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Since its Joint Communication on Hybrid Threats, the EU has publicly recognized the risks to its security posed by non-traditional means aimed at undermining its legitimacy. The propagation of disinformation including misleading political advertising serves as a key example of how the Commission's perception of the EU's vulnerability to hybrid threats in times of geopolitical instability is shaping its regulatory policies. This article uses the framework of regulatory mercantilism, which argues that in conditions of perceived vulnerability, a state-like actor will reassert regulatory control based on a security logic in areas previously characterized by self-regulatory regimes. This article considers the Commission's 2019–2024 priorities, and how the spheres of technology, security, and democracy policies are intersecting as a response to hybrid threats. As a result, online platform governance in the EU is being substantially restructured with a move from systems of self-regulation to co-regulation backed by sanction as a means of combating hybrid threats online. The Commission's "taking back control" from platforms in the context of a digital sovereignty agenda serves as an example of regulatory mercantilism in digital policy, which sees the Commission seek to promote regulatory strength in response to perceived vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to highlight the role of the Jewish merchants of Trieste in the cereal trade in the eighteenth century. In particular, it focuses on analysing how, in the discontinuity in the development mechanisms of the free port of Trieste that occurred in the mid-eighteenth century, they managed to be protagonists in the construction of wider, from a quantitative and qualitative point of view, trade routes and a new geography of the grain trade. Moreover, the cereal trade, and in particular that of Continental and Eastern Europe, was a fundamental element of the further development that at the end of the century made Trieste one of the main Mediterranean trading centres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a review of the book "Adam Smith's System: A Re-Interpretation Inspired by Smith's Lectures on Rhetoric, Game Theory, and Conjectural History" by Andreas Ortmann and Benoît Walraevens. The book offers a new interpretation of Adam Smith's economic thought, focusing on his conception of rhetoric and game theory. The authors argue that Smith's social science can be better understood through the lens of game theory. The book includes chapters on various topics, including Smith's critique of the mercantile system, the role of self-command in moral behavior, and the application of game theory to economic behavior and institutions. While the book provides valuable insights, the reviewer expresses skepticism about some of the interpretations and argues that game theory may not be a comprehensive framework for understanding Smith's thought. [Extracted from the article]

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Copyright of International Economics / Economia Internazionale is the property of Camera di Commercio di Genova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Shortly after William Caxton had established his printer's shop in Westminster, he described himself as a citizen and conjury—the latter a term he seems to have coined in order to describe how seriously he viewed his role and activities as a sworn member of the London Company of Mercers. A generation later, the London Grocer and copyist Richard Hill demonstrated an affinity with the Caxton view on metropolitan citizenship and mercantile values. The survival of a varied collection of Hill's transcriptions in a single manuscript provides a range of evidence to support this conclusion. Across a thirty-year career as copyist, Hill retained an interest in preserving material he had begun transcribing as a London apprentice and young man. As his career progressed, he augmented his collection with songs, carols, and other miscellaneous informational, didactic, and polite reading materials. Such varied texts represented (for Caxton, Hill, and many of their contemporaries) the metropolitan mercantile tastes and values that Hill wished to preserve, as a citizen and conjury in his own right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Prussian industrialization policies implemented by Peter Beuth and Christian Rother from 1820 to 1848 worked as a kind of cameralism in practice. This argument is supported by two main points: first, Beuth, the primary Prussian industrialization promoter, was a cameralist who, having been trained in cameral sciences at university, tried to apply what he was taught to his industrial policy; second, Beuth's and Rother's industrialization policies accorded with the cameralist way of thinking in creating and promoting new manufacturing industries. Their ideologies were especially similar to that of J. H. G. Justi, the epitome of eighteenth-century cameralism. This article tries to challenge the "disordered police state" interpretation of cameralism and argues that, in contrast to such critical assessments, the economic strategy of cameralism could be interpreted as "the ride of Pegasus." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to reflect on some relevant aspects that are part of the emotional dimension in order to understand, from a complex perspective, that framework that is interconnected as a fundamental element for the integral development of the human being. In addition, the existing link between emotion and art will be discussed as a means to express and represent the deepest thoughts and its relationship with educational processes for the accompaniment and support of children and young people in the recognition and regulation of what is feels, bearing in mind the current scenario where the predominance of rationality, instrumentalization and mercantilism have reduced the true meaning of teaching, which leads to facing new challenges in the search for a more humane education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A close study of how the status of trading companies changed after 1688 demonstrates that mercantilist decision-making was a more widespread, more national process than is commonly assumed. English manufacturers and merchants looked to the state to support them in an increasingly global economy. Parliament's position as the key decision-making