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The rise of populist leaders and nationalist parties has provoked a spate of commentary warning about the dangers posed by nationalism. Yet analysts often deploy the term as a catch-all for everything opposed to liberalism and fail to distinguish between different forms of nationalism. Differentiating expansionist authoritarian nationalism from national populism can help us clarify the serious threats facing the liberal international order as well as the lessons that populist expressions of democratic discontent might hold for strengthening liberal democracies., Author(s): Heather P. Wilford [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.47100.32, 0000000419368710, Yale University, Political Science, , New Haven, CT, USA The prospects for liberalism appear precarious when only yesterday they seemed [...]

"The murdered are to be cheated out of the single remaining thing that our powerlessness can offer them: remembrance." - Theodore Adorno, Critical Models (1) "You can imagine that feeling [...]

The Abraham Accords have presented themselves as one of the most significant geopolitical developments in the Middle East in this decade. They represent a trend in which increasingly, Arab states are seeking their own geopolitical arrangements with the State of Israel. This commentary considers the Abraham Accords from the lenses of elite preferences and nationalism--arguing that the recent politicization of the Gulf-Arab elite constitutes the nexus of the Abraham Accords. We argue that the Abraham Accords were born from a desire of bolstering regime security, regional security and extend local transformations to the international domain. Our analysis opens the literature to a wider discussion on the political capital of Gulf elites, and how increasingly their decisions impact wider Middle Eastern geopolitics. Keywords: Israel, GCC, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Nationalism, Abraham Accords, Introduction This commentary analyzes the Abraham Accords, the subsequent diplomatic initiatives, and efforts to create a security umbrella through regional geopolitical shifts and ideological transformations. The main factors that led [...]

This paper presents war literature as a distinctive genre intertwined with various schools of social thought and literary criticism including nationalism, social realism, and commitment. It puts forward a definition of war literature and the history of its emergence. It also attempts to explore some gray areas in war literature, relating to its artistic and creative modes of writing, its biases and prejudices. It questions the principles of authenticity and representation in this literary genre, addressing the contestation between reality and fiction, aesthetics and ideology, which dominate the discourse of postcolonial studies. The paper chooses Palestinian literature as a model case study, discussing the effects of the Sartrean school of commitment, Arabized in the concept of Adab al-Iltizam, on the creativity and individuality of writers. It discusses some of the general characteristics and themes of Palestinian literature, moving from early war literature (1948) to more contemporary works (1990s-), and presents how some writers manage to walk the thin line between literary representation and national commitment and succeed, without falling into the quagmire of propaganda or mundanity, to depict a national cause still subjected to colonialism in a postcolonial era. Keywords: Palestinian literature, war literature, commitment (Iltizam), compulsion (Ilzam), aesthetics, ideology., Introduction Definition and background of war literature In modern critical terminology, war literature does not exist as a distinctive genre titled as such; most critics group it under national, nationalistic, [...]

The twenty-first-century global resurgence in populism has raised academic contention over whether populism undermines or deepens democracy. This question is particularly relevant in postcolonial contexts such as South Africa. Populism can be of both the left and right. Fascism, one permutation of it, has been confined by leftist academics to right-radical nationalism. Contemporary South African populism in the form of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), the country's third-largest political party, confounds neat categorization. An academic and political debate has ensued about whether the EFF presents a fascist threat to South African democracy. This article extends the scrutiny of the EFF beyond what has been undertaken thus far, to situate and analyze it in relation to economic, political, and social features of fascism, contextual and ideological conditions, and the use of rhetoric and violence., Introduction Since the start of the twenty-first century, as elsewhere in the world, populism increasingly has characterized South African political life. The country's apartheid legacy is exacerbated as demagogues turn [...]

