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Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo presenta un análisis de los discursos producidos por Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015) cada 2 de abril durante sus mandatos presidenciales de Argentina, en ocasión del Día de los Caídos y Veteranos de la Guerra de Malvinas (1982). Adoptando el análisis del discurso como práctica interpretativa (Arnoux “Análisis del discurso como campo académico,” Análisis del discurso. Modos de abordar materiales de archivo), se estudian distintos aspectos de la materialidad lingüística que exponen distancias interpretativas sobre la guerra. Específicamente, el análisis se organiza en cuatro ejes: la configuración del adversario, el tipo de emociones desplegadas, la consideración de la guerra como causa nacional o causa dictatorial y la representación de los combatientes. Comparar los discursos de ambxs líderes a partir de estas dimensiones permitirá comprender cómo la memoria de Malvinas se configura discursivamente desde posiciones políticas e ideológicas no exentas de tensiones. This paper aims to analyze the commemorative speeches produced by former Argentine presidents Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015) each April 2nd, the Day of the Fallens and Veterans of the Malvinas War (1982). By adopting Discourse Analysis as an interpretative practice (Arnoux, “Análisis del discurso como campo académico,” Análisis del discurso. Modos de abordar materiales de archivo), we study different aspects of the linguistic materiality that uncover interpretative gaps about the War. We especially focus on five axes: the configuration of the adversary, the kind of emotions, the understanding of war as a national or a dictatorial cause, and the representation of combatants. Comparing the discourses of both leaders by taking these axes into account allows us to understand how the memory about Malvinas is discursively configured from a political and ideological position, not without tension.

The Malvinas War was an armed and declared conflict between Argentina and Great Britain (United Kingdom) for the possession of the so-called Malvinas Islands (Falklands, in English) located in the South Atlantic, resulting in the British victory and the beginning of a very more rooted in Argentine society: the conflict generated by different constructions of memory about the war. Veterans and family associations are the places of memories where the most participatory people emerge in the debate about the representations of such a war. César Horácio González Trejo, a civilian veteran of the war, opted to join an association of relatives of soldiers killed in the war instead of a veterans' association. His views on the war differed in many ways from other civilian veterans like himself. I addressed these factors in the interview, when analyzing the construction of Trejo's memory on certain aspects of the war, such as its legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end of the war between Argentina and England in the South Atlantic on June 14, 1982, the demalvinization process began during Reynaldo Bignone’s dictatorial rule. This process found justification in the need to slowly and systematically promote the reestablishment of the bilateral relations between the Argentine and the British States, laying the foundations to determine the real and effective conditions to the cessation of hostilities and guaranteeing the system of economic and financial british interests in the region. This was materialized in the Madrid I and II Agreements, signed by Argentina and the United Kingdom, between October 1989 and February 1990, during the presidency of Carlos Menem and with Domingo Cavallo as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and in the law 24,184 as well. In the following article, we propose to examine the Madrid Agreements in detail, dealing with the document called “Joint Declaration of the delegations of Argentina and the United Kingdom” and the law 24,184, with the purpose of revealing the political and economic consequences of them for the sovereignty of our country [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forty years after the Malvinas War, when the novel Los pichiciegos was written, the present text proposes a rereading of this fundamental contribution to the post-dictatorship literature in Argentina. The corrosion of the premises of nationality stands out in Fogwill's novel, and thus the war, depicted, without any judgement of value or trace of epic, becomes delegitimized as a heroic national feat. In this way, the question arises how that statement, that of the Pichis, determines the space and how it contradicts to other stories of the (war) space. By means of the invention of a deserter’s voice, an entire world emerges, the vocabulary becomes dislocated and there is a redefinition of language that makes the implicit, the supplementary, the postponed appear, that until then remained unsaid, such as the "flights of death". One of the proposals of this work is to grasp the sound of Los pichiciegos, different from "challenge" or "mourning", the two traditions or matrixes of our culture that appeared always we wanted to write down the passions of the homeland (Ludmer, 2000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to analyze the formulation of the Brazilian Foreign Policy in the context of the Malvinas War (1982), focusing on the understanding of the position adopted by the most relevant actors in this process. Thus, the present study seeks to understand the Brazilian diplomatic option for “imperfect neutrality”, as well as to identify and analyze the influence of the actors involved in the process of formulation and implementation of the foreign policy regarding the conflict. It is argued that the Brazilian government acted constrained by the internal conjecture and its historical bilateral relations with Argentina, as well as the centrality of the austral country to the Figueiredo’s government and the peculiar characteristics of the Brazilian Foreign Affairs Ministry. In this sense, the identification of the “decision-making unit” prevalent in structuring the national positioning regarding the Anglo-Argentine dispute under analysis emerges as an important variable for the understanding of the country's position throughout the work.

