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Giorgio Agamben claims that the aggressive coronavirus response in Italy turned the nation's entire population into formless bare life, which was cast out from meaningful human existence through a sovereign exception. This widely criticised argument appears to stem from Agamben's radical reinterpretation of biopolitics, a concept popularised by Michel Foucault. Although Agamben is often considered as the second most famous authority on the topic, some have begun to question whether his reinterpretation can operate within the framework set by his predecessor who defines the notion primarily through its life affirming and optimising effects. This has led to an unclear and contested definition of biopolitics, which hinders the notion's usage as an analytical tool. Agamben's statements on the pandemic must face similar scrutiny. According to him, life was not optimised during the pandemic. Therefore, Agamben's critique on the coronavirus response has little to do with the Foucauldian notion of biopolitics, which offers a much sounder way of analysing the Covid crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Here I introduce the transsecular concept for the development of a politics of literature in a syncretic, transsecular society. If literature, as per Jacques Rancière (literature as a contradictory discourse in La Parole muette: Essai sur les contradictions de la littérature) and Michel Foucault (madness as principle of social partition in Folie, langage, littérature, 2019) is a laboratory of experiences that makes it possible to think outside of binary logic, through non-dialectic contradiction, which does not transform the dual into the univocal. Then, the transsecular approach aims to articulate these identity differences based on a principle of "hospitable" reading, a transsecular hermeneutics, which is in the very origin of the texts that form literary traditions. This hospitable principle of reading proposes a hermeneutics of literary texts as ethics of the care of the self. The transsecular approach is thus based on a synctretic hermeneutics of texts of both secular and religious origin, which live alongside and set different cultural traditions to dialog with each other, following the model of literature that is by nature really transtextual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to better understand the authorial figure of Vladislav Vančura by reconstructing the critical and literary-historical image conveyed to us by the reception of the writer during his lifetime, starting with the writer’s first short story collections and finishing with his Obrazy z dějin národa českého (‘Images from the history of the Czech nation’). Loosely following on the theoretical bases of previous discussions, which in various ways conceptualize the effect of the ‘name of the author’ in relation to his work (Foucault, Bourdieu, Russian formalism, Mukařovský), this study examines Vančura’s literary output through the lens of its author (as a constructed figure and category), especially in terms of the author function as it serves to form this output into a unified whole. It deals with changes in the name of the author mainly in relation to Vančura’s reception. During the interwar period the critical reception captured the creative phenomenon of the writer in the course of his development, at a moment when his extreme style and language caused numerous controversies which grew into open polemics. While these revolved primarily around the issue of aesthetics (in the case of Pole orná a válečná and Poslední soud), they involved broader worldview and ideological issues (as with the novel Tři řeky). Vančura’s persistent search for a narrative form repeatedly compelled critics and interpreters of his time to reassess the criteria and critical standards for literature. This study traces the transformations of the author’s image in this context all through his life as it assumed countless ‘faces’, subverting the traditional assumption of coherence in Vančura’s literary output that the concept of the author was meant to guarantee, and thus demonstrating — given the failure of this concept to bring about such coherence — how it is necessary to look instead for those places of incoherence, contradiction, and disparity. To this end, the study does not seek to cover the history of Vančura’s reception in all its facets but to trace those significant moments when the image of the author and his work was transformed, challenging unequivocal interpretations and defying the interpretative stereotypes and schemes into which it has so often been confined.