In becoming host communities for Francophone immigrants in the early 2000s, Canada's Francophone minority communities (FMCs) are facing the test of moving away from a predominant ethnic nationalism to an inclusive civic nationalism. The reception and integration of Black and Francophone immigrants is therefore a relevant indicator of the success of this test. Drawing on critical race theory and bricolage methodology, we reconstruct the ambiguous relationship between FMCs and their Black francophone immigrants who are both invited into French society and discriminated against. En devenant des communautes d'accueil d'immigrants francophones au debut des annees 2000, les communautes francophones en situation minoritaire du Canada (CFSM) sont confrontees a l'epreuve de l'abandon d'un nationalisme ethnique predominant au profit d'un nationalisme civique inclusif. L'accueil et l'integration d'immigrants noirs et francophones constituent donc un indicateur pertinent de la reussite de cette epreuve. En nous basant sur la theorie critique de la race et sur la methodologie du bricolage, nous restituons les relations ambigues entre les CFSM et leurs immigrants noirs francophones qui sont a la fois invites a faire societe en francais et discrimines., INTRODUCTION: COMMENT L'IMMIGRATION EST-ELLE DEVENUE UN OUTIL D'ELARGISSEMENT DES COMMUNAUTES FRANCOPHONES EN SITUATION MINORITAIRE (CFSM)? Face aux forces anglicisantes assimilatrices, au vieillissement de leurs populations et a des taux de [...]

America is being torn apart. Amid growing strife, many people are experiencing angst concerning the future of this country, a country once renowned for its exuberant spirit of discovery, progress, [...]

By the end of World War II, nationalism had been thoroughly discredited. Critics charged that national self-interest had prevented democratic governments from cooperating to end the Great Depression, and that [...]

Focusing on the commemoration of the massacre of prisoners in Tartu (Estonia) by communists in January 1919, this article examines the contentious use of massacre narratives by nationalist actors in the emerging Estonian nation-state. One of the victims, Bishop Platon (Kulbusch), the first Estonian to become an Orthodox prelate, became a figure of symbolic importance in Estonia and beyond. The article analyzes the emergence of the cult of the martyr-bishop in interwar Estonia and the involvement of church and secular actors in the process of martyr making. It argues that commemoration of the massacre and Platon's martyrdom had political implications, mobilizing anti-Bolshevik public opinion in the West and allowing the Orthodox Church in Estonia to present itself as an active agent in the making of the Estonian nation-state. Keywords: martyrdom; massacre narratives; nationalism; commemoration; saints; post-secular memory; communism; Orthodox Church, INTRODUCTION Every year since the mid-1990s, the representatives of the two churches in Estonia, the Estonian Apostolic Orthodox Church and the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church, have solemnly proceeded on January [...]

Abstract Do history wars shape international affairs? If so, how and for whom? Taking the historical dispute between China and South Korea over the ancient Gaogouli/Goguryeo Kingdom as a case [...]

Abstract Observers of East Asia frequently claim that Japanese nationalism is on the rise, and that Tokyo is abandoning its longtime military restraint. To determine whether these trends are indeed [...]

