal policy to result in a new and emerging form of ‘disaster citizenship’ in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]