institution helped turn London into an 'open archive' of pamphlets, petitions and correspondence that became the basis for mercantilist policy. In this chaotic debate between private interests, domestic employment was considered the primary objective of wider English participation in the global economy, and those English producers who could claim to be employing others were valued particularly highly. The role of the wider English nation in shaping the global impact of the state suggests the need for a fuller exploration of the role of mercantilism in early modern global history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traffic on overland routes connecting the Indian subcontinent to the Iranian Plateau and Central Asia increased from the fifteenth to the sixteenth centuries. This led to the formation of strong states in the Kabul-to-Delhi region—namely, the state ruled by the later Lodīs in north India, the embryonic Mughal state in Kabul, and the Arghūn state in Qandahar (1479–1522). This article will especially investigate the latter. Since there is no mercantile archive for this period, I will make use of narrative sources, especially the little-used "court history" of the Arghūns, the Nuṣratnāmā-i Tarkhān (completed circa 1565) in search of political and economic information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we examine the emergence and role of merchants and mercantile society on Late Bronze Age Cyprus. We present various site features that reflect the presence or daily practices of merchants, and we consider objects such as weights, scales, seals, and writing implements, discussing how these may signal links to merchants or mercantile practices. We evaluate the relevant data within two different frameworks: elite conflict and class conflict. Cypriot elites played a fundamental role in establishing the politicoeconomic organization of copper production, and it has been argued that Late Bronze Age Cyprus was made up of autonomous regional polities, with an implicit role for elite conflict. We also assess whether a newly formed merchant class may have come into conflict with the existing elite. We argue that a new economic class--that of the merchant--was in the process of formation throughout the Late Cypriot period (ca. 1650-1100 BCE). Whether this mercantile class emerged from the existing (landed) elite or was constituted by newly powerful actors within Cypriot society, or some combination of the two, forms a key point of discussion.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Eurozone's export-oriented policy regime and pursuit of trade surpluses remains thoroughly puzzling. Rooted in overly strict fiscal policies, inequality and underinvestment; undermining growth and contributing to trade tensions– it defies economic self-interest. This paper develops an analytical framework to confront this puzzle. It argues that these policies are self-harming, but are nonetheless pursued, because of three fallacies that obscure the cost-benefit calculus attached to them. These fallacies are rooted in the empirical problem of observational equivalence: the same observed surplus can be driven by different underlying processes, and its net benefit will depend on our assumptions about these drivers. The first fallacy is mistaking external enablers for domestic competitiveness—interpreting export success to be linked to domestic reform, when it was largely explained by better links to faster growing trading partners. The second fallacy is mistaking weak imports for strong exports—interpreting surpluses as 'winning', even when they are not driven by superior exports but sluggish imports. The third fallacy is mismeasuring multinational firms' contributions to national exports—interpreting profit shifting and assets stashed in low tax jurisdictions as export performance. Germany and Ireland, as paradigmatic 'success cases of austerity', are used to expand the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bengal occupies a special position in the history of Indian journalism as the journey of the first English newspaper and, after that, the first vernacular newspaper, started from here. The country had the tradition of writing newsletters, but newspapers were a European import. Unlike other means of communication, newspapers were free from direct government control and they flourished mostly as private endeavours. This apparent independence was often undermined by the indirect influence exerted by the state which was run by a mercantile company in the first half of the nineteenth century. The present paper probes to seek the reasons behind the late arrival of newspapers in Bengal/India, then their negotiations with the state power and finally their reincarnation in the hands of the socio-religious reformers of the Bengali bhadralok section. The Bengali press burgeoned under the patronage of this group, which can be closely linked with the bhadralok's intent of appropriating and communicating knowledge. To fulfil this aim, they also established different Sabhas or associations and brought out newspapers as the mouthpiece of those organisations. These Sabhas and the newspapers associated with them worked together in establishing the locations of knowledge production and its dissemination; thus, influencing public debates in the first half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the development of highly patterned 'African print' textiles known as Dutch Wax print, which bring together designs from Indonesian batik, Indian ornamental protocols and West African chromatics with European fabric finishing techniques (often transferred from paper-making), is also the story of how Dutch mercantilism shaped commodities and taste across continents and cultures. I combine a symptomatic reading of the archives and design work at the Helmond headquarters of Vlisco, the most prestigious producer of Dutch wax, with an investigation into the relationship between mercantilism, religious wars and ornamentalism in the Low Countries. A thanatal, hallucinatory transoceanic design history emerges, attesting to Europe's fraught relationship to African and Asian material culture. It asks us to read the textiles on which design coagulates as the very ground for the (re)ordered inscription of violence, guilt, trauma and material excess which the disorderly cornucopia of the design archive keeps generating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adam Smith sees religion both