Rogers Hometown Hockey emotionally regulates and expresses sports fandom through colonial logics. The program's pre- and post-NHL game segments tell stories of a nation where 'small' towns build the right character to create elite hockey players (and assumes that this is the peak of Canadian accomplishment) and is 'proof' they also create the ideal citizen. Using Sara Ahmed's (2004) concept of affective economies and data collected from a season of Hometown Hockey broadcast, I argue that it invests hockey, traditionally a warm affect for many Canadians, with the colonial myth of the white settlers' struggle to make a life for themselves in the untamed wilderness. Rare episodes which deal with racism (almost always in the past) are linked to a current or recent NHL player's appearance on the show. Anyone can play hockey, but the very act of playing hockey is presented on Hometown Hockey as proof that the white settler state is heartwarmingly 'good' at its core. The emotional investment in this mythic past creates negative emotional reactions in many settlers to ideas of decolonization. By presenting hockey in this way on TV, it politicizes the sport to make imagining a better nation difficult. Keywords: Broadcasting, settler colonialism, Hometown Hockey, nostalgic nationalism. Hometown Hockey de Rogers controle et affiche emotionnellement son fanatisme du sport a travers des logiques coloniales. Les segments du programme avant et apres les matchs de la LNH racontent l'histoire d'une nation ou les <> villes faconnent le bon personnage pour forger des joueurs de hockey d'elite (et supposent que c'est le paroxysme de l'accomplissement canadien) et la <> qu'ils constituent egalement l'ideal citoyen. En utilisant le concept d'economies affectives de Sara Ahmed (2004) et les donnees recueillies a partir d'une saison de diffusion Hometown Hockey, je postule qu'il revetit le hockey, traditionnellement auspice chaleureux pour de nombreux Canadiens, avec le mythe colonial des colons blancs qui peinent a se faire une vie dans le desert sauvage. Les episodes rares ou le racisme est evident (presque toujours dans le passe) sont lies a l'apparition d'un joueur existant ou recent de la LNH dans l'emission. Tout le monde peut jouer au hockey, mais le fait meme de jouer au hockey est presente sur Hometown Hockey comme la preuve que l'Etat des colons blancs est chaleureusement <> a la base. L'apport emotionnel dans ce passe mythique cree des reactions emotionnelles negatives chez de nombreux colons face aux idees de decolonisation. En presentant le hockey de cette maniere a la television, cela politise le sport et rend difficile l'imagination d'une nation meilleure. Mots-cles : Radiodiffusion, colonialisme de peuplement, Hometown Hockey, nationalisme nostalgique., INTRODUCTION Watching hockey is one of the most common ways that Canadians engage with the sport. While hockey broadcasting in Canada has always been a nation building project (Szto and [...]

The Calgary Flames' fanbase, commonly referred to as the 'C of Red,' is often regarded as an inclusive and welcoming fandom for people from all walks of life. While attending Flames games can be a positive experience for many, the C of Red reflects Canada's multicultural discourses that tend to suggest that racism is not a Canadian problem. National mythologies, which reproduce the belief that ice hockey is synonymous with Canadian culture, further contribute to the myth that hockey is an all-inclusive sport. Accordingly, the C of Red is largely characterized by colour-blind ideologies and the need to embody whiteness to fit in within this space. Through interviews conducted with hockey fans and players who identify as Calgary Flames fans, this article challenges the whiteness as it exists in the C of Red. Canada's multicultural policy recognizes and promotes ethnic and racial diversity, as well as equal participation of all communities in Canadian society, but it does so in ways that maintain white supremacy. The idea that Canada and its national winter sport is a welcoming and inclusive place allows Canadians to welcome racialized folks, but this all-inclusive mentality is simply welcoming everyone into a dominant white and masculine culture. Keywords: Ice hockey, colour-blind racism, whiteness, Canadian nationalism, multiculturalism. Les admirateurs des Flames de Calgary, connu comme le <>, sont souvent consideres comme un groupe d'admirateurs qui est inclusif et accueillant pour tout le monde qui desirent y joindre. Les matchs des Flames peuvent certainement offrir des experiences positives pour plusieurs personnes, mais la realite est que le <> est un reflet des discours multiculturels du Canada qui tendent a suggerer que le racisme n'est pas un probleme Canadien. Les mythologies nationales qui reproduisent la croyance que le hockey sur glace est synonyme avec la culture canadienne contribuent donc au mythe qui nous dit que le hockey est un sport inclusif. En consequence, le <> est largement caracterisee par les ideologies daltoniennes ce qui fait avancer le besoin d'incarner la blancheur pour effectivement s'integrer dans cet environnement. Se basant sur des entrevues avec des amateurs et joueurs de hockey qui s'identifient comme des amateurs des Flames de Calgary, cet article defi la blancheur comme elle existe dans la <>. La politique multiculturelle du Canada reconnait et promeuve la diversite ethnique et raciale, ainsi que la participation egale pour tous dans la societe canadienne, mais elle fait ceci dans une maniere ou elle maintient la suprematie des blancs. L'idee que le Canada et son sport d'hiver national sont des endroits accueillants et inclusifs permet aux Canadiens d'accueillir des personnes racialisees, mais cette mentalite inclusive accueille tout le monde dans une culture dominante blanche et masculine. Mots-cles : Hockey sur glace, racisme daltonien, blancheur, nationalisme canadien, multiculturalisme., INTRODUCTION The idea for this article came about as I conducted interviews with hockey fans and players in Calgary, Alberta as part of a larger project on multiculturalism and ice [...]

