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Why is diversity important? Racial diversity is a prominent and sometimes popular goal. It has been countered by those who sense a corresponding lack of diversity of viewpoints, considering this [...]

Sir Walter Scott foresaw that the Royal Society of Literature spelt trouble. Writers were best kept apart, Scott argued. Bring together 'a set of literary men differing so widely in [...]

This article charts the development of, and connections created through, the Vancouver-based Talking Stick Festival to inform how performance-making and gathering over shared interests can maintain artistic relationships and nurture respectful intercultural relations. We demonstrate this through genealogically connecting the Talking Stick Festival to the 1997 Festival of the Dreaming in Sydney Australia linking this theoretically to Indigenous ideas of transformational love, 'grounded normativity' and kin relations that cross earthly boundaries. We examine the strategic ways that the annual festival builds networks of communication, including movement around territories, and the valuing of flexibility to honour accountability. And, of immense value to the rebuilding of broken kinship networks is the love and support for emergent artists as well as staff and volunteers who are mentored in the ever-expanding and continuous building of relations. We write explicitly from our own positions and discuss how we, the co-authors of this piece, have ourselves been transformed through interactions with the festival as a way to show how this kind of relationship building can create a shared future. We conclude that the organizers of the Talking Stick Festival create spaces that centre Indigenous resurgence through personal experiences of transformation and kinstellatory relations of co-resistance. Cet article retrace l'evolution du festival vancouverois Talking Stick et les liens qu'il a permis de creer afin de montrer comment le fait de creer ensemble des performances et de se rassembler autour d'interets partages permet d'entretenir des relations artistiques et encourager des relations interculturelles respectueuses. Lachance et Couture explicitent le lien genealogique entre le festival Talking Stick et le Festival of the Dreaming organise a Sydney, en Australie, en 1997, pour ensuite l'investir de sens a l'aide des concepts autochtones d'amour transformatif, de << normativite enracinee >> et de liens de parente transfrontaliers. Elles examinent les strategies employees par le festival Talking Stick pour creer des reseaux de communication, notamment en prevoyant des deplacements dans les differents territoires et en valorisant la souplesse pour honorer l'obligation de rendre des comptes. Selon les co-autrices, l'amour et le soutien porte aux artistes emergents de meme qu'au personnel et aux benevoles qui beneficient d'un encadrement au sein d'un reseau de liens toujours grandissant sont d'une importance cruciale a la reconstitution des reseaux de parente. Lachance et Couture partent de leur propre experience en tant que participantes ayant ete elles-memes transformees par leurs interactions au festival pour montrer comment ce genre d'experience relationnelle peut mener a la creation d'un avenir partage. Elles concluent en disant que les organisateurs du festival Talking Stick creent des espaces qui privilegient la resurgence autochtone en permettant des experiences personnelles de transformation et en creant des rapports de co-resistance axes sur les liens de parente., Welcome to what we hope might be a space of transformation. We acknowledge the places on which this work has been created: the unceded ancestral and traditional territories of the [...]

We examine the role of cultural difference in the pricing of positive extreme returns (MAX) for 47,000 stocks from 42 countries from 1990 to 2012. We find that investors overpay for stocks with high MAX and that MAX-premium, the spread from long-short strategy based on low- and high-MAX stocks, is both statistically and economically significant worldwide. The negative relation between idiosyncratic volatility and expected returns, or idiosyncratic volatility puzzle, exists only for stocks with high MAX, implying that the puzzle may arise from the overpayment for stocks with high MAX and the subsequent return reversal. Consistent with the expectation that overpayment will be stronger for overconfident investors, the MAX-premium is larger in countries with high individualism index (IDV) than it is in countries with low IDV. Furthermore, we find the MAX-premium to be larger and the difference in the MAX-premium between high- and low-IDV countries to be more pronounced when VIX and volatility are high. Our findings suggest that the attention-grabbing feature of stocks with high MAX affects the pricing of extreme positive returns asymmetrically depending on the cultural differences across countries. History: Accepted by Lauren Cohen, finance. Funding: K.-H. Lee thanks the Institute of Management Research and the Institute of Finance and Banking at Seoul National University for financial support. This work was also supported by Incheon National University [Research Grant 2014-0877], Keywords: individualism * culture * sentiment * attention * international finance * lottery * extreme return * idiosyncratic volatility, 1. Introduction Financial economics is the discipline in which cross-cultural analysis has been least welcomed (Hofstede 2001), (1) and 'most of contributions [linking finance and culture] are published within the [...]