as having a useful and a dangerous role. People create gods to explain what they do not understand and appease their desire of justice when human justice is perceived to fail. These are socially useful functions of religion. But when religion is used as a political tool and is used for state capture purposes, then it becomes a dangerous and destructive force in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Iberian Journal of the History of Economic Thought is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII is the property of Instituto Feijoo de Estudios del Siglo XVIII (Universidad de Oviedo) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII is the property of Instituto Feijoo de Estudios del Siglo XVIII (Universidad de Oviedo) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mercantilism and cameralism are important approaches that play a role in the development of the modern state. Mercantilism aims to protect individual interests and tends to increase foreign trade. It cares about economic welfare. It showed its effect in Western European countries until the Industrial Revolution. Cameralism is a state science with a broader perspective than mercantilism. Centralizing the power of monarchical bureaucracy by increasing social welfare is the main feature of cameralist policies. Cameralism continued its influence after the Industrial Revolution and considered the public interest more than mercantilist policies. Individual welfare and interest are considered as a result of the effective activities of the management. Monarchic power supported stability in state administration and strong public finances. The aim of this study is that although it has economic directions in common with mercantilism, cameralism should not be seen as a political branch of mercantilism. Although there is a cause-and-effect relationship between mercantilism and cameralism, cameralism emerged for political purposes. The most important reason for the development of cameralism is the aim of providing national unity and integrity. In this respect, it differs from the mercantilist theory, which is based entirely on economic power and interests. In cameralism, a bureaucratic and status quo approach that focuses on the solution of administrative problems seems to be dominant. In the study, a literature review was used by using document analysis, one of the qualitative research methods. The findings obtained as a result of the literature review support the study problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ecología Política is the property of Fundacio ENT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 18th century, the doctrine of mercantilism-cameralism penetrated Russia and became the basis for the concept of state accounting, which was implemented in the Admiralty Regulation (1722), the first Russian accounting law. The Admiralty Regulation is a unique testimony to the earliest experience of the adoption of economic ideology and Western accounting style in Russia. It brought to Russian accounting an understanding of the importance of accounting procedures, budgeting and state control. The aim of this study is to show how the economic doctrine of the time influenced accounting, while also investigating whether accounting can serve as a gauge of the success of the doctrine and reform in general. Another research question is what it means for Russian accounting that the first accounting rules were developed for military purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the historical perspective and the Structural Approach, an empirical proof of the globalization of Communication through the concentration and diversification of capital is provided. It starts from the case of the Televisa group (Mexico) to understand wider areas of the Western world. There are no barriers to the free circulation of large capital, Communication is no exception, it is a part of a business macrostructure together with other productive sectors. The union between the «old» mercantile system and the new one, derived from technology and other fields, is obvious. It is the world power structure that stands as prevalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Finance Letters / Maliye Finans Yazıları Dergisi is the property of Maliye Finans Yazilari Yayimcilik Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article was to identify and assess the financial situation of naturally valuable rural communes in Poland, set against the background of other rural communes and the entire country. The empirical material of the article concerns the whole of Poland, as well as all its rural communes. The figures concerning the years 2019-2021 were retrieved from the Local Data Bank of the Central Statistical Office in Warsaw. The collected and structured empirical material was developed in a descriptive, tabular, and graphic form, using a comparative analysis. Furthermore, all diagnostic characteristics were presented as a score, illustrating the financial situation of naturally valuable rural municipalities in Poland compared to other rural municipalities as well as the entire country for 2019-2021. This was an innovative approach to the discussed research problem. The analysis of statistical data confirmed the research hypothesis that the local governments of naturally valuable rural communes in Poland use the resources of the natural environment and successfully cope with existing difficulties related to the need to protect nature. Thus, they achieve similar economic and financial results to other rural communes in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A quasi-scientific interest in hair loss and hair care originated in a London barbershop, and became known as trichology, with the Institute of Trichologists being founded. Other corporations successively followed, offering paid courses by home-study for training of initiates who desire more knowledge about hair. Trichologists are not medically qualified but are taught the practice of care and treatment of the hair and scalp in health and disease within their restricted but specialized role. With the advent of opportunities in the social media, and of epiluminiscence microscopy, a procedure practiced by the guild of trichologists long before its nominal introduction as trichoscopy into dermatologic practice, representatives of the medical profession are following the example of the trichologists in offering online courses, though with a better