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Background Workforce distribution has an important influence on the quality of healthcare delivered in a region, primarily because it impacts access to health services in the community and overall health equity in the population. Distribution of osteopaths in Australia does not appear to follow the Australian population with the majority of osteopaths located in Victoria. The implications of this imbalance on the osteopathic workforce have not yet been explored. Methods A secondary analysis of data from a survey of 1531 members of Osteopathy Australia in 2013. The analysis focused on the practice and occupational characteristics associated with practice locality. Results The survey was completed by a representative sample of 432 osteopaths. Respondents practicing outside Victoria were more likely to report higher income across all income brackets, and were less likely to report a preference for more patients. Conclusions The Australian osteopathic profession should examine the issue of imbalanced workforce distribution as a priority. The results of this study are worth considering for all stakeholders as part of a coordinated approach to ensure the ongoing health of the Australian osteopathic workforce.

This paper applies three marketing approaches to identify a possible framework for analysing the 2010 general election. The first approach to be assessed is transactional, which is the traditional view of political marketing. The second approach is relationship marketing, of which there is some evidence that it has applied to politics. The third approach, experiential, has not yet been applied to the political context. As this is an exploratory research project, the data are collected from one small geographical area, Devon. Interviews were conducted with candidates in the 12 seats in this county to identify which, if any, of these three marketing approaches might apply to UK general elections. The article, argues that a hybrid approach to political marketing, drawing on all three approaches can potentially offer researchers a framework for understanding general election campaigns. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Internet has been to date used as a space for simple promotion by political parties; websites present an opportunity for the delivery of non-mediated communication directly to the online audience and nothing more. However, new patterns in usage during campaigns, particularly that of Barack Obama, aided by the technological innovations that fall under the umbrella of Web 2.0, offer new models of online political communication. Through an analysis of the websites and linked online presences of six parties that stood across the UK at the 2010 General Election, we find a dual strategy for Internet campaigning emerging. The persuasive traditions of electioneering remain a feature; however, the key emergent function is one of internal marketing to party supporters and activists. Large sections of party websites are being dedicated to harnessing supporters and converting them to being donators, promoters, and campaigners both online and offline. This suggests that the Internet is increasingly embedded within election communication and online communication strategies are becoming a feature of most of the parties' marketing communication mix. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

This chapter explores the adoption and use of social media during election campaigns in the UK. It focuses on data that compare the prioritisation of different media use to identify how social media are embedded strategically within a campaigns. The Greens, Labour, Conservatives, and Liberal Democrats also utilised Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube to create multiple points of entry and participation in their campaign. The European parliamentary Elections of 2004 offered little evidence that the Internet was becoming a serious electoral battleground. Evidence showed that the online campaign, or rather the lack of a campaign, largely reflected the apathy of national politicians and the media with the second-order election. In terms of the effort parties make in communicating via these platforms, there seems to be no correspondence between the number of posts, tweets, or videos and the likes, followers, or subscribers earned.

We investigated whether objectively measured sedentary time and interruptions in sedentary time are associated with metabolic factors in people with type 2 diabetes.We studied 528 adults (30-80 years) with newly diagnosed type 2 diabetes, who were participants in a diet and physical activity intervention. Waist circumference (WC), fasting HDL-cholesterol, insulin and glucose levels, HOMA of insulin resistance (HOMA-IR) and physical activity (accelerometer) were measured at baseline and at 6 months follow-up. Linear regression models were used to investigate cross-sectional and longitudinal associations of accelerometer-derived sedentary time and breaks in sedentary time (BST) with metabolic variables.In cross-sectional analyses each hour of sedentary time was associated with larger WC (unstandardised regression coefficient [B] [95% CI] 1.89 cm [0.94, 2.83]; p0.001), higher insulin (B = 8.22 pmol/l [2.80, 13.65]; p = 0.003) and HOMA-IR (B = 0.42 [0.14, 0.70]; p = 0.004), and lower HDL-cholesterol (B = -0.04 mmol/l [-0.06, -0.01]; p = 0.005). Adjustment for WC attenuated all associations. Each BST was associated with lower WC (B = -0.15 cm [- 0.24, -0.05]; p = 0.003) and there was evidence of a weak linear association with HDL-cholesterol, but no association with insulin levels or HOMA-IR. Volume of sedentary time at baseline predicted HDL-cholesterol (B = -0.05 mmol/l [-0.08, -0.01]; p = 0.007), insulin levels (B = 8.14 pmol/l [0.1.51, 14.78]; p = 0.016) and HOMA-IR (B = 0.49 [0.08, 0.90]; p = 0.020) at 6 months, though not WC. Baseline BST did not substantially predict any metabolic variables at follow-up. No change was seen in sedentary time or BST between baseline and 6 months follow-up.Higher sedentary time is associated with a poorer metabolic profile in people with type 2 diabetes.