Abstract The study explores the role of diversity in the underlying job attributes that college students use to evaluate careers and if there are differences in the individual job attributes [...]

Teacher quality and the preparation of quality teachers have been at the center of debates and discussions related to improving educational outcomes among diverse student populations across the world. In [...]

This study examined how homophily (similarity) and propinquity (availability) simultaneously predict both unidirectional and reciprocal cross-ethnic friendships among early adolescents in ethnically diverse classrooms. In a sample of sixth-grade students, liking nominations were used as the indicator of friendship, and both unidirectional and reciprocal cross-ethnic liking nominations were strongly influenced by propinquity, particularly within friendship networks. Homophily appeared to have a greater influence on reciprocal cross-ethnic liking. Similar to previous research, high status ('cool') early adolescents were more likely to make unidirectional cross-ethnic liking nominations with lower-status peers. However, this effect diminished as classroom ethnic diversity increased, suggesting a unique relationship between classroom ethnic composition, peer status, and intergroup liking. The findings suggest that similarity, the availability of cross-ethnic peers in social networks, and peer status are salient predictors of cross-ethnic friendships, although the influence of each varies depending on whether the friendship is unidirectional or reciprocal. Implications for research on cross-ethnic friendships were discussed., Demographic changes in the population in the last decade have dramatically transformed the ethnic composition of American schools (U.S. Department of Education 2005, 2009), particularly in urban areas where minority [...]

Abstract An extensive body of literature on participation and civic engagement documents the under-representation of ethnic minorities in the political processes of their adoptive countries and the systemic causes for [...]

IN RECENT YEARS, overwhelming attention has been devoted to 'immigrant literature' in Sweden as evidenced above all by the commercial success and critical acclaim since die mid 1990s of what [...]

Abstract This paper focuses on the process of identity negotiation and formation by Canadian-born youth of Lebanese descent in Halifax, a middle tier city in Atlantic Canada. If multiculturalism, as [...]

Several studies are conducted to explain the impact of housing supply on the ethnic diversity and residential segregation observed in the immigrants present in Ireland. The proportion of private rentals is shown to be the main factor that affects that the observed segregation in the country.

The various correlations occurring between the national culture and the psychological contracts of the individuals are analyzed. The different ways in which people from different countries explain their contracts are also explained.

This article considers an emerging shift in Latino cultural politics of design representation and urbanism. To illustrate this shift, I include interviews with designers whose imaginative and geographic locations across the Americas have fostered a global attitude that challenges previous Latino designs that follow nationalist cultural politics of differentiation and are shaped by neoliberal multicultural imperatives. This article serves as an analytical study for scholars interested in understanding the ways in which cultural difference is included in a creative industry that has a large role to play in the configuration, evaluation, and theorization of poor, urban, and ethnic spaces. In particular, this article stimulates a debate about the different modes of incorporating Latino culture in design and generates future discussion on how to achieve more inclusive urban representations. Key Words: Neoliberal multiculturalism, Latino representation, barrio, design DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.2010.526884