Abstract: This article explores the various ways in which Guadeloupeans of mixed African and European ancestry who are perceived as White self-identify in relation to their family and individual trajectories. [...]

Author(s): Trevor Shelley [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.215654.1, 0000 0001 2151 2636, School of Civic and Economic Thought and Leadership at Arizona State University, , 925 W McDowell Rd #103, [...]

Author(s): Darren Staloff [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.253482.a, 0000 0001 0170 7903, City College of New York and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York, , New [...]

Author(s): Andrew Gamble [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.11835.3e, 0000 0004 1936 9262, University of Sheffield, , Sheffield, UK Since leaving office as British Prime Minister in 2010 Gordon Brown has [...]

This reading complicates Americanah's categorization as a 'third' generation story by shifting the focus from its protagonist, Ifemelu, and her return to Nigeria to her young cousin Dike, who comes of age in the United States. I use the term hetero-trans-nationalism to highlight the ways Ifemelu's generationally specific transnational narrative extends a notion of reproductive futurity characteristic of postcolonial nationalism. I queer Dike in order to show how lack and materiality as engendered by his relationship to the novel's overarching hetero-trans-nationalism determine his subject formation. The relationship between Dike's non-belonging and his overdetermined black male adolescent body makes him impossible to imagine within the novel's diegetic world read as such. However, I argue that read closely, the novel exhibits a dependency on Dike--and, thus, queer childhood--that orients our attention beyond the hetero-trans-national limits characteristic of Ifemelu's generational experience and demands a reinvestment in the potentiality of his queer existence. In this reading, Dike shifts from impossible subject to what the scholar Nadia Ellis calls a (necessary) horizon of possibility beyond the narrative. This reading of Americanah alludes to the possibilities of queer diaspora as an alternative framework for considering the lived experiences and inherent possibilities of queer African subjectivities in the twenty-first century., The theme of return in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's 2013 novel Americanah exemplifies Adichie's postcolonial-born generation of diasporic African writers' commitment to the African nation-state as a sociocultural marker of affiliation. [...]

In 2009 Ivorian poet Azo Vauguy published the book-length poem Zakwato, a myth that Vauguy translated out of its oral keeping and ethnic language, Bete, into written French. Vauguy presents Zakwato at a defining political moment. Cote d'Ivoire's first civil war (2002-07) ended with a 2008 reconciliation agreement. Vauguy's note of dedication to then-president Laurent Gbagbo offers Zakwato in support of an ideological position. Gbagbo and his supporters promoted a rigid nationalism, defined by the concept Ivoirite, which determined 'Ivorian-ness' by ethnic affiliation. While studies of African poetry tend to situate works within a broad postcolonial discourse, recognizing ethno-cultural specifics is necessary for understanding how Vauguy provides an affective contour to the political rhetoric. Referred to as a neo-oralist by peers, Vauguy revives an Afro-Francophone literary tradition that was robustly developed in Cote d'Ivoire in the 1980s. An analysis of Zakwato and its conditions of emergence provides a non-metropolitan view of postcoloniality, offering an example of the local, on-the-ground complications that decolonial efforts face when trying to reconcile historical colonial interference with contemporary political restructuring., In 2009, Ivorian poet Azo Vauguy published the book-length poem Zakwato. It is a myth adapted from the Bete ethnic heritage. Zakwato tells the story of a man who is [...]