This essay stages an encounter between Michel Foucault and Franz Rosenzweig by juxtaposing their parallel observations on the continuity between history and war. While Foucault analyzes the strategies organizing seventeenth-century historical writing about the Norman conquest of England and the Frankish invasion of Gaul, Rosenzweig opposes the warlike progress of Christian history to the eternal peace of Jewish time. Through this comparison, the essay reevaluates the terms governing well-known debates about Jewish history and Jewish memory. It asks what role the concept of "war" has played in the emergence of modern Jewish historicism and the so-called Jewish return to history. The essay concludes by submitting the Israelite conquest of Canaan as a supplement to Foucault's examples and as a critical index of the bellicose grammar underwriting the representation of Jewish history as a field of struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the work of Colombian philosopher Édgar Garavito and his relationship with Michel Foucault. Garavito uses Foucault's tools and concepts to develop his own concept of "transcursivity". Although Garavito relates to and pays homage to Foucault, he also distances himself from him, leading to an external relationship. The article also explores the influence of French thought, especially Gilles Deleuze, on Garavito's work. [Extracted from the article]

This essay explores how Jubilate Agno responds to a situation analogous to trauma and mania—although its coordinates are as much historical and linguistic as psychological—in which poetic self-presentation is so thwarted as to verge on aphasia. Smart's poem circumvents social and other curtailments of speech by finding undeveloped expressive powers in language and the semiotic process: a mode of representation that Smart called "sound reasoning." Hartman traces this sound reasoning through key sequences on language in Jubilate Agno , showing how it turns coprolalia and other dysphemic utterances into euphasia, or perpetual praising. His argument locates Smart's breakthrough in relation to eighteenth-century and more recent literary and critical developments, especially thought about linguistic "purity." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coeditors of this Festschrift sent three questions to a number of Jack Amariglio's interlocutors to explore the circumstances in which their paths have crossed with Jack's and how that encounter has influenced them. In this exchange, P.W. Zuidhof provides an oral history of Amariglio's encounters and engagements with Arjo Klamer's circle in the Netherlands and beyond and an assessment of the impact (if not on economics, on his own trajectory) of Amariglio's work on the postmodern moments as an imminent critique of modern discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims to go through the point-by-point reading grid that Richard Rorty proposes to Michel Foucault in "Moral identity and private autonomy" (1992), a perspective that we will integrate/place in a triple evaluation register. The first coordinate considers a particular context and a set of specific readings within which Richard Rorty refers to Michel Foucault. The second layer brings to attention, according to Antonio Negri ("When and How I Read Foucault?", 2016), different ways of reading Foucault using Negri's pathways, seen as tributaries to the main targeted questions - when and how?, which we will also apply to Rorty's reading, thus formulating the meanings of his hypostasis/status as a Foucault reader. The third targeted element will consider Rorty's reading as a continued topic-debate, the act of reading Foucault becoming a multiple(icating) formula, subordinated to the reading-the-reading primacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1961, Jane Jacobs's The Death and Life of American Cities placed the urban street at the center of "an immense laboratory of trial and error, failure and success, in city building and design" (Jacobs 6). This laboratory, however, was under attack from urban planners like Lewis Mumford and Le Corbusier, who would attempt to replace Jacobs's public street with the cookie-cutter monotony of the master-planned community. Five years later, Elizabeth Bishop's poem "Under the Window: Ouro Prêto" portrayed Brazil's disorderly streets as captivating scenes of public life, one viewed from a tourist's privileged position looking down on it through the poem's titular window. Robert Pinsky would render a street from his New Jersey childhood in much less sentimental terms in his poem "The Street" twenty years later, wherein an unnamed man in "pyjamas" on "The Street" finds public humiliation, outed as a cuckold on the Rockwell Avenue of Pinsky's childhood. With their descriptions of exotic streetscapes, both Bishop and Pinsky's poems reinforce the point that public streets can serve as nodes for healthy communities as Jane Jacobs argued, but they also argue that streets thus conceived are under threat from car-centered development and Foucault's skepticism of surveillance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universum is the property of Instituto de Estudios Humanisticos Juan Ignacio Molina, Universidad de Talca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What is the future of the university? Many have attempted to unpack what emerging technologies, political pressures, and social scrutiny can do to the status and innovative capacity of universities. While much of the literature has focused on either documenting innovation over practice in research/teaching techniques, or critical reflections on how university business models and academic labor are under threat, less has been debated on the impacts and processes of such changes from a systemic institutional perspective. This article develops a three-fold social-institutional framework to explore the process, purpose, and positioning of changes in knowledge production. I use the case of the economics discipline to explore how institutional ceremonial values, the policing of knowledge creation, and academic cultures as a hierarchical system of prestige can indicate potential structural change. Existing tensions between instrumental innovations and traditional ceremonial aspects that permeate both the university system and the economics discipline suggest two hypotheses to understand future change: (i) a ceremonial encapsulation of new technologies by old structures, exacerbating existing inequalities and monopolies within expertise positioning; or (ii) the rise of new and inclusive cultures within the principles of epistemic democratization and pluralism, co-existing with a new economic and social model of knowledge [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the complexity of the dream phenomenon across different moments in