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The document is a table of contents from the International Journal of Military History & Historiography, featuring articles on various military history topics such as the Venetian-Ottoman Wars, colonial warfare in Portugal, and Allied aviation in Operation Velvet. It also includes bibliographical records of books on military history from different time periods, ranging from the Middle Ages to the Cold War era. The journal aims to provide a diverse range of perspectives and research on military history for interested readers. [Extracted from the article]

ABSTRACT This article contributes new insights into the spatiality of gender relations in military work and organizations, focusing specifically on the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF). It examines the unique and longstanding practice of gender‐mixed rooms, which have served as the standard way of lodging soldiers in Sweden for decades. Drawing on a combination of in‐depth interviews, archival research, and document analysis, the study follows the process of making room for women, tracing back to the early 1980s when the first women enrolled in the SAF. The findings demonstrate that gender‐mixed rooms have played a pivotal role in shaping both gender relations and institutional norms within the SAF. We argue that women's inclusion into the soldier collective has been simultanously facilitated and conditioned by this spatial arrangement. The case underscores the need to closely examine both the “how” and the “where” of gender equality initiatives when striving to foster more inclusive organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The leader of Republican People's Party (RPP), İsmet İnönü, formed three governments between 1961 and 1965. Turkey faced several political, economic, social and military challenges in this period. Turkish foreign policy also witnessed problems such as the crises that erupted in Cuba and Cyprus in 1962 and 1963, respectively. Both the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Cyprus Crisis had serious effects on Turkish–American political relations, so a great deal of literature exists discussing these developments. At the same time, Turkey negotiated with the United States of America (USA) to obtain more economic and military aid, which has drawn less scholarly attention. This article aims to shed light on the negotiations between Turkey and the USA to show how Turkish decision-makers worked hard to obtain more economic and military aid from the USA in the shadow of these crises. This article argues that these crises did not negatively influence economic and military relations between the countries due to Turkey's economic and military dependence on and strategic importance for the USA against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) from the beginning of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the conclusion of the Quad Leaders’ and the BRICS Summits in September and October 2024 respectively, questions regarding India’s role in the Quad and in the wider Indo-Pacific region has again come up. In this particular instance, however, the tenor of the questions being posed is somewhat different given the position that India has taken vis-à-vis the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War and its continued military and economic relations with Russia. This has caused much consternation both in the US and in Europe. This article argues that India’s posture and actions may be read as being reflective of an emergent ‘muscular’ foreign policy that is increasingly assertive and revisionist in nature and character. This is evidenced by some of the public statements that its high-ranking officials have been making recently. It is also significant that this is taking place in the context of a deliberate foregrounding of India’s cultural heritage. When taken together, a faint, yet unmistakable, picture emerges of a country that is setting up the foundations for a larger and more impactful, albeit differently imagined, role than what is currently assigned to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article identifies and seeks to abridge a gap in the literature consisting of the problem of relations between military expenditure and democracy, especially the consequences of the first for the second. It specifically investigates the consequences that military expenditure produces for democracy among contemporary Western and comparable societies such as OECD countries during 2006–2017. It first surveys the relevant pertinent literature about the relationship of military expenditure and militaristic processes with democracy and political, civil and individual liberties. Then it proposes a theoretical sociological framework for approaching the problem of military expenditure and democracy, focusing on the consequences of the first for the second variable. It develops this framework by formulating testable hypotheses regarding the nature of consequences that military expenditure has for democracy. Next, it specifies data and their sources, the method and variables that the study uses. It reports empirical findings such as descriptive and proximately causal (regression) results. It infers that these findings for the most part support the theory and hypotheses that large and increasing military expenditure has adverse consequence for liberal democracy in general, and in OECD countries in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2020, Turkey and Greece deployed naval vessels in the contested eastern Mediterranean waters, which led first to a standoff and eventually a collision. Soon after, a US warship arrived at Crete. While this move should have been intended to calm tensions between the two historical rivals, some observers saw this as a show of support for Greece, marking a significant shift from the traditional American role of mediator. This article examines the US responses to gas exploration and other disputes in the eastern Mediterranean, including the Greek‐Turkish divide over Cyprus. It argues that Washington's tilt toward Athens has been pushing Ankara to deepen its