Conventional measures of political tolerance have tended to assume that people see all forms of speech as equally legitimate (or equally illegitimate). This article develops an alternative view, and measure, of political tolerance to account for individual distinctions across types of speech. Political tolerance is conceptualized using three individual-level dispositions. The intolerant reject speech rights for all objectionable groups; absolute tolerators endorse speech rights for all groups viewed as objectionable; and multicultural tolerators support free speech except when such freedoms are used to target facial and ethnic minorities. Survey data from close to 10,000 youth in Canada and Belgium show that multicultural tolerance reflects civil liberties attitudes among many young citizens. These youth do see exclusionary speech as a special category of 'intolerable' speech, consistent with legal restrictions on hate speech in many industrialized democracies. Such target group distinctions are an under-studied and under-specified component of contemporary political tolerance judgments. Les mesures conventionnelles de la tolerance politique tendent a presumer que les gens percoivent tous les discours comme etant egalement legitimes (ou egalement illegitimes). Cet article developpe une perspective differente et une mesure plus nuancee de la tolerance politique en relevant des distinctions entre les types de propos. On distingue trois dispositions individuelles en matiere de tolerance politique. Les intolerants rejettent la liberte d'expression pour tous les groupes ou propos percus comme importuns; les gens absolument tolerants appuient la liberte d'expression pour tous les groupes ou propos percus comme importuns; et les adherents de la tolerance multiculturelle appuient la libre expression publique des idees, sauf quand celle-ci sert a bafouer les minorites ethniques et raciales. Les resultats d'une enquete menee aupres d'environ 10 000 jeunes au Canada et en Belgique indiquent qu'un grand nombre de jeunes citoyens pratiquent la tolerance multiculturelle. Ces derniers considerent les propos empreints d'exclusion comme une categorie speciale de propos <>, conformement aux lois contre la propagande haineuse adoptees dans la plupart des pays developpes. Les distinctions de ce genre sont des facteurs negliges dans notre comprehension des jugements contemporains sur la tolerance politique. doi: 10.1017/S0008423910000107

This article is an attempt to qualify existing evidence that increasing diversity is detrimental to a vibrant civil society. We focus specifically on immigration-generated diversity, and argue that while it may have negative effects on some specific civic and political outcomes in some contexts, these effects vary widely across advanced democracies. Our argument rests on analysis of a cross-national, cross-sectional time-series dataset that brings together individual-level World Values Survey data with country-level variables. With these data, we track within-country changes over time in trust and engagement. We show that immigration can have a negative effect on social trust, organizational membership and political engagement, but that institutional arrangements shape this relationship in systematic ways. In more economically equal societies and in more multicultural countries (where cultural minorities are recognized and accommodated), the negative effects of immigration on trust and engagement are mitigated or even reversed. We conclude that there is no general link between immigration-generated diversity and collective-mindedness. Rather, the direction and strength of the relationship depend on institutional and policy contexts. Cet article vise a nuancer les preuves existantes que la diversite croissante porte prejudice a une societe civile dynamique. Nous nous concentrons particulierement sur la diversite produite par l'immigration. Nous soutenons que meme si elle peut exercer une influence negative sur quelques indices dans certains contextes, ces effets varient considerablement selon le pays examine parmi les democraties avancees. Notre argument repose sur l'analyse d'un ensemble de donnees multinational, transversal et longitudinal qui rassemble des donnees au niveau individuel du World Values Survey avec des variables au niveau des pays. Au moyen de ces donnees, nous examinons les changements survenus a l'interieur des pays, au fil du temps, sur le plan de la confiance et de l'engagement. Nous montrons que l'immigration peut avoir un effet negatif sur la confiance sociale, l'adhesion a des organisations et l'engagement politique, mais que les arrangements institutionnels influencent cette relation de manieres systematiques. Dans les societes plus economiquement egaies et dans les pays plus multiculturels (ou les minorites culturelles sont reconnues et accommodees), les effets negatifs de l'immigration sur la confiance et l'engagement sont attenues, voire inverses. Nous concluons qu'il n'y a aucun lien general entre la diversite produite par l'immigration et l'esprit collectif. La direction et la force de la relation entre les deux dependent plutot des politiques et des contextes institutionnels. doi: 10.1017/S0008423910000077