This study presents data from content analyses of the websites of all parties that stood in the 2009 European parliamentary elections in France, Germany, Great Britain and Poland. It cross-nationally examines the main functions of the websites, the adoption of Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 features, and the political and cultural factors that determine parties’ online communication. The findings show that while the main website function varies across countries, Web 1.0 is still the dominant mode of campaigning. Moreover, offline inequalities within and between nations determine differences in parties’ individual online strategies: specifically, major parties in states with long histories of democracy and EU membership lead the way and offer more interactive and innovative modes of campaigning. On the other hand, minor parties, particularly in Poland, remain in a more Web 1.0, information-heavy mode of communication. This supports the so-called normalization thesis on both the meso and the macro level.

The orthodox view is that neither the election campaign nor the activities of local Members of Parliament (MPs) has any effect on the final outcome of UK general elections. However, more recent research has suggested that both the election campaign and the activity of individual MPs has an effect. This article seeks to ascertain whether MPs believe that the Internet can help them gain votes. Data were collected from a questionnaire and interviews with MPs. The findings suggest that MPs believe that a Web site has an indirect rather than direct impact on voting behavior. However, MPs believe that regular e-newsletters between elections may increase their vote and that the use of private e-mail lists during an election helps mobilize supporters and volunteers.

Political parties have been criticised for their limited use of interactivity via their Internet presences, largely it is suggested because they seek to control their online messages. This article will consider interactivity from the perspective of a political party, the Liberal Democrats, using their Freedom Bill online campaign as a case study. We suggest that the Liberal Democrats use ‘weak interactivity’ because of internal policymaking concerns, and their belief that as a political party they are promoting their ideas, not co-creating a new product. Thus we suggest interaction should be closer to a formal consultation than a face-to-face dialogue.

This article examines the differences between Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 and how these Web strategies are used within a political communication context. The data focus on how political parties (and their leaders) in Britain use Web 2.0 applications. We consider whether the content political elites published in their Web 2.0 applications is shovelware and more appropriate for Web 1.0, or if a genuinely Web 2.0 style of political communication is emerging. We investigate the extent to which there has been a shift in the way British politicians communicate or if caution over co-production, coupled with the demands of electioneering, is restricting the development of interactivity. Our analysis suggests that British political parties have sought to create a “Web 1.5” that offers the advantages of both Web 1.0 and Web 2.0.

Commentators are divided on the electoral effect of constituency service, whether it provides unfair advantage or has limited electoral impact. The arrival of the Internet has added to this debate. This research note considers how pioneering MPs are using e-newsletters effectively to communicate their constituency service. A web-hosted survey of subscribers to two MPs' e-newsletters, with over 1,100 respondents, was conducted. The data suggest that receiving an MP's e-newsletter did have an effect on subscribers' voting behaviour at the 2005 General Election. Rather than something to fear, this vote-winning capacity of an e-newsletter may actually encourage MPs to have more dialogue between MPs and constituents.

Coleman has suggested that weblogs by encouraging conversations, may be creating direct representation. He suggests that weblogs provide elected representatives with ‘listening posts’, and offer individual citizens the opportunity of discussing ideas. Existing research of MP's use of weblogs assumes constituents are their target audience. This research interviewed four blogging MPs, and analysed 7 MP's weblogs over a three-month period. The data suggests that MP's weblogs are attracting a separate e-constituency based on interest. This e-constituency competes with the geographic constituency for the time of the blogging MP.

Political parties are increasingly attempting to communicate to sections of the electorate directly, in order to relay targeted messages. E-newsletters are one key communication mode that facilitates this strategy, and previous research indicates that these, like many communications using information and communication technology, offer much potential for the sender. This research focuses on the receiver, explicitly taking a uses and gratifications approach to understanding the function of e-newsletters for the UK electorate. Our findings suggest that the majority of receivers are committed party members who desire to receive information directly from the party that will help them in their campaigning and activist roles. There is, however, a minority of less-active, politically interested, subscribers who also use e-newsletters to aid their voter choice. The data suggest that e-newsletters are able to encourage subscribers to develop and build relationships with a political party, possibly becoming more ac...