human cultural history, focusing particularly on Foucault's interpretation of Artemidorus of Daldis' Oneirokritika within the context of his studies on sexuality and the arts of existence. It argues that Foucault's analysis not only sheds light on dream interpretation practices in Antiquity but also provides a critical perspective on how individual representations of sexual dreams reflect social, ethical, and political aspects that are irreducible to both identity and psychological intimacy. Foucault thereby shifts the issue of sexuality towards a way of life, opening up an intriguing space for the philosophical problematization of a political ontology of dreams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a commonplace the interpretation of Descartes as disinterested in moral issues. This is how Foucault reads him, for whom Modernity meant the separation between the new central subject of knowledge and the now secondary subject of praxis. In this article Descartes' work will be understood as a modern version of the philosophical art of living, where knowing and taking care of oneself are still united by a central axis, free will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical work theorizing the nature of immigration imprisonment in relation to anthropogenically influenced ecological phenomena is in its infancy. Scholars have productively made sense of the modern carceral state's expansion by locating it within the framework of race and neoliberalism, registering the collateral damage essential to Western European whiteness and a neoliberal problematic. These framings of migrant incarceration continue to effectively serve a critical function. However, this essay argues that the historical character of immigration incarceration is in the process of changing in the face of real and imagined Anthropocene impacts. Increasingly, immigration is the result of ecological collapse, and taking race and neoliberalism as primary frameworks for understanding forces subtending the carceral system has become critically restrictive. This essay develops an environmental genealogy from historical references within Michel Foucault's work on the relationship between land enclosures and rise of the prison, in order to establish a larger constellation in which to think the event of immigration incarceration today. The essay places Foucault's work in conversation with the work of prominent ecologist and white nationalist Garrett Hardin, whose concurrent pro-enclosure work on immigration and the environment inaugurated a coercive truth discourse that has come to impact not only ecological disciplines in the natural sciences, the social sciences, and the environmental humanities but also current US immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been an increasing number of scholars who have argued that "religion" is a specifically modern category which first emerged in Western Europe in the seventeenth century and was further developed, and extended to the rest of the world, in the context of colonialism. This, in turn, has led to a discussion of what these studies mean for the study of religion. In this article, I examine an influential answer to this question as it emerges in the work of Kevin Schilbrack, who argues in favour of a critical realist position. I argue, however, that Schilbrack misrepresents the nature of one of the other main theoretical approaches on offer, namely the discursive study of religion. This is a problem because of the relational nature of Schilbrack's project, in that he argues for his own position based on the problems he identifies in other alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this reply to the article "Can Critical Religion Play by Its Own Rules? Why There Must Be More Ways to Be 'Critical' in the Study of Religion" by Galen Watts and Sharday Mosurinjohn (2022), I take exception to the authors' criticisms. I call attention to Watts' and Mosurinjohn's implication that critical religion enables racism, their imaginary construction of a methodological 'school' with rigid 'rules,' and their simplistic dismissal of Foucault's approach to discourse analysis. I then suggest that the suspension of reified categories in Religious Studies opens up promising avenues for theory and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Filip Rasmussen (2024) argues that the discursive study of religion is misunderstood when one assumes that it focuses only on discourse, ignoring material entities and forces. A discursive approach, he proposes, need not deny the existence or the effects of the material world, and so it is not in conflict with, for example, a critical realist approach to social theory that seeks to explain social behavior in terms of material mechanisms. Rasmussen's synthesizing position gives us an opportunity to consider the relationship between the apparently rival theories of the discursive approach and critical realism – and, in particular, the relationship between discourse and the material realities in the world that do not depend on discourse for their existence or powers. My view is that Rasmussen is right and that a discursive approach combined with critical realism gives us the best account of forms of life, like religions, that combine discursive and nondiscursive elements. This paper therefore argues for the coherence of a realist discursive study of religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that Foucault's notion of heterotopia is a useful way to look at the practice of systematic human dissection performed in Alexandria, Egypt in the third century BCE. Foucault's idea provides a novel way to consider why this practice—one not documented in any other time or place within Greek or Roman antiquity, and not officially recorded as a practice again until the 14th century CE with the work of de Liuzzi and da Vigevano—might have occurred when and where it did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La crítica literaria de las décadas del ochenta y noventa en Argentina estuvo marcada por la fuerte presencia de la perspectiva de Michel Foucault, en particular por el modo en que la corriente de los Estudios Culturales leyó y sistematizó su obra. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el lugar del autor francés en la labor crítica de dos figuras fundamentales para el campo literario argentino y latinoamericano: Josefina Ludmer y Beatriz Sarlo. A través de la indagación de algunas de sus producciones durante el periodo mencionado, daremos cuenta de una escena de la recepción de Foucault en la crítica argentina, marcada por diferendos entre ambas firmas en sus concepciones de la literatura, de la política y del Estado. Estas divergencias sostienen la posibilidad de visualizar una polémica velada que gira en torno a ciertas categorías del filósofo francés.