In the last 20 years, the idea that the social realm is under threat of decline or collapse has been a central theme in academic literature and political analysis. In this short paper I explore the meaning of social decline and its relationship to multiculturalism and diversity. Using the twin notions of participation and trust as two key measures of social decline, I argue that participation has hot so much declined over the last 40 years (as Robert Putnam, for example, has argued) as it has changed because of what I call the politics of the us's--groups historically oppressed (including women, ethnic and racialized minorities and gay, lesbian and disabled citizens) who have created new kinds of advocacy organizations in order to change the norms of civil society itself. I also argue that such changes (while often perceived as negative in relation to a transcendent 'us') are positive to the extent that they have made society more inclusive, respectful of diversity and just. Trust, on the other hand, has declined but, I argue, this is also due to the politics of diversity as the us's fought for change and other groups responded by defending traditional norms and values, often in the name of a transcendental us, creating a vicious circle of distrust as each side feels betrayed by the other's victories. Thus, I conclude, to understand social decline, in terms of participation and trust, we must pay attention not only to the us but also to the us's in civil society. The tendency, therefore, to champion a transcendent us in order to reverse social decline, as many scholars and politicians seem prone to do in recent years, not only ignores the us's but may foreclose on their hope for a future free from discrimination and hate. Au cours des vingt dernieres annees, l'idee que le champ social est menace de declin ou d'effondrement a ete tin theme central dans la litterature academique et l'analyse politique. Dans ce court article, j'explore la signification du declin social et sa relation avec le multiculturalisme et la diversite. En utilisant les notions liees de participation et de confiance en tant que deux mesures principales du declin social, j'avance que la participation n'a pas tellement diminue au cours des quarante dernieres annees (comme le soutient Robert Putnam, par exemple), mais qu'elle a plutot change en raison de ce que j'appelle la politique des nous--soit des groupes longtemps opprimes (comprenant les femmes, les minorites ethniques et racialisees, ainsi que les gais, les lesbiennes et les personnes handicapees) qui ont cree de nouveaux types d'organismes representatifs afin de changer les normes de la societe civile. Je soutiens egalement que de tels changements (souvent percus negativement par rapport a un <> transcendant) sont positifs dans la mesure ou ils ont permis a la societe de devenir plus inclusive, plus respectueuse de la diversite et plus juste. D'autre part, la confiance a effectivement diminue, mais je soutiens que c'est egalement en raison de la politique de la diversite, car les nous ont lutte pour faire changer les choses et d'autres groupes ont reagi en defendant les normes et les valeurs traditionnelles, souvent au nom d'un <> transcendant creant ainsi un cercle vicieux de mefiance ou chaque cote se sent trahi par les victoires de l'autre. Je conclus donc que pour comprendre le declin social, en termes de participation et de confiance, nous devons porter attention non seulement au <>, mais egalement aux nous dans la societe civile. Par consequent, la tendance a proner un <> transcendant afin de renverser le declin social, comme le font plusieurs chercheurs et politiciens ces dernieres annees, en plus d'ignorer les nous, peut aussi eteindre leur espoir d'un avenir libre de discrimination et de haine. doi: 10.1017/S0008423910000053

A number of scholars have noted a negative relationship between ethnic diversity and social capital or social trust, especially in the US. Evidence from other countries has been more mixed and sometimes contradictory. In this paper we provide the first Anglo-American comparative analysis of the relationship between neighbourhood diversity and social capital, and show how this relationship varies across ethnic categories. We apply multilevel structural equation models to individual level data from the 2000 Citizen Benchmark Survey for the US and the 2005 Citizenship Survey for Great Britain. The findings suggest that while for attitudinal social capital among Whites the negative underlying relationship with diversity is apparent in both countries, the effect is much weaker or reversed for minority groups. For structural social capital the negative relationship is apparent for minorities but hOt Whites, but this is mainly attributable to other neighbourhood characteristics. Un certain nombre d'universitaires ont note une relation negative entre la diversite ethnique et le capital social ou la confiance sociale, surtout aux Etats-Unis. D'autres pays, par contre, offrent des constats plus mitiges et parfois contradictoires. Dans cet article, nous presentons la premiere analyse comparative anglo-americaine de la relation entre la diversite du voisinage et le capital social et nous demontrons comment cette relation varie selon les categories ethniques. Nous appliquons des modelisations par equation structurelle a multiniveaux a des donnees de niveau individuel provenant du Citizen Benchmark Survey de 2000 pour les Etats-Unis et du Citizenship Survey de 2005 pour la Grande-Bretagne. Les resultats demontrent que si, pour le capital social attitudinal, la relation fondamentale negative avec la diversite est evidente parmi les Blancs dans les deux pays, l'effet est cependant beaucoup plus faible ou renverse pour les groupes minoritaires. En ce qui concerne le capital social structurel, la relation negative est evidente pour les minorites, mais pas pour les Blancs, mais cette situation est principalement attribuable a d'autres caracteristiques du voisinage. doi: 10.1017/S0008423910000065