economic, diplomatic, and even military relations with Moscow. The United States could rebalance with Turkey and drive a wedge between it and Russia, for instance through incorporating its NATO ally into strategies for reducing Europe's reliance on President Vladimir Putin for energy resources. But if the current zero‐sum approach persists, Turkey is likely to continue to look east—which is not in the American interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research provides a comprehensive study on the Battle of Ankara in 1402 AD, which formed a turning point in the history of the Ottoman Empire, and the research is divided into three major investigations preceded by an introduction and aims to analyze the conditions that led to this battle and its long -term effects In the first topic, the conditions of the Ottoman Empire are reviewed before the Battle of Ankara, with a focus on the political and military situation of the Ottoman Sultanate under the rule of Sultan Bayezid I, and this topic deals with diplomatic relations and military moves that preceded the confrontation in addition to the internal and external challenges faced by the Ottoman Empire As for the second topic, it deals with the Battle of Ankara itself through a detailed historical study. This section depends on analyzing the reliable historical sources to review the course of the battle, starting from the first military moves to the decisive victory of Timorlane, where the strategies of both leaders are analyzed and the factors that led to the collapse of the Ottoman army and families Sultan Bayezid I In the third topic, the results and effects of the Battle of Ankara are reviewed, as this topic includes a detailed study of the repercussions of the battle on the Ottoman Empire, including the political division and the struggle on the authority that followed the defeat, and the long - term impact is analyzed on the Ottoman expansion and the delay in the conquest of Constantinople in addition to Study the social and economic changes that resulted from these events, and finally the conclusion that dealt with the most important results reached by this research [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There was a drought in Central Asia around 800 BC. Therefore, the Scythians migrated from east to west and came to the steppes north of the Black Sea. The Greeks reached the Black Sea to establish a colony. Meanwhile, the Greeks established colonial cities both in the south and north of the Black Sea. As a result of these developments, relations began between the Scythians and the Greeks. After Scythian rule, Sarmatian rule began in the north of the Black Sea. Scythian and Greek relations continued during the Sarmatian rule. There were economic, military and cultural relations between the two societies. Greek colonists bought the goods they needed from the Scythians. They sold the goods they needed to the Scythians. Most wheat was exported from the Scythian country. Other exports included cattle, leather and fur. Chief among these were olive oil and wine. Knowing the Scythian military power and the success of the Scythians in archery, the Greeks took advantage of the Scythian archers to protect the city of Athens. Scythians were very attached to their traditions and customs. They were closed to external cultural influences and mutual cultural interaction. Despite this, there were some Scythians who went to the Greek cultural environment. They had the opportunity to explain their own culture or compare their own culture with Greek culture. In this study, the relations between the Scythians and the Greeks were tried to be revealed in their economic, military and cultural dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Defence diplomacy' is a relatively new term, created in response to post-Cold War needs to name the new tasks and international functions conducted by the armed forces and the leaderships of the Ministries of Defence. The lack of universally recognised definition of 'defence diplomacy' means that states try to adapt its content to the needs of their own security policy. Defence diplomacy is generally considered as nonviolent use of state's defence apparatus to advance the strategic aims of the government through cooperation with other countries. Activities as diverse as officer exchanges, ship visits, training missions, and joint military exercises have all been denoted as practices of defence diplomacy. Apart from strictly political issues, contemporary diplomacy concentrates on problems of trade, economic, scientific or military contacts. The main objective of analysis is to focus on the role of defence diplomacy in shaping and implementing security policy. This issue is addressed from two aspects -- the first one is the evolution of defence diplomacy as a tool and, the second, its role in the process of shaping and implementing security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Social Sciences Cankiri Karatekin University / Çankırı Karatekin Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since modern warfare is not only tanks, planes and soldiers, but also a total war between nations, their current and potential economies, their material forces and mental capacities, planning a war comes down to the creation and organization of the country’s overall combatant potential for military use. After the end of the War of Independence and the establishment of the State of Israel, approximately 160,000 Arabs remained in its territory. This minority was perceived as a fifth column at that time that could endanger the security of the State. To devise proactive countermeasures, the IDF Planning Department began discussing what steps should be taken regarding the Arab minority in the case of future war to neutralize this potential threat. The basic principles, which were later formulated into strategic and operative plans of action, were also influenced by the understanding that Israel is a democratic State, and that there are constraints and political considerations bounding these steps. The Planning Department also considered that in some ways this minority could be used to strengthen the national potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the mainstream press, western political elites and sections of the Left, China is accused of exploiting the Global South and even being an imperialist power. China argues it is pursuing a 'win-win' policy. To explore this question, this article looks at several factors, including labour exploitation, debt, environmental damage and military activity. Imperialism today operates through a vast network of integrated transnational investments and expansive global assembly lines, overseen by a transnational capitalist class. China's position in the global capitalist system needs to be assessed in this context. It is certainly a major power within that system and its capitalists engage in the super-exploitation of labour, for example in Africa. At the same time, Chinese development loans have so far helped countries in the Global South build infrastructure and reduce neoliberal austerity, even as associated projects have been beset by corruption and environmental harms. China has not yet used its military in imperialist adventures, but it does apply regional pressure and cultivates military relationships with countries where it has investments. Overall, the picture that emerges is complex and contradictory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the current state of the historical research on the Combat Leagues and Veterans' Associations in the Weimar Republic. It gives an overview about the ongoing trends and recapitulates key insights of the recent publications concerning the independence of the leagues and associations as political players, their role as protagonists of political violence, their relations to the German military (Reichswehr) as well as their international relations and the role of women within the organizations. Thereby the report illustrates new possible ways for further research for an international audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors tackle a challenge of specifying the historical geography of Jochi's military expeditions in the medieval Qazaq Steppe (Eastern Dasht-i Qipchaq). The article focuses on controversial issues of Jochi’s campaigns' routes, locations and dates of his battles. The authors' hypothesis is based on historical evidence and recent research, which suggests that the primary routes of Jochi's military campaigns in modern Qazaqstan were routed by the main river channels. The authors suggest that Jochi and his troops arrived at Eastern Dasht-i Qipchaq/the territory of modern Qazaqstan in 1218, but he never returned to the Mongolian steppes and stayed there until his death in 1225. The article aims to describe the main stages of Jochi's military campaigns in Eastern Dasht-I Qipchaq / the territory of modern Qazaqstan. In particular, the article specifies the time and place of the Mongols' battles with the Merkits on the Irtysh River in eastern Qazaqstan, with the Merkits and the Olberli Qipchaqs on the Zhem (Emba) River, and with the Khorezmians on the Yrgyz (Irgiz) River. The actions of Jochi's forces on the Syr Darya and in Khorezm are traced, as is the further course of the war with the Qipchaqs on the Zhaiyk (Ural) and Volga rivers, and Jochi's subsequent return via the Syr Darya to his headquarters near the Irtysh. It was here in eastern Qazaqstan that Jochi spent the last part of his life and died in 1225. The novelty of the proposed content lies in the inclusion of the possibilities of historical geography and methods of mapping Jochi's main military campaigns on the territory of Qazaqstan, which made it possible for the first time to draw a map of Jochi's main military campaigns in relation to the problem under study. The authors argue that Jochi's military campaigns should not be interpreted as tip-and-run cavalry raids and quick returns to Mongolia, but as carefully thought out and prepared offensives. By using the latest editions of the sources and comparing their information, it has been possible to look at the history of Jochi's military campaigns from a new angle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Relation extraction (RE) is a crucial step for knowledge graph construction, which aims to extract meaningful relations between entity pairs in plain texts. Very few works have been studied on Chinese relation extraction (CRE) in the military field. Moreover, recent deep neural network-based methods have achieved considerable performance but still suffer from three inherent limitations, including overlapping of entities, imbalanced data and the ambiguity. Therefore, this work investigates a novel Multi-Grained Lattice Transformer (MGLT), which leverages external information of lexicon and word sense tailored for CRE. In MGLT, self-matched lexicon words and related word senses are fused through a cross-transformer mechanism to alleviate the ambiguity in texts. The finally enriched sequence representation in MGLT captures the relatedness between the head entity and the tail one, which is helpful to alleviate the overlapping of entities. Experimental results on two benchmark datasets and a self-developed dataset constructed from online military news show that the proposed MGLT achieves state-of-the-art (SOTA) performance. Compared with other typical baselines, MGLT achieves better area under curve (AUC) and F 1 -score by up to 10.46% and 6.90%, respectively. We further demonstrate the effectiveness of using ensemble learning to fully exploit complementary information from multiple MGLT-based base learners to improve the overall performance for imbalanced data classification on the military dataset. Such results indicate that the proposed ensemble learning model is effective and robust to be applied in practical applications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time of heightened sensitivity to the military’s role in national security and domestic politics, senior officers are more likely than ever to “play the neutral card” – i.e. to act in ways that simply emphasize their supposedly apolitical role. Two of the dominant schools of civil-military relations theory insist that this is virtually the only card officers can play, positing in