As in much of the world, the Coronovirus pandemic has dominated South Korean politics in 2020. Compared to other countries, Seoul's approach has been highly nationalist and politicized, as the ruling party lauded its pandemic response as the global standard and linked it to a larger, leftist-nationalist agenda. This 'pandemic-leftist' discourse peaked around the April 15 midterm elections, but subsided the following month, as domestic and foreign setbacks arose. To explain, firstly, a competitive-nationalist race to flatten the infection curve encouraged the government to infringe on the civil liberties of infected patients, and society to stigmatize them. Other countries contained Covid-19 without such rights violations and stigma. Secondly, critics distinguished between the government's relative success in pandemic response and its general failures in economic and foreign policies. Instead of asking other countries to learn from one's country, each country would do well to learn from the experiences of others and to continually improve its own policies., Author(s): Joseph Yi [sup.1] , Wondong Lee [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.49606.3d, 0000 0001 1364 9317, Hanyang University, , Seoul, South Korea (2) grid.266093.8, 0000 0001 0668 7243, University of [...]

Folklore served Turkish nationalism in different ways. This essay explores five original texts of folklore written by Young Turk intellectuals, namely Ziya Gokalp, Yusuf Akcura, Fuat Koprulu, Riza Tevfik and Selim Sirri Tarcan, between 1913-1929. It elaborates on the ways in which these Ottoman intellectuals approached this new discipline and discussed its use in the context of rising Turkish nationalism. KEYWORDS: History of folklore, Nationalism, Young Turks, Turkism, Turkey, A historical analysis of Turkish folkloristics reveals that folklore has been a respected but contested discipline throughout the Republican era in Turkey. (1) When the Turkish Republic was established in [...]

This article focuses on the ongoing conflict in Eastern Ukraine (Donbass) that started with the events on the Euromaidan and the swift annexation of Crimea by Russia. Our analysis of key speeches by Vladimir Putin regarding the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbass demonstrates that in this case, populism extends beyond the dichotomy of the people against the establishment, since it relies on complex notions of enmity and alliance. We argue that the Russian political leadership deployed a discourse of Russian identity based on an overstretched definition of the Russian nation, a new discursive division of the political space, and the introduction of new and the reaffirmation of old symbols of unity. We also conclude that populism and nationalism were used interchangeably depending on the audience: the Russian leadership has used discursive strategies associated with populism to articulate this new vision of identity to residents of Crimea and nationalist ones when addressing domestic audiences., Putin's Russia 'is not a democracy, but it is in the name of the people, and for the people. Putin's main constituency is 'the people.' All of his power comes [...]

This article asserts that the current rise of right wing nationalism in Poland utilizes a set of nested historical erasures and silences. As Trouillot demonstrates, all history making is about selective acts of remembering and forgetting, and close attention to specific 'unthinkable' histories reveals how power infuses the process of history making (1995:29). In the Polish case, the authorized historical record produces a homogeneous model of Polish identity by excluding specific histories of dispossession and destruction. Here, I focus on two places that relate to the horrors of Operation Vistula and the Holocaust. I begin by introducing these two silent spaces which trouble a small town on the eastern Polish border. The article moves first to explore how local people engage and evoke these silent spirits via the fragmented and intricate materiality of these haunted spaces and through acts of remembrance and forgetting. I argue that these practices are an attempt to negotiate a complex multi-ethnic history of conflict and cohesion. Yet they also reveal that some conflicts are more unsayable than others. Finally, the article demonstrates the different qualities of silence around these two historical atrocities. It draws on this difference to understand how local memory interacts with, and is undermined by, the historical narrative espoused by the current government. [Keywords: Poland, silence, affective space, materiality, the Holocaust, Operation Vistula] [Slowa kluczowe: Polska, uciszac, afektywne miejsca, Kultura Materialna, Zagtada Zydow, Akcja 'Wista'] [Palavras-chave: Polonia, silencio, espaco afetivo, materialidade, Holocausto, Operacao Vistula] [phrase omitted], Introduction Biata is a small town on the eastern Polish border with Belarus, and each year at the end of July it abounds with apples. Apple trees grow with abandon, [...]