This paper proposes to address the various temporalities that Lola Arias's biodramatic project on the Malvinas War (the video installation Veterans, the documentary play Minefield and the film Theater of War) brings into play, in relation to the problems associated with temporality that are specific to the narrative of war in general and the Malvinas War in particular. In the first place, each of the works that make up the project is considered as an update of a power (Paolo Virno). Secondly, both the project as a whole and some of its scenes are approached as devices that allow to display what Didi-Huberman calls the fecundity of anachronism. The objective is to think about the novelty that this project introduces in relation to the anachronism that the combatants, designated at the same time as "war boys" and veterans, embody, and which translates into an image in their heads that, in a way of iteration characteristic of the trauma, is neither forgotten nor changed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Diablotexto Digital is the property of Diablotexto Digital and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Diablotexto Digital is the property of Diablotexto Digital and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Diablotexto Digital is the property of Diablotexto Digital and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Diablotexto Digital is the property of Diablotexto Digital and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Diablotexto Digital is the property of Diablotexto Digital and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Malvinas war, far from being a fact of the recent past homogeneously crystallized in that complex called collective memory, is an issue that gets through a whole society and persists in the dispute over meanings. Historically, the school institution has played an essential role in this dispute, building prevailing ties with the national identity in general and with Malvinas Island in particular. However, these relationships and discourses have not been static and homogeneous, but have been modified according to the new schemes, norms and rules of current historical time. In this work we propose to analyze the representations of the Malvinas war scene in this fundamental part of the social structured based on the textbook as an object of study, during the new period inaugurated by the National Education Law (LEN). Starting from the notion of social discourse, we will review the representations of the contenders of the War and how they contribute to signify History.

This article explores how a group of relatives of fallen soldiers of the Malvinas War inhabited death from the immediate aftermath of the conflict to the identification of the bodies in 2017. From a perspective borrowed from the anthropology of death and the body, it discusses how the status of these bodies shaped their relatives' representations of these deaths, understood as holy, heroic and sacrificial and inhabited through the performance of various mourning rituals. Finally, it demonstrates how the prospect of exhumation provoked resistance and fear, due to the unpredictable agency of the 'corporeality of the dead' in social life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Malvinas war from a global perspective, understanding the direction that it took on as intertwined with the international context of the Cold War. To this end, the emphasis is placed on the analysis of the United States policy, first a diplomatic one and then an interventionist one, as an ally of Great Britain. Analyzing the bilateral conversations between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan together with official statements and publications of different US state agencies, it can be seen the way in which the development of the Malvinas war, beyond the regional particularities that triggered it, was inserted within the anti-Soviet logic of the second Cold War. Added to this is a global context of the imposition of neoliberal policies that radicalized the US intervention in Latin America in favor of the imposition of its capitalist imperialist model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Arqueología Histórica Argentina y Latinoamericana is the property of Revista de Arqueologia Historica Argentina y Latinoamericana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the first years of the democratic transition in Argentina, the dennounciations of human rigths violations committed during the military government absorbed the accounts of the Malvinas war and merged, according to Federico Lorenz, the figure of the victims of the dictatorship with that of the veterans. But the urgencies of the human rights movement were not related to the soldiers of Malvinas. Decades later, the humanitarian narrative entered the activist repertoire of the ex combatants. Following Alicia del Campo on the idea that theater and social theatricalities are cultural scenarios where meanings of recent history are fought over, the article analyzes Lola Arias´ Minefield and Theater of war, and a protest of the Comisión de Familiares de Caídos en Malvinas as stages that display tensions around the human rights discourse and the figure of the victim for activism and the memories of the 1982 war.

In the last few years, around the 30th anniversary of the Malvinas War between Argentina and the United Kingdom there was an explosion of cultural productions about the war experience, with various proposals and formats which, besides drama, film, and literature, include TV shows, short-feature films, educational materials, and opera. I will focus on some examples which prove significant when reflecting about the documentary value of bodies, particularly as regards the recent work by Lola Arias (the documentary Teatro de guerra, the play Campo minado, and the video-installation Veteranos), and about the symbolic power of absent bodies, particularly in the opera Aliados, una ópera en tiempo real, by Sebastián Rivas and Esteban Buch, which premiered in Buenos Aires in 2015 directed by Marcelo Lombardero. At the performative boundary between heterogeneous materials, and based on cross-contaminating genres and diverse languages, these works construct a scene that looks back on the war past to bring it to the present. In this context of temporal tension, the presence of the documentary-real, gives rise to a space in which, through bodies (or the absence thereof), History breaks through.