effect that any political influence by officers on policy-making is inappropriate. However, a third tradition has long argued the opposite: officers do and should engage in consistent dialogue with civilian principals in the hope of producing better policy outcomes. This article adjudicates between the three perspectives, finding that while the third perspective is most persuasive, it too suffers from serious limitations. We provide a new perspective on how senior officers influence their political environments, highlighting their power and the range of options open to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explains the reasons and consequences of government militias transformation into parallel armies, with a particular focus on the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces. It examines how this militia evolved from a limited local force into a powerful entity parallel to the Sudanese army which has been established for nearly a hundred years. The study analyzes the impact of this transformation on national security, especially after the Rapid Support Forces have engaged in an open war across the country, destroying infrastructure and displacing citizens from their homes. The study reveals the immense capabilities acquired by the Rapid Support Forces in recent years, including advanced weaponry, training, substantial financial resources, as well as regional and international relations and extensive military and economic partnerships with various parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What influence does the digital diplomacy of the post 9/11 world have on our understanding of counter-terrorism (CT) diplomacy during the Cold War? This article explores this question and the intersection between intelligence, counterterrorism diplomacy and the digital transformation long overlooked by scholars of Israeli–Turkish relations, Cold War history and terrorism studies. Diplomacy in crisis situations usually operates in an uncertain reality triggered by conflict. Turkey's domestic crises, specifically its energy crisis between 1978 and 1980, served to shift the country's foreign policy toward the more anti-Israeli stance of the Arab nations and their demands that Turkey boycott Israel in return for supplying Turkey's energy needs. This came in the context of a regional wave of contentious politics in the Middle East after the 1979 Iranian revolution, when Israel had just lost three decades of massive investment in Iran under the Shah. I argue that knowing the Turkish military junta's primary goals centered on the fight against the far left and right political violence at home and on Armenian terror attacks against Turkish diplomats abroad, Israeli diplomats employed a very selective CT policy focusing on the cooperation between Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Public diplomacy was key to conveying this message, and attempts to plant information about the Armenian-Palestinian cooperation in Turkish news outlets and national television were made. Israel's goal was to influence Turkey's public emotions and convey to Turkey's military junta that Jerusalem was a true ally, working to confront the mutual regional threat of Armenian-Palestinian terrorists arising from Lebanese training camps. This case study highlights the paradox that Ministries of Foreign Affairs and diplomats enjoyed an unparalleled monopoly of power during the Cold War over the use of means of public diplomacy, while at the time having very limited capacity, and a frequent need for third party mediators to engage with foreign public audiences. It is thus unlikely that the conveyed messages would have been as visible and disseminated as easily as they could be in the post 9/11 via means of digital diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of policy alone often means domestic policy, of interest to generalist sociologists interested in how political ideas are turned into domestic legislation, executive action, and/or court litigation. Foreign policy, as the financial, commercial, diplomatic and military relations of a state with foreign states, remains a niche subfield. But foreign relations should be conceived of as the broader set of entanglements between societies, encompassing transnational movements, expert networks, and fields. Then, sociological theories of foreign relations can interest generalist sociologists. In this review, we illustrate how this broad view of foreign relations applies to the study of the United States in the world today (USitWT) by first surveying how sociologists of the world society and world system have focused on transnational relations and the place of the United States in their dynamics, and how they have engaged with the question of power. We then demonstrate how field theorists' study of transnational fields can allow sociologists to reconceptualize the historical role of the USitWT by highlighting continuities between European colonial governmentalities and current US transnational practices. This field perspective can allow sociologists to understand the USitWT as transnational, postcolonial, or neo-colonial governmentality, depending on the sociological and historical depth and range of its relation with different parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influx of populism in Europe revived the values of illiberal, authoritarian government. This affects the democratic character of Civil–Military Relations (CMR) in the post-communist countries in particular. We analyzed the development of CMR in Czechia (1992–2022) under the influence of populism (2010–2022). Applying the CMR concept of the shared-democratic-values-perspective, our study provides empirical evidence that persistent shortcomings in formal institutional and informal socialization of Czech officers by values of democracy open a dangerous back door for spreading the values of military populism in the Czech Armed Forces. We argue that such development in the last 10 years has resulted into a formation of illiberal alliances between populist leaders and the military elite and poses a risk of the army being misused to politically support the authoritarian