This article reexamines the legacies of Argentina's Conquista del Desierto (Conquest of the Desert, 1878-1884) by analyzing these expansionist campaigns through the lens of the ideology of manifest destiny in [...]

This article offers a critical overview of the discourse of mestizaje and its relationship to national and individual identities in the Spanish Caribbean, particularly in Puerto Rico. Through a close analysis of Rosario Ferre's novel Sweet Diamond Dust, I examine the discursive mechanisms that the rhetoric of empire and later the movements of independence and nationalism employed to affirm mestizaje in order to unify cultural identity and gloss over differences in race, gender, and class. I argue that Sweet Diamond Dust revises the notion of mestizaje, challenging its totalizing rhetoric with a multiplicity of stories that emphasize diverse social, gender, and racial perspectives. Polyphony and heteroglossia in the novel demystify mestizaje as the cultural symbol of national unison and underscore the conflicts and discontinuities of the Hispanic Caribbean as the basis of its historical and cultural reality., Mestizaje refers to the racial, cultural, and religious mixture Spanish colonization produced and regulated into a caste structure (castas) to keep colonial society hierarchized based on purity of blood and [...]

Among the most important British poets of the later twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, Geoffrey Hill often received strong criticism due to the allegedly reactionary themes and ideas in his poetry. While he demonstrates a pronounced love of British culture, Hill's patriotism is complemented by an attentive witness to the Holocaust and the trauma of World War II. Balancing his supposed nationalism with his Holocaust poetry, we see in Hill a generous and humbly patriotic British national poet. KEYWORDS: Holocaust, Geoffrey Hill, nationalism, memory, witness, WITH THE PASSING OF Geoffrey Hill in June 2016, the world of letters mourned the loss of one of its greatest wordsmiths. While he never obtained the celebrity status of [...]

This paper explores the cultural and social phenomenon surrounding Sonydsang, a bronze statue symbolizing the so-called 'comfort women'--young women who were drafted for military sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese Army during the Fifteen Years War (1931-1945). After the 2015 agreement between South Korea and Japan over the issue of the 'comfort women,' Sonydsang has developed into the Sonyosang phenomenon: voluntary citizen activism involving protecting the statue from being removed and installing replicas and variations of the statue in South Korea and abroad. Using the methods of art history and visual culture studies, the paper analyzes Sonydsang and the Sonyosang phenomenon in relation to the anti-colonial, patriarchal nationalism, and feminism that had reemerged in South Korea by 2015, examining how these discourses generate active interaction and participation with the statue from the viewers. It also discusses how these discourses either perpetuate the image of the 'comfort women' as frail victims or, instead, transform it into one of empowered activists, generating solidarity among emancipated spectators and the subalterns of power. Keywords: 'comfort women', statue of the 'comfort women', Sonydsang, Korean nationalism, feminism, military sexual slavery, The Sonyosang Phenomenon: Nationalism and Feminism Surrounding the 'Comfort Women' Statue One of the most popular and controversial works of contemporary public art in South Korea is a bronze statue [...]