In the city of Córdoba during 1983, the last year of Argentina’s dictatorship, the Association for Development of Visual Experiences (ADEV) made its public appearance during an exhibition in a cultural center. In interviews with some former ADEV members, they agreed that the proposal of Selva Gallegos (one of ADEV members) combined paintings and poetry regarding the recent Malvinas War. This article proposes an exploration of cultural history about that artistic series, some background and the context of its production and dissemination. A hypothesis holds that those paintings and poetry proposed “structures of feelings” and “severe turbulence” to put a strain on the official, heroic and authoritarian memory built by dictatorial authorities around that postwar conflict. Some of the studied variables were a series of Gallego´s early works, individual and group factors that influenced a critical exposition during the dictatorship, artwork traits that reframed artistically the Malvinas War from a Mediterranean city, images and words that became (in)visible.

The return of the Malvinas soldiers after the Argentine defeat in the war was seen as a threat to the Armed Forces. Their testimonies and their own physical and psychological state could contribute to fuel the social indignation and to deepen the discredit of the population about the Military Junta that had provoked a war against Great Britain. Given this, the Armed Forces they designed a plan to hide its own soldiers. The same methodology that had been used during the previous period of clandestine repression – cover-ups, censorship, threats, intelligence operations and media complicity – was implemented after the Argentine surrender in the islands so that the population could not see or receive the soldiers. This work aims to reconstruct how these returns were organized, the strategy of invisibility that the dictatorship developed and the mandate of silence that the ex-combatants themselves were forced to sign once they returned to the continent. The concealment of these returns was thus added to the long list of actions implemented by State terrorism tending to hide their crimes.

Since mid-April to May a mass of adhesions and demonstrations were display to support the “recovery” of national sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands. A variety of events were folded to the "cause", collecting money and other goods to donate them to Patriotic Fund Malvinas Argentinas or deliver to the Third Army Corps. In those moments, solidary accompaniment to soldiers was the objective why society was mobilized. In the following lines we proposed to review and analyze social and cultural actions that emerged around war in the city of Córdoba. A first hypothesis considers that from different spaces, actions were multiplied. Although it had fundraising destiny, they contributed to reconstruct social networks that had been eliminated, sabotaged or controlled by the dictatorial government. The initiative to raise funds for the soldiers promoted various artistic, cultural and social institutions and brought together together people from different social background. We focus on the civil sphere, inquiring about the organizers, the activities and the different meanings that were articulated around these artistic - cultural actions during the days that the conflict lasted.

Este artículo analiza Una puta mierda (2007) de Patricio Pron y Trasfondo (2012) de Patricia Ratto, dos ficciones que abordan la Guerra de Malvinas, librada entre Argentina y Gran Bretaña en 1982. Estas narrativas toman una posición distanciada frente al conflicto al representar una guerra invisible, dislocando las islas geográfica e históricamente y borrándolas de la comprensión temporal y cartográfica de los personajes. Primero, mantengo que la literatura argentina previa desempeñó una función cartográfica. Es decir, al representar la guerra e intervenir en los debates sobre el conflicto, la literatura inscribió sobre las islas una historia continental. Segundo, argumento que, en oposición a sus antecesores literarios, las narrativas analizadas desarticulan dicha inscripción y revelan las islas Malvinas como un territorio que rechaza la imposición del lenguaje, la ubicación cartográfica y la Historia. Esta invisibilidad restaura su estatus como territorio políticamente aislado que rechaza cualquier aspiración histórica nacional o continental. En estas narrativas, la ausencia de debates sobre la guerra y la soberanía de las islas da paso a nuevas preocupaciones estéticas y/o políticas. Las Malvinas de Pron y Ratto se vuelven figuras de aislamiento radical que subvierten el deseo y la asociación continentales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of LLJournal is the property of LLJournal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How the intellectual left was positioned in front of the Malvinas War? What conceptual maps and comprehensive frameworks supported their positioning? Does the core explanatory variable about their dissimilar public postures against the war refer to their differential intellectual and ideological trajectories or to other circumstances? This article seek to explain, describe and analyze the positions of a diverse group of leftist intellectuals that represent different special configurations, ideological belongings and paths, and which have generally not been privileged object of specialized approaches: the review Punto de Vista, intellectual group of the review Testimonio Latinoamericano and Néstor Perlongher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]