Seeking to contribute to a horizon of critical reconfiguration of Dyonélio Machado's historiography, this article seeks to find in the work Deuses Econômicos(1976) the concern of the characters with the image of itself conveyed in their own correspondence. Through a detailed analysis of the role played by letters in the novel, and the practice that Michel Foucault (1992) called self-writing, one can find indicative elements about how Dyonélio Machado considered his own work of building a literary posterity. It is worth noting that some of the main authors cited by Foucault in his text (such as Seneca) appear cited in Deuses Econômicos, which indicates the relevance of establishing this relationship. We thus return to this text that took ten years of research into classical Antiquity by Dyonélio Machado, suggesting his reflective originality regarding the practices of creating an image of oneself. This critical analysis could offer support for a historiographical investigation into the writer, which differs from conceptions that consider his literary production as a mere unreflective expression of his traumatic memories.

Tourism as a right was officially stated in the Global Code of Ethics for Tourism (1999) and it would be granted normative status once the Framework Convention on Tourism Ethics (2020) is legally binding. As such, the importance of the rights discourse in tourism has been largely acknowledged and its status is increasingly being reinforced. The rights discourse of tourism is particularly important as the world is facing at the Fourth industrial revolution, which can lead to a societal transformation like previous industrial revolutions. However, the position of tourism as a right has still been confronted with an ambivalent conjuncture and it still requires the relevant etudes to provide diverse perspectives for its justification or its discursive construction within a philosophical approach. By applying a Foucauldian discourse analysis for a close reading of international statements and demonstrating the relevance and applicability of biopolitics to the rights discourse in tourism, this article argues that a fuller understanding of the discourses and arguments made regarding a right to tourism is possible through a deeper consideration of biopolitics and that its legitimation needs to take place within the realm of biopolitical production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study criticizes the explanation of the relationship between agent and structure by linking it to the metaphor of ground, which refers to an ontological hierarchy. For at this ontological plane, what has a presence on the ground makes the other thing an epiphenomenon, and constitutes and transforms it absolute. To the extent that struggles and possibilities are ignored, the abstraction has political consequences. The critique of the ontological plane, that is de-grounding, to eliminate these political consequences relies on an ensemble of action. This critique is not simply the replacement of the grounded agent or structure for the action, but the genealogical formation of the ontological plane. The de-grounding is best manifested in Michel Foucault's analysis of power. By defining power as an action and not as a privilege, Foucault offers a clear definition of the genealogical ontological plane and the ensemble of action that constitute things at this plane. From the same ontological perspective, this study explains the agent-structure relation through the concepts of action and contingency. Through this explanation, the agent-structure interaction constitutes an alternative that enables political possibilities and does not limit politics to certain spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the structure of Iranian film that has normalized the image of the “modest” Iranian woman, which has little to no relation to the reality of Iranian women. This power structure includes not only the modesty censorship rules of the Islamic Republic but also international film festivals. Utilizing the concepts of reactive and proactive censorship measures, I argue that censorship not only limits and reacts but also creates the image of the modest woman. Counterintuitively, film festivals play a substantial role in this normalization process. In addition, I contest the popular conceptions of “resistance” when discussing Iranian cinema at foreign film festivals and in academia, arguing that the resistance of films and artists is restricted to the structure that governs them. In addition, I challenge the concept of “Iranian national cinema,” in which film festivals promote a repressive government to oppose another power system; specifically, they reward the image of the Islamic Republic’s ideal woman to oppose popular Hollywood portrayals of women. My objective is not to downplay the value of Iranian cinema but to highlight its flaws and encourage a more critical approach to the international power system regulating Iranian films. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging in the context of American and European art during the 1960s, the term 'site-specific' has been employed to characterize art projects created with a specific location in mind. This departure from traditional artistic expressions within galleries and museums primarily focused on formal considerations, often divorced from the socio-political context of the site. In Iran, where site-specific art has flourished for nearly as long as in America, the concept of 'site' is deeply intertwined with history and heritage. Here, while formal aspects remain relevant, the shape and meaning of art are primarily shaped by the historical significance of the site. By primarily examining the work of Tehran-based artist Pooya Aryanpour, this article explores how Iranian site-specific artists have expanded the boundaries of art by establishing a dialogue between art objects and the rich history and cultural significance of specific sites. This practice has enabled Iranian artists to transcend the constraints of governmental institutions. Above all, site specificity empowers Iranian artists to facilitate intimate dialogues between art objects, history, heritage, and the people for whom heritage and cultural identity matter, further enriching the connection between art and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I develop a critique of the forms of differential vulnerability produced by biopolitical technologies of power which became particularly salient during the COVID-19 pandemic. First, I address some conceptual and methodological questions linked to Foucault's work on biopolitics, and I argue that one of his most promising insights is the claim that biopolitics necessarily entails a politics of differential vulnerability. I then develop an immanent critique of this politics of differential vulnerability and show that it should be construed as a form of injustice. Finally, I argue that some of the most fundamental human rights can be conceived as 'biopolitical rights', that is, as rights whose normativity stems from the biopolitical mechanisms of power that manage our biological lives. I conclude by suggesting that a critical theory of biopolitical rights constitutes an effective strategic response to the current injustices created – before, during and after the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic – by the biopolitical production of the differential exposure of citizens to health, social and environmental risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional account of socialist planning proposes that annual plans were sets of imperative requirements that kept the economic actors from planning for themselves and doomed them to inefficiency. This article claims that planning was an intricate mechanism of negotiations between economic, political and social actors, mediated and regulated, but never actually subdued by the communist party based on an analysis of the Bulgarian 1963 reforms, largely neglected by the historians. Furthermore, the conventional account claims that the 1960's economic reforms intended to repair the socialist economies by supplementing planning with market elements, such as profit and credit, yet the reforms were compromised by the political elite. This article claims that, on the contrary, the reforms intended to repair the socialist economic system by inscribing mechanisms of horizontal bargaining in its very core, irreducible to the vertical bargaining described by Janos Kornai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This close examination will reveal profound differences but also common characteristics between Derrida, Barthes and Foucault on the concept of the death of the author. All of these theorists want to free the semantic process from the authorities who are supposed to give it the final word, and they highlight the role of intertextuality. However, whereas in Barthes and Foucault’s accounts it arises from purely literary or discursive considerations, where death is an inescapable fact of the literariness of specific discursive occurrences, in Derrida’s work it has broader implications, where it is identified with the process of différance, and where it becomes the death of each speaking subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses two primary tensions that currently beset medieval history. The first concerns a contentious debate within the field regarding the relative merits of two interpretative approaches: that which seeks to situate the Middle Ages within a narrative of continuity wherein aspects of the medieval bear some relationship of familiarity with the present and that which accords a radical alterity to the past that instigates moments of historical rupture. The second tension concerns the fraught relationship