The role of MPs changes over time. Commentators have identified five separate roles that an MP may carry out for which communication with constituents may be a key factor in determining the success of an MP. One of the latest, and currently underdeveloped, forms of direct political communication to constituents is e-newsletters from MPs. This article addresses how MPs are using their e-newsletter to help fulfil each of their parliamentary roles. A content analysis of the e-newsletters of seven MPs sent out regularly over a 1-year period from April 2003 to March 2004 was conducted. The data found that e-newsletters best helped fulfil both the political and non-political aspects of the constituency role. However, the article concludes that e-newsletter communication is primarily one-way, but that if it was two-way it might help MPs in all of their roles.

This study was motivated by the apparent discrepancy between guidance for public relations best practice using co-operation and collaboration to resolve conflict, and the potential to use the positive elements of conflict and competition to lobby more effectively. Game theory matrix was applied to nine lobbying campaigns, and used narrative analysis to identify themes of co-operation, conflict, and mixed motive lobbying in the transcripts. The primary research identified that: Conflict, co-operation and mixed-motive lobbying were apparent in all the case studies. Mixed motive lobbying was unattainable between organizations with diametrically opposed interests and this may limit its application. A further obstacle to mixed motive strategies is the high level of resources it uses. The numerical game theory matrix used in this study was of limited use, however, the conceptual framework the theory provided was effective at modelling conflict and co-operation strategies. Formal co-operative alliances were common in the sample. Smaller coalitions appeared to be more effective than the larger ones. Those engaged in high conflict campaigns perceived themselves to be more effective than those engaged in lower conflict campaigns, however, this would need to be examined more exhaustively to establish causality. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

SUMMARY MPs have traditionally relied on the organisation and image of their national Party for the bulk of their voter support, but constituency service is probably more relevant for electoral success than at any other time in history. So far, however, new technology has had a very limited impact on the constituency role of MPs. The emergence of email represents potentially a ‘killer app’ which might revolutionize the way MPs approach re-election. One of the main effects of email is to encourage MPs to consider techniques and terms in common business usage, such as direct marketing and segmentation of their key audiences. By looking at how MPs use email to support their constituency role, this article assesses whether MPs use email as part of a relationship marketing strategy, a traditional transitory marketing approach or ignore marketing altogether. The marketing approach taken, combined with the resources available, will determine whether MPs use email only because they think they should or because th...

E-newsletters offer political parties a potential means of communicating more effectively with both their own members, and the wider public. This article seeks to identify whether there is a model of best practice that can guide how parties provide an effective e-newsletter. The Congress Online Model (2003) is tested against the practice of UK political parties. The methodology is based on a content analysis over seven months of the publicly available e-newsletters of five parties, and interviews with the e-campaigners of each of these parties. The results show that the parties focus more on communicating directly with members than attracting floating voters. As a result, the full potential of the e-newsletters for involving people in politics has not yet been met. In conclusion, the Congress Online Model is adapted to take into account the political system in the UK.

Chlamydia trachomatis is the most common curable bacterial sexually transmitted infection in the UK. The infection is asymptomatic in up to 70% of women, and if untreated, can lead to pelvic inflammatory disease, ectopic pregnancy and infertility. Chlamydial infection can be diagnosed using urine testing and is easily treated with antibiotics. In 1999, the UK Department of Health funded a pilot opportunistic Chlamydia screening programme in two health authorities. All sexually active women between the ages of 16 and 24 years attending general practices and other healthcare settings, such as family planning clinics, antenatal clinics and genito-urinary medicine services, were offered the opportunity to be screened for Chlamydia, regardless of the purpose of their visit. This evaluation was funded to assess the feasibility and acceptability of opportunistic screening. The evaluation was conducted using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The present paper describes findings from the qualitative evaluation study arising from the health professionals' experience of opportunistic screening in general practice. Receptionists were central to the opportunistic screening model in general practice and it was this aspect of the model that raised most concerns. Whilst general practitioners reported that the involvement of receptionists saved them time, the receptionists themselves were sometimes drawn into discussions for which they felt ill equipped and unsuitably located. This research suggests that a call-recall national screening programme would provide a better model to undertake Chlamydia screening in general practice. The advantages of this model are threefold. First, each individual within the target age range can receive information about Chlamydia through the post. Secondly, the test and more detailed information can be managed by a practice nurse in a private and confidential setting. Thirdly, individuals are not repeatedly offered the test when visiting the surgery.