populist government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a negotiated decolonisation and a steadfast friendship between Félix Houphouët-Boigny and General Charles de Gaulle, Côte d'Ivoire, which had become independent, maintained excellent relations with France, its former colonial power. These close relations allowed it to benefit, within the framework of the Franco-Ivorian cooperation agreements, from French military assistance in setting up its armed forces. With this help, the Ivorian Army and Gendarmerie were thus taking their first steps under France's military leadership. But divergences appeared at certain levels and the question of extra-military tasks or, more precisely, the importance granted to them in the missions of the Ivorian Armed Forces was the subject of heated debates between the two partners. The crux of the issue was the establishment and development of the Ivorian Civic Service, for which Abidjan had turned to Israel in the belief that this would not jeopardise French influence in the Ivorian defence establishment. This article revisits this issue by highlighting the intricacies and challenges in the creation of the Ivorian Civic Service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document titled "Table of Contents" is from the International Journal of Military History & Historiography. It provides a list of articles and books related to various topics in military history. Some of the topics covered include artillery handbooks of the 16th century, US intervention in the Russian Civil War, Mao's version of "Manufacturing Consent," Franco-Ivorian military relations, the militarization of politics in Zimbabwe, and more. The document also includes bibliographical records of books on military strategy, wars, and conflicts from different time periods. [Extracted from the article]

The role of China in the liberation of Africa from colonial rule cannot be down played as I laid a foundation to Africa today. Most African countries were aided by China militarily and ideologically in the fight against Western colonial rule. Though some scholars would suggest that China's contribution was as a result of the hostility that was there in the times of the cold war between the self-acclaimed democrats of the Western bloc and the Communist Eastern bloc. Philosophers like Marx Engel, Karl Marx, Lenin and Mao Zedong had a major influence on the liberation of Africa. The purpose of this paper is to show how the relationship that started as sincere has become a curse for the poor and unconnected Africans. In recent years the Chinese has overtaken the Briton hood Institutes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank as the major lenders of loans to African States. Kwame Nkrumah warned us of the danger of Africa being recolonised in what he termed neo colonialism where the colonisers will come as investors. Neo colonialism is no longer a theory but has become a reality as will be exposed in this article using empirical, qualitative and quantitative research methods to show how a friendship with China has benefited the elite politicians at the cost of citizens affairs. Africa is endowed with natural resources yet it has the poorest population per Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. The paper will show how it is easy for a Chinese to own a business in Africa compared to the native Africans using the case of Shurugwi in Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military organizations are generally defined by a "cult of the offensive." For cyberspace, this gives rise to an empirical puzzle, at least in the United States. What accounts for the early restraint and skepticism about cyber offense publicly expressed by many US military cyber leaders? In this article, I explore the US military's approach to cyberspace as a theory-developing case study. I examine more than a decade of public discourse among senior military leaders about when and how the military should employ cyber force. I argue that, in the formative years of US military cyber organization, the military's predisposition to the offense was challenged by other cultural and institutional influences, especially from the signals intelligence and strategic nuclear communities. Moreover, this influence shaped the public discourse even after US military cyber organizations gained greater autonomy and turned toward more objectively offensive strategies. This suggests implications for theory and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four centuries of precolonial diplomatic, economic, and military African–European relations have been neglected in international relations. Refuting common presumptions about European dominance, before, during, and after the heyday of the Atlantic slave trade, African rulers and merchants were generally in a position of equality or superiority in their relations with Europeans. Contrary to expectations that long-term interaction promotes homogenization via institutional diffusion from core to periphery, Africans generally eschewed European political, economic, and military models such as the Westphalian state, the corporation, and the salaried standing army. Instead, they utilized external opportunities in ways that reinforced evolving local differences, or adopted institutions from the Islamic world; Europeans in Africa were more likely to adopt African models than vice versa. That African polities held out against European dominance longer than larger, richer, and more militarily powerful Asian polities, and that stateless African societies held out longest of all, brings into question fundamental assumptions about survival under international anarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In international arena, there are no permanent friends or foes. This is clearly demonstrated by undulating nature of Pak-Russia relations, which kept on swaying with varying interests of two countries throughout the past century. It was only after 9/11, when Pakistan abandoned Afghan Taliban and became ally of US on war on terror, interests of Pakistan and Russia got converged. As a result of shared threats of terrorism and turning of their