between history as a site of knowledge production with some proximity to engaging and producing truth and history as constructed, wherein its purported object of study, the past, is not an ontological fact but a cultural artifact. In this instance, what we witness is less a debate among scholars within history than an amorphic anxiety about history. This article makes a case for engaging the radical alterity that confronts the historian of the Middle Ages. It does so, however, cognizant of an ontological impasse: if alterity is attentive to difference, a difference that resists translation into modern knowledge regimes, then what does it mean to engage it historically—that is, through a temporal structure that would have been foreign to the very period of study? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After taking part in an art therapy experiment in 1943, Antonin Artaud started to include in his writings passages of an invented language that he connected to the tradition of glossolalia. I argue that the polyglottic dimension of this glossolalic practice is essential. After expounding the relationship of glossolalia to linguistic diversity, I will demonstrate how Artaud's glossolalia conveys the poet's linguistic experience. More specifically, I will emphasize the importance of the Raramuri rituals, which Artaud witnessed in Mexico in 1936, for the definition of his glossolalic practice. The Raramuri vision of an embodied and performed therapy inspired the poet to reclaim his agency in the process of art therapy. Artaud's glossolalia corresponds to an art performance thought as such a therapy. This practice attempts to rebuild Babel, to simultaneously refound language and body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Partindo da análise foucaultiana acerca da parresía (em seu aspecto geral e sobretudo nos âmbitos socrático, epicurista, estoico e cínico), esse artigo levanta hipóteses de como tal prática ao ser executada por crianças dentro das escolas, pode fazer com que essas se constituam como sujeitos plurais e tolerantes a ponto de ali, deixarem de praticar violências entre si. Tais conjecturas se dão em meio a possíveis relações cotidianas que essas pequenas possuem mutuamente nesses aparatos – dado que os investimentos escolares (do dispositivo de infantilidade) as fazem visualizar a vida de um modo que, também, permite a efetivação da violência.

Recent calls to “defund the police” have seen a plethora of movements decry state funds allocated to the police and ask that those funds be placed elsewhere. In this article, we return to Michel Foucault to analyze how calls for rebalancing budgets away from the police force and towards social projects both rely on political categories established in Foucault's work and encapsulates an aporia that emerges through them. Locating shifts towards the carceral in the context of European modernity, Foucault suggests that policing moves away from the spectacular torture and punishment of sovereign and state and towards technologies of power that proliferate across the social body. Here, we suggest that in this movement between sovereignty and power emerges a central tension that Foucault is incapable of resolving—between an exteriorized sovereignty (death) that necessarily appears at the extreme limits of power (life)—which threatens to destabilize the domain of power altogether. Race—as it appears in the European frame and reaching a zenith in Nazi Germany—encapsulates Foucault’s attempted mitigation. If anything, this exacerbates the problem by rendering the terms of inclusion in the domain of power (of making life live) incoherent. To see why, we go on to show how freedom from racial slavery—as space of incapacity—is the conduit through which entry is possible into the differentiated power that supposedly limits the social. But as such, the slave precisely indexes the aporia for Foucault that cannot be sutured. The implications of this can be seen in the calls to defund the police insofar as it implicitly repeats Foucault’s shift from police to social power.

RESUMO: O presente artigo resulta de um estudo que tem como objetivo caracterizar uma neociência ubuesca. Para tanto, se vale de investigar práticas discursivas situadas em regiões de cientificidade que, diante de soluções imaginárias, permitem pensar numa neociência que agrega a imaginação e o humor ubuescos, se ocupa com a vida e a morte e produz verdades que constituem modos de vida. Tais elementos se entrecruzam ao poder ubuesco, referido por Michel Foucault na obra Os Anormais (1974-1975). Para a análise dessas práticas adotamos como procedimento metodológico a arquivização, conforme Julio Groppa Aquino. A partir da aproximação do pensamento foucaultiano com a literatura de Alfred Jarry, especialmente em suas criações Pai Ubu e ‘Patafísica - a ciência de soluções imaginárias -, caracterizamos uma neociência ubuesca.