INTRODUCTION 128 PART I 130 130 A. The History and Political Ideology of Extreme Right-Wing Parties B. The Rise of New Extreme Right-Wing Parties and Political 134 Delegitimization 138 C. [...], The past decade has witnessed the rise in popularity of organizations and political parties founded on the extreme nationalism and populism that characterized the interwar period&apos;s fascist and Nazi parties. These organizations have become known as the "alt-right" and include white supremacists, neo-Nazis, neo-fascists, and other extreme right-wing fringe groups. Extreme right-wing political parties have also enjoyed electoral victories while promulgating xenophobia and hatred based on race, religion, ethnicity, nationality, and sexual orientation. This article examines the resurgence of such extreme right-wing political parties and the relationship between right-wing extremism, political parties, and terrorism. The goal of this article is to shift the discussion from one of political analysis of right-wing extremism to one of legal evaluation of the activities involved within the ambit of the recent advances in the criminalization of terrorism. Could the mobilization of extreme right-wing political parties be classified as terrorism? This article begins to answer this question by assessing the definitional problem of terrorism and critically analyzing the most recent legislative developments in the EU. The article focuses on the uneasy relationship between the legal nature of political parties and the crime of terrorism. It then applies insights from this debate to the specific case of Greece&apos;s popular extreme right-wing political party: Golden Dawn. It discusses Golden Dawn&apos;s development and political mobilization under the framework of terrorist statutes and argues in favor of a constitutional interpretation that gives political parties the necessary legal personality in order to incur collective criminal liability for such activities.

'I will plant companionship thick as trees along all the rivers of America,' wrote Walt Whitman in his short poem, 'For You O Democracy.' The great bard of the American [...]

In this anecdotal article, I employ Eva Mackey's concept of settler uncertainty to analyse my place in settler colonialism. I grew up in the quintessential^ Canadian setting of Parry Sound, Ontario--a town steeped in anti-Indigenous racism as much as nationalistic imagery. However, majoring in Canadian studies at Carleton University forced me to grapple with the colonial and racist nature of my upbringing. This self-reflexive piece critically examines my motivations for entering academia through formative stories from my childhood and reflections on my scholarly pursuits, exploring the influence of guilt on my so-called transformation. This article was originally written during my political science undergraduate degree at York University. Rather than updating it I have added another level of reflection critically analysing the previous work. I outline my previous adherence to colonial structures, my internal struggle to leave them behind, and ongoing reflections concerning settler decolonisation within the academy. Keywords: settler colonialism, guilt, decolonisation, Canadian nationalism, anti-Indigenous racism, settler uncertainty, Anthropologist Eva Mackey (2016) stresses the importance of settlers embracing uncertainty in regards to the way we view and engage in so-called western society, stating '[p]erhaps embracing anxiety and uncertainty [...]

Recent research has suggested that in the contemporary globalized and digitized world memories transcend national boundaries in a manner that might replace exclusive and antagonistic national histories with inclusive cosmopolitan solidarities. This article critically engages with such models by exploring transcultural cross-referencing in narratives about Greek-Turkish relationships in two different settings: print media produced by memory activists from the expatriated Greek minority of Turkey; and peer-to-peer debates in the 'comments' section on YouTube. Whilst such transcultural discourses might indeed draw different victim communities closer together, they nevertheless also have the capacity to reinforce national histories and identities. Keywords: digital humanities; Greek-Turkish relationships; Imbros; Istanbul; memory studies; nationalism; transcultural memory; YouTube, The Armenian genocide found its imitator in the person of Hitler who followed the Turkish example with the genocide of the Jews during the Second World War. Another genocide was [...]

From February to April 2018 Thailand was captivated by a historicalromantic soap opera screened on Channel 3 television, Bupphesanniwat. The series is set in the late seventeenth century at a time of Siam's heightened commercial and political engagement with Western countries and with Westerners, especially the French. The series culminates with the 1688 'revolution', when the pro-French faction led by King Narai was overthrown by forces loyal to Phra Phetracha, who proceeded to usurp the throne and establish a new dynasty at Ayutthaya. What are the reasons for--and possible implications of--the wild popularity of the series? Keywords: Thailand, history, Ayutthaya, manners, middle class, women, monarchy., From February to April 2018, Thailand was captivated by a historical-romantic drama series, Bupphesanniwat. Screened two evenings a week on Channel 3, the soap opera was available on YouTube (1) [...]