MPs have not previously been assigned a major role in electoral campaigning, being considered only one element of a political party's ‘marketing’ tools for winning votes. Evidence now suggests that the relationship between MPs and their constituents is changing. The concept of ‘constituency service’ implies that individual MPs can have a much greater influence on local voters and so possibly buck national trends. At the same time the concept of the ‘permanent campaign’ is transforming political campaigning whereby the political elite needs ever-greater control of the tools used to provide messages to voters. The internet is a potential battleground between MPs who want greater control of their own local campaigning and the party elite who want to ensure a consistent, coherent and controlled message. The Internet is a new addition to the campaigning armoury, yet the focus so far has been on e-government, e-democracy and election campaigns. By concentrating on how and why MPs use their websites this paper considers whether MPs have fully understood and utilised this new medium. Key questions include whether their websites are ‘sticky’, interactive and a means of creating a targeted message. The findings of this detailed study of MPs' websites show that apart from a few pioneers, MPs have not progressed beyond using the Internet as ‘shovelware’ — the vast majority view their website as an electronic brochure and not a new form of two-way communication. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications

Objectives: To determine the prevalence and treatment outcomes among young women screened opportunistically for genital Chlamydia trachomatis and to evaluate the impact of screening in those participating. Design: An opportunistic screening programme (1 September 1999 to 31 August 2000) using urine samples, tested by ligase chain reaction (LCR). In-depth interviews were used for programme evaluation. Setting: Screening was offered in two health authorities at general practice, family planning, genitourinary medicine (GUM), adolescent sexual health, termination of pregnancy clinics and women’s services in hospitals (antenatal, colposcopy, gynaecology and infertility clinics). Main participants: Sexually active women (16–24 years) attending for any reason. Main outcome measures: Screening data: prevalence of infection by age and healthcare setting; proportion of positive patients attending for treatment. Evaluation data: participants’ attitudes and views towards screening and follow up. Results: In total, 16 930 women (16–24 years) were screened. Prevalence was higher in younger women (16–20) than those aged 21–24 years and was highly variable at different healthcare settings (range 3.4%–17.6%). Prevalence was approximately 9% in general practice. The role of the project health advisers in managing results and coordinating treatment of positive individuals was essential; the vast majority of all positives were known to be treated. Women felt that screening was beneficial. Improving awareness and education about sexually transmitted infections is required to alleviate negative reactions associated with testing positive for infection. Conclusions: Prevalence of infection outside GUM clinics is substantial and opportunistic screening using urine samples is an acceptable method of reaching individuals with infection who do not normally present at specialist clinics.

This chapter offers a framework for considering whether the Internet might be facilitating the evolution of e-representation. The chapter starts by considering the meaning of representation; it then considers what factors influence changes in the concept of representation. We argue that, potentially, the Internet may be facilitating a model of representation based not on the geographic constituency, but upon common interest. The chapter assesses the use of four Internet modalities by UK Members of Parliaments (MPs): websites, e-newsletters, weblogs, and social networking sites. We suggest that there is evidence of parallel e-representation, where MPs use the Internet to enhance their relationship with geographical constituents. We also find the basis for a separate form of e-representation based around the development of an e-constituency of those with shared policy interests. We suggest that by creating a more flexible model, e-representation may add significant nuance to the direct versus representative democracy debate.

Twitter, a microblogging site which allows users to deliver statements, thoughts and links in 140 characters to followers as well as a wider Internet audience, is the latest online communications technology adopted by MPs. Assessing the use of early adopters, this article considers which MPs are most likely to use Twitter (e.g. tweeting), and how. Content analysis of tweeting MPs was conducted, and identified personal and political characteristics which may influence use. The data suggested that of the six characteristics tested, gender, party and seniority had most impact on adoption. Applying Jones and Pittman’s (1982) typology there is clear evidence that MPs use Twitter as a tool of impression management. Constituency service is a secondary function of the use of Twitter by MPs. Where MPs use Twitter as part of their constituency role it is to promote their local activity. We note that a small group of MPs use Twitter as a regular communication channel, but most are only occasionally dipping their toe into the microbloggersphere.