In this article, I argue that the infamous discussions around “overcoming modernity” that occurred in Japan in 1942 shared Michel Foucault’s conceptual conflation between humanism and modernism. That is, these discussions were not only declarations—in line with other postcolonial struggles of the time—against the dominance of the West politically and culturally. Philosophically, the programme of overcoming modernity can be understood as a set of discourses on anti-humanism that, in some ways, foreshadow those we find in Europe two decades later. In the case of the Kyoto School, the anti-humanist standpoint arose quite naturally from the particular philosophical history of Japan, combined with the fact that the philosophers in this school were close readers of Nietzsche and Heidegger, anti-humanists avant la lettre. For Sakaguchi Ango, whose ideas were very much opposed to the Kyoto School, a critique of the human was developed from his enthusiastic embrace of Jean-Paul Sartre. Ultimately, I argue, we need both the Kyoto School and Sakaguchi in order to understand the theoretical foundation for the various forms of critical non-humanism we find in contemporary Japanese art, philosophy, and culture.

O presente texto tem como objetivo compreender a relação do homo oeconomicus e o paradigma imunitário. O tema é problematizado a partir do pressuposto do paradigma da imunização com os elementos do homo oeconomicus. No intuito de compreender, utilizou-se como fundamentação teórica, os pensamentos de Roberto Esposito e Michel Foucault. Por essa razão, tem-se como problema de pesquisa: em que medida o paradigma da imunização em Roberto Esposito relaciona-se com o homo oeconomicus em Michel Foucault? Em relação aos objetivos, tem-se: o geral, em compreender a problemática. Enquanto, os objetivos específicos são: (1) Identificar o conceito dos elementos da biopolítica em Michel Foucault; (2) Analisar o paradigma da imunização em Roberto Esposito; (3) Discutir a relação do homo oeconomicus de Foucault com os elementos da imunização em Esposito. Sendo assim, a pesquisa, constitui-se como uma revisão bibliográfica, articulada com os principais livros dos autores do referencial teórico: de Roberto Esposito, temos “Communitas” (1998), “Immunitas” (2002) e "Bios'' (2004). Além disso, de Michel Foucault: “Segurança, Território e População” (2008) e “Nascimento da Biopolítica” (2004). Espera-se como resultado a relação do homo oeconomicus com os elementos do paradigma imunitário, nesse caso, com o direito como imunidade e uma biopolítica afirmativa.

Literary texts, in connection with the social conditions of their time, also show the complex relations of power. In Naser Khosrow's poems, the existing discourses in the society are represented in a way that mainly shows the poet's resistance against the construction of the power of the Sunni government of Ghaznavid religion. Nasser Khosrow's greatest intellectual challenges are the critique of power (hegemony, domination) and the political and religious discourses of the Ghaznavid era. Based on his religious and linguistic knowledge, the poet challenges the discourse hegemony of Ghaznavid rule. According to the poet, the structure of government in that period is a combination of political and religious authority and the way of exercising power is done by political interpretation of religion and knowledge of Shafi'i jurisprudence in order to legitimize the government. Nasser Khosrow, as a Shiite poet, tries to delegitimize the political rule of his time in the form of his poems. The issue of the present article is how Naser Khosrow reacts to the dominant Ghaznavid discourse in his poems and how his religious beliefs are crystallized in the construction of the discourse of legitimacy and reproduction? The method of the present study is Michel Foucault's discourse of power and modern historiography. The result of the research shows that Naser Khosrow's discourse in order to delegitimize the political and social system of his time, shows the conflict of power discourse between Sunni and Shiite political jurisprudence.

In some point of view, neither Michel Foucault nor Ibn Khaldun are considered philosophers in the conventional classifications, but both are very important in intellectual and, of course, in philosophical contexts, especially for those who are interested in the deep study of human life from the perspective of political thought.The main concern of two thinkers, one in the 14th century, the other in the 20th century, is the issue of power, although neither of them provided a precise definition of it. In this article, an attempt has been made to show the place of power and domination in the political thought of both thinkers by examining the thoughts of two thinkers. And in search of an answer to this question, how did Asabiyyah and industry of religion in Ibn Khaldun's thought and social control through self-technology and discipline in Foucault's thought lead to the expansion of the domination of power? This article is written by analytically comparing the opinions of two thinkers based on Ibn Khaldun's most important book called Muqaddimah and Foucault's late works