This article argues that Margaret Laurence's writings about Somalia and Ghana offer a critical yet ideologically loaded conception of development, modernity, and affiliation. It contends that these writings anticipate Anthony Smith's recognition of the way ethnic identities predate and underpin conceptions of the nation; in so doing, Laurence's work challenges theorisations of nationalism such as those of Benedict Anderson. At the same time, Laurence's writings employ a type of Eurocentrism in that they formulate an antimodernism that conceives of African cultures as having the potential to revitalise the West not by being immemorially pre-modern, but rather by existing at an earlier, pre-national phase in a Western model of social development. Her African writings both use and subvert a progress narrative in which Western experiences of modernisation are universal; accordingly, they highlight a shortcoming that is common to theorists such as Anderson and others whose more nuanced theorisations Laurence anticipates. Keywords: Margaret Laurence, The Prophet's Camel Bell, The Tomorrow-Tamer, affiliation, ethnicity, modernity, nation Cet article fait valoir que les ecrits de Margaret Laurence sur la Somalie et le Ghana presentent une conception critique du developpement, de la modernite et de l'affiliation bien que charges ideologiquement. Il affirme que ces ecrits ont anticipe la reconnaissance faite par Anthony Smith de la facon dont les identites ethniques precedent et sous-tendent les conceptions de la nation; ce faisant, l'oeuvre de Laurence remet en question les theories de nationalisme telles que celle de Benedict Anderson. Dans le meme temps, les ecrits de Laurence emploient une forme d'eurocentrisme en ce sens qu'ils formulent un anti-modernisme qui concoit les cultures africaines comme ayant le potentiel de revivifier l'Ouest non comme etant premoderne d'une maniere immemoriale mais plutot comme ayant existe a une phase pre-nationale anterieure dans un modele occidental de developpement social. Ses ecrits africains utilisent et renversent a la fois un recit du progres dans lequel les experiences occidentales de modernisation sont universelles; en consequence, ils mettent en evidence une faille commune aux theoriciens tels qu'Anderson ou d'autres aux theories plus nuancees que Laurence a devances. Mots cles: Margaret Laurence, Une Maison dans les nuages, The Tomorrow-Tamer, affiliation, ethnicite, modernite, nation, Although they are often acknowledged as worthy and complex entries in Margaret Laurence's body of work, the non-fiction and short stories that grew out of Laurence's time in Somalia and [...]

This essay contextualizes and provides a materialist critique of the postnational turn in cultural theory by linking it to postcolonialism, postmodernism, poststructuralism, and posthumanism--'post-ality' in short. Drawing from Georg Lukacs's seminal distinction between modernism and realism, I argue that post-al concepts such as postnationalism, with their celebration of the rupture and radical newness supposedly unleashed by capitalist globalization, reiterate a philosophy of modernism. Here the past, especially histories of anticolonial national liberation and collective transformation, is rendered irrelevant or subsumed by contemporary globalization. By contrast, through a discussion of the Ethiopian filmmaker Haile Gerima's 1976 film, Harvest 3000 Years, I trace an alternative politicoaesthetic mode of realism that emerges from the ex-colonial peripheries of the world. Gerima's cinematic deployment of Lukacsian realism critically reclaims the national-popular traditions of collective sovereignty, illuminates the subjective human potential for transformation, and most importantly situates the nation as a continuous yet evolving site of contestation in the global system of capital. The essay offers a revaluation of two distinct strands of intellectual history: the little-acknowledged parallel between conservative, early 20th-century modernism and recent post-al theory, the obscured resonance between radical interwar-era Lukacsian realism and postcolonial African cinema of liberation, and their contrasting implications for the present., INTRODUCTION We posit the following theses on works of art and their relation to national liberation: First, works of art derive their raw material as well as formal quality from [...]

This paper argues that German literary studies was, from its inception, an entirely nationalist and nation-building endeavor, perhaps the quintessential nationalist project. Among the discipline's foundational premises are its belief [...]