Past analyses of the role of the Internet in politics have described it as an underused tool in election campaigns (de Landtsheer et al., 2005; Kluver et al., 2007; Lusoli, 2005). Most studies find that party and candidate websites are created mainly to provide a space for offline material to be posted for viewing in a non-mediated environment (Morris, 1999). In contrast, elements which allow interaction are usually eschewed as these are said to detract from the core functions of campaigning and lead to a loss of message control (Stromer-Galley, 2000). Scholars have therefore come to postulate a normalisation of cyberspace (Resnick, 1998; Margolis & Resnick, 2000). Broadly, this includes two interlinked conclusions. Firstly, the normalisation of power relations which follows from observations that those parties with the greatest amount of resources have the most sophisticated web presences and lead innovations (Gibson et al., 2003). And secondly, there is the normalisation of political communication as offline traditions of campaigning override any Internet-specific style of electioneering that may encourage dialogue between candidates or parties and those whose votes they seek (for an overview see Schweitzer, 2008).

It is no longer sufficient for a British Member of Parliament to represent a particular party and be in a safe seat to guarantee re-election. Arguably the MP has to prove that they not only represent the party but also the constituency, and increasingly they feel under pressure to prove they take the latter aspect of the job very seriously. Therefore we find them engaging in various activities which can be described as profile building or public relations, activities which we recognize as being more consistent with the PR activities of charities and/or pressure groups. They act as campaigners, building themselves a profile through the local media, they are also increasingly using the Internet to promote themselves, their activities and a number of causes important to the MP and a section of the constituency. PR theory, especially Grunig and Hunt’s continuum and Ferguson’s relationship management theories, help explain the possible motivations for MPs using these various strategies. The question this article asks is whether this is just PR or is there a less cynical motive for this activity. In other words is it simply about vote winning, which clearly is a key aspect, or is there also a desire to increase interaction between the local electorate and their parliamentary representative.

Objectives: To determine the acceptability of opportunistic screening for Chlamydia trachomatis in young people in a range of healthcare settings. Design: An opportunistic screening programme (1 September 1999 to 31 August 2000) using urine samples tested by ligase chain reaction (LCR). Data on uptake and testing were collected and in-depth interviews were used for programme evaluation. Setting: General practice, family planning, genitourinary medicine clinics, adolescent sexual health clinics, termination of pregnancy clinics, and women’s services in hospitals (antenatal, colposcopy, gynaecology and infertility clinics) in two health authorities (Wirral and Portsmouth and South East Hampshire). Main participants: Sexually active women aged between 16 and 24 years attending healthcare settings for any reason. Main outcome measures: Uptake data: proportion of women accepting a test by area, healthcare setting, and age; overall population coverage achieved in 1 year. Evaluation data: participants’ attitudes and views towards opportunistic screening and urine testing. Results: Acceptance of testing by women (16–24 years) was 76% in Portsmouth and 84% in Wirral. Acceptance was lower in younger women (Portsmouth only) and varied by healthcare setting within each site. 50% of the target female population were screened in Portsmouth and 39% in Wirral. Both the opportunistic offer of screening and the method of screening were universally acceptable. Major factors influencing a decision to accept screening were the non-invasive nature of testing and treatment, desire to protect future fertility, and the experimental nature of the screening programme. Conclusions: An opportunistic model of urine screening for chlamydial infection is a practical, universally acceptable method of screening.

Water was chosen as the optimal medium for the extraction of tyrosine hydroxylase (TH) from rat brain. Determination of TH activity in crude homogenates failed to exhibit a linear relationship between enzyme concentration and measured activity, however, when a supernatant was used, a linear relationship existed. At a time when TH activity is maximally increased in the locus coeruleus after reserpine treatment (Reis et al 1975; Zigmond 1979) (2.5 mg kg−1 day−1 for 3 days, kill 24 h after last dose) we could detect no alterations in whole brain TH, however if treatment continued for 4 days and animals were killed 72 h after the last dose it was possible to detect increases in TH activity in various brain regions. These results suggest that local changes in brain TH activity are not revealed in measurements made on whole brain. The early rise in blood pressure, following the administration of deoxycorticosterone acetate (doca) and 1% NaCl to male Wistar rats, was accompanied by bradycardia. Whole brain TH activity was determined in these hypertensive animals 6–21 days after the commencement of treatment and the results failed to confirm the reported elevation of TH activity (Rylett et al 1976). The results are discussed with reference to the TH assay employed.