In recent years, there has been increasing popular and academic debate about how ethnic and racial diversity affects democratic politics and social cohesion in industrialized liberal democracies. In this introduction, different interdisciplinary theoretical approaches for understanding the role of diversity for intergroup relations and social cohesion are reviewed and four extensions to the current literature are proposed. These include taking advantage of a comparative framework to understand how generalizable the consequences of diversity are. A comparative country approach also helps to reveal which policies might be able to mitigate any potential negative consequences of diversity. Most importantly, we propose that the research in this area should include other aspects of social cohesion beyond measures of generalized trust, such as solidarity, attitudes about the welfare state and redistributive justice, as well as political and social tolerance. Finally, research on the effects of diversity might gain more insights from taking less of a majority-centric approach to include the effects on various minority groups as well. Ces dernieres annees ont procure un sol fertile au debat populaire et universitaire autour des effets de la diversite ethnique et raciale sur la politique democratique et sur la cohesion sociale dans les democraties liberales industrialisees. Dans cette introduction, nous passons en revue diverses approches theoriques interdisciplinaires permettant de clarifier le role de la diversite dans les relations entre les groupes et dans la cohesion sociale et nous proposons quatre ajouts a la litterature courante. Nous suggerons, entre autres, de tirer profit d'un cadre comparatif pour comprendre a quel point les consequences de la diversite sont generalisables. Une etude comparative des pays aide egalement a cerner les politiques qui pourraient attenuer les consequences negatives potentielles de la diversite. Par-dessus tout, nous avancons que la recherche dans ce domaine devrait inclure d'autres aspects de la cohesion sociale a part les mesures de la confiance generalisee, des aspects tels que la solidarite, les attitudes envers l'Etat-providence et la justice redistributive, ainsi que la tolerance politique et sociale. Finalement, la recherche sur les effets de la diversite pourrait devenir plus instructive en adoptant une approche moins centree sur la majorite afin d'inclure egalement les effets sur divers groupes minoritaires. doi: 10.1017/S000842391000003X

During the post-World War II era, most U.S. colleges and universities began to promote diversity and internationalization ideals. However, the extent to which U.S. higher education institutions have been successful [...]

The author, the chief executive officer of Reckitt Benckiser PLC, discusses how multinationalism and multiculturalism have produced tangible benefits for the firm. The different cultural backgrounds of company personnel create positive conflict with productive outcomes.

The practice of multiculturalism in modern liberal democracies has been hampered by lack of a clear definition of 'racism' and 'anti-racism' as well as confusion about the role of multiculturalism in addressing disadvantage and combating racism. This lack of clarity has contributed to a marginalization of anti-racism within multiculturalism. As a prerequisite to recentring anti-racist praxis within multiculturalism, this paper disentangles the concepts of 'equity' versus 'equality', 'racism', 'anti-racism', 'multiculturalism' and 'disadvantage'. We then distinguish between policies and practices designed to mitigate disadvantage, and those designed to address racism. Taking Australia as a case study, historical and contemporary notions of multiculturalism are examined before considering their relationship to racism, anti-racism and disadvantage. It is only through a clear understanding and inclusion of anti-racist praxis that the potential of multiculturalism to address the challenges of racial diversity in modern liberal democracies can be realized. Keywords: Racism; anti-racism; multiculturalism; theory; policy; Australia. DOI: 10.1080/01419870802302272