old allies to their rivals, the two countries were compelled to improve relations in various sectors particularly, military. The persistent joint exercises and frequent exchange of defense delegations during the past decade is indicator of growing military cooperation of two countries. This paper aims to analyzing the Pak-Russia military relations from the perspective of Regional Security Complex Theory while keeping in view the inherent turbulence in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 French military operation in Mali presented daunting challenges in West Africa. Critical among these are the resurgence of coup d'états and the growing intervention of Russia, which is eclipsing France's credibility in the Sahelian region. In light of the unfolding scenario, this study makes three arguments: First, the failure of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) to combat the jihadi insurgency in the country reignited France's military intervention in Mali in disregard for the Africanised security initiative, which Paris had previously vowed to preserve. Secondly, the study contends that the failure of the French military operations in Mali created a conducive environment for a military coup, a trend that has continued to gain traction in the Sahel. Finally, the paper argues that the growing Russian-linked Wagner forces in Mali, ostensibly to stabilise Mali, fight insurgents in the Sahel, and end 'French neo-colonialism' in West Africa, pose a graver risk to the region. Drawing on qualitative methods sourced through contextual-descriptive reviews, the findings showed that the resurgence of military coups was partly caused by the failure of the African Union/ECOWAS and France to uphold their defence policies in Mali. It concludes that the resurgence of military coups, the failure of AU/ECOWAS and France, as well as the growing influence of Russia, have had devastating effects on democracy, security, and good governance in Mali. It recommends that lines of communication be opened to the Malian junta for the transition to democratic governance and that the AU, ECOWAS, and Western allies deepen their diplomatic ties with allies who are fighting for democracy and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Brazilian Armed Forces are increasingly deployed outside the realm of defence against external threats (in tasks such as peacekeeping, public security, and migration management), military doctrine on Civil-Military Coordination and Cooperation (CIMIC) has emerged as a body of 'technical knowledge' which would support their interactions with various civilian actors. This is expressed in frequent demands by military officers for the development of a 'Brazilian CIMIC doctrine' reflecting both the accumulated knowledge of international partners, such as NATO and the UN, and their own experience in the 'field', as in their recent engagement in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). We argue that the progressive institutionalization of CIMIC military doctrine recently observed in the country reinforces a perspective according to which several domains of action traditionally attributed or led by civilian actors are seen as a legitimate part of the so-called 'mission' of the Brazilian Armed Forces. As a result, political disputes concerning civil-military relations and the role of military organizations outside the realm of external defence are reduced to technical challenges of coordination and cooperation between military officials, civilian state agencies and the Brazilian society. In this article, we discuss this trend by analysing the development of military doctrine on CIMIC within the Brazilian Army, and its connections with their increasing engagement in peacekeeping, public security, and migration management at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Universal History Studies is the property of Sabit Dokuyan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay looks at the activities of the Bavarian, Saxon, and Württemberg military plenipotentiaries stationed at German General Headquarters during the First World War. Prior to unification, Germany's most powerful monarchs signed a series of agreements that created a contingent-based army. Managing relations between the army's contingents thereafter became the responsibility of the military plenipotentiaries. Examining their activities reveals that the wartime German army, despite the centralizing pressures created by a multi-front war of attrition, remained a federal institution in which sub-national interests could at times be marginalized, but never altogether ignored. Germany's military federalism remained alive and well, at least until the empire's "de-crowning" in the autumn of 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study on which this article is based, explored the fundamental question: why do future officers of the armed forces need to receive a university education? In other words, which reasons justify this professional requirement to hold a university degree for candidates to this profession? This fundamental question still deserves attention, despite the broad consensus around the requirement, as this is a condition for recruitment for most Western armed forces, or an integral part of the training and education programme offered to naval and officer cadets attending military academies today. There are seven distinct but somewhat interrelated reasons in support of this professional requirement: complexity of operational theatres or warfare; a new vision of the officer; better-educated officers; the integrated career-long training path for officers; professionals reflecting on their own profession; a mechanism that reinforces the authority and the legitimacy of officers; and for a better understanding of the military-academic complex. This article focuses on generalist officers, and leaves aside the case of specialists, such as medical officers, legal officers or engineers, as these military occupations already have their own specific professional requirements in terms of university education. In addition, the article does not report on the case of officers promoted from the ranks, for whom there is usually no such qualification requirement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reorienting its foreign policy to counter China, the United States must grasp China's ambitions deeply. Understanding the historical roots and driving forces behind Chinese actions is vital. Previous research analyzed the global ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its strategic means to realize them, with a focus on Southeast Asia. It highlighted the CCP's pursuit of hegemony and its use of malign influence, avoiding actions that might provoke a US military response. This second installment of research proposes a revised US strategy, emphasizing partnerships in Southeast Asia to limit China's ability to act against US interests. Relevant to foreign relations experts and military operations, this research advocates for shaping the regional environment to constrain China's power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over the last two decades, summits have gained great importance in developing relations with African countries and they have become useful tools to understand intersecting roadmaps on the continent. China, India, Japan, the United States, European countries and Russia conducted various summits and business forums targeting to develop their political, economic and military relations with Africa. In this vein, FOCAC (Forum on China–Africa Cooperation), European Union–Africa Business and Investment Summits, Japan's Africa Development Summits and Russia–Africa Summit provide some details of these powers' Africa policy. Turkey has also emerged as a new actor and summit organizer in Africa since it opened a new page for Africa in its foreign policy in 2005. After being a strategic partner to the African Union in 2008, Turkey has conducted three Turkey–Africa summits, Istanbul (2008), Malabo (2014) and Istanbul (2021), to form its roadmap in Africa. This work aims to analyse the role of Africa–Turkey summits in the development of Turkey's Africa policy and its relationship with African countries. The paper looks at all declarations comprehensively to evaluate Turkey's foreign policy discourse on Africa. Moreover, it examines Turkey's Africa policy implementations and achievements on the continent through the lens of summits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper historicises the diplomatic and economic relations of Southern Rhodesia and Zambia between 1963 and 1973. While there has been comprehensive scholarship delineating the relations between, for instance, Zimbabwe and South Africa over the years, neighbouring Zambia has hitherto been given little attention by historians. Where the relations of Zimbabwe and Zambia have been examined, this has been in the context of political and military connections between Zambia's United National Independence Party-led government and the Zimbabwean liberation movements the Zimbabwe African National Union and the Zimbabwe African People's Union. In terms of Zambia–Rhodesia economic and diplomatic interactions, much has been written on how Zambia fared against the backdrop of Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence and the sanctions that followed, from the point of view of Zambia. We shift the focus because there is very little scholarship on the Rhodesian point of view, particularly its relations with Zambia in the period covered by this article. Using archival sources, newspapers and secondary literature, we contend that until the closure of the Rhodesia–Zambia border, the connection between the two countries was characterised by a cautious partnership marked by both covert and overt hostility, which escalated to an outright breakdown of border relations in 1973. Essentially, economic diplomacy became a critical tool deployed by Rhodesia towards Zambia to survive times of financial challenges precipitated by sanctions imposed by Britain and the United Nations, as well as the context of wars of liberation waged in Rhodesia since 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Nadkarni's theoretical framework, this study argues that Türkiye has been unable to raise its relations with Indonesia to the level of strategic partnership. This study examines the reasons for this in two separate layers: First, as a rising middle power, Indonesia is a country where the role of the leader in the foreign policymaking process is relatively in- fluential. This situation shows that Turkish policymakers should take into consideration the leaders' foreign policy orientations in their relations with Indonesia. Secondly, Turkish decision-makers need to carefully analyze internal factors such as culture and domestic politics when developing relations with middle-power countries. In this context, although this study finds that military and commercial relations between Türkiye and Indonesia have reached a significant level, it argues that this is still not sufficient for a strategic partnership. Finally, this study suggests that Indonesia and Türkiye should build their relations by thoroughly considering the internal dynamics in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the experience of other countries, in the current context of regional security, the enhanced relations with NATO, and the status of candidate country for EU membership, the Republic of Moldova has to pay increased attention to its security and defence. It includes not only increasing budget allocations for the defence sector, professionalizing the armed forces or participating with troops alongside other European countries in various theatres of operations, but also ensuring institutional transparency and rigorous implementation of EU standards of civilian democratic control over the armed forces. The effectiveness of democratic civilian control will contribute to enhancing national security and will bring the Republic of Moldova closer to the European community. This article briefly discusses the evolution of democratic civilian control over the armed forces of the Republic of Moldova from a theoretical and practical point of view and sets up some recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]