understanding of clinical-pathological correlations based on their academic learning. Despite the enthusiasm emerging with its establishment as a dermatologic tool in the diagnosis of hair and scalp disorders, caution is warranted not to elevate trichoscopy to something like a fetish status. As a diagnostic procedure, trichoscopy is to be understood as representing an integral part of a comprehensive dermatological examination. The Hippocratic Oath is one of the oldest binding documents in history, allegedly still held sacred by physicians: to treat the ill to the best of one's ability, to preserve a patient's privacy, and to teach the secrets of medicine to the next generation without fee. And yet, as in no other field of medicine, paid online courses on trichoscopy are flourishing and with a primary commercial aim. However, dermato-trichology, or trichiatry require the same due diligence as any other medical discipline, with respect to its practice and its ethics. Medical artistry is neither reducible to a single hand-held diagnostic technique nor is it negotiable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, we have been able to observe the emergence and mainstreaming of an EU discourse on digital sovereignty, which highlights the importance of gaining back control of EU digital infrastructure and technological production, based on the EU's perceived loss of economic competitiveness, limited capacity to innovate, high degree of dependence on foreign digital infrastructures and service providers and, related to all these factors, difficulty in providing EU citizens with a high level of cybersecurity. Bearing in mind that a considerable percentage of these infrastructures and service providers are under private sector control, the present article asks how this sovereignty discourse conceptualises the role of the private sector in EU cybersecurity. Drawing from a Regulatory Capitalism theoretical model, this article proposes that the EU has instead entered a Regulatory Mercantilist phase where it seeks to reassert its control over cyberspace, impose digital borders, accumulate data wealth and reduce its dependence on external private sector actors whose values may not reflect those of the EU order. A new approach to cybersecurity is emerging, in which the non-EU private sector can be perceived as much of a threat as foreign powers, and from whom digital sovereignty must be secured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of non-Northern capitals within the corporate food system is a matter of increasing debate within food regime literature. This article intervenes on this discussion by proposing that the Arab Gulf states are a new capital within the corporate food system. It argues that the emphasis on the role of the state, which has drawn definitions of mercantilism, has led to the exceptional and reifying treatment of this entrant. As a result, this analytical focus has obfuscated the manner that new capitals such as the Gulf states have acted as a force of continuity, as well as change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work of Jesús López Pacheco (1930-1997) has always been conscious of the environment surrounding its characters. It will be, however, in the last work of his lifetime, Ecólogas y Urbanas: Manual para evitar un fin de siglo siniestro (1996), where this concern is manifested in all its splendor. This neologism (which combines "eclogue" and "ecology") hides a lyrical activism that goes from personal to collective experience, and tries to bring us back to sustainability as a paradigm for subsistence in the third millennium. From an ecological materialist perspective of North American origin, it analyzes human relations with other animal species, the critique of savage economic mercantilism and the environmental degradation of urban landscapes. Therefore, showing a sharp sense of humour linked with vis poietica, a possible postpastoral scenario is drawn, tinged with hope, as the only solution to humanity in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how far existing work on the Indian Ocean has focused on aspects like sovereignty and maritime law in the western Indian Ocean and argues for more research in this field. The conduct of shipping in the western Indian Ocean took a drastic shift during the period from 1700 to 1900 when an organised admiralty law was drafted in India, indicating that the role played by the British in this process cannot be disregarded. Highlighting the struggle between various European powers for supremacy over maritime trade and commerce in the Indian Ocean by analysing the available sources, this article identifies numerous gaps in studies of the Indian Ocean, which need further scholarly exploration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Razón Crítica is the property of La Fundacion Universidad de Bogota Jorge Tadeo Lozano and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of External Economic Bulletin / Külgazdaság is the property of KOPINT Konjunktura Kutatasi Alapitvany and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay revisits Michael Oakeshott's classic critique of rationalism in politics and shows how it is relevant for his understanding of a specific notion of freedom which he associated with the English political tradition. Oakeshott was clear that English freedom must be understood contextually since it was not the same as German Freiheit or French liberté, both of which were related to ideological, purpose-oriented politics, including enlightened despotism, German Cameralism, French philosophes, fascism and socialism. By contrast, the English experience had revealed an economical method of government known as "the rule of law," which Oakeshott defined as "the enforcement by prescribed methods of settled rules binding alike on governors and governed." English freedom was thus characterized by a procedural way of approaching politics and an absence of overwhelming concentrations of power. By connecting Oakeshott's essays collected sixty years ago as Rationalism in Politics (1962) with his other works, we can see that the English tradition of freedom was related not only to the ways in which he understood the Whig, libertarian and conservative political traditions, but also to his famous notion of civil association (societas) as theorized in his magnum opus, On Human Conduct (1975). This essay argues in conclusion that Oakeshott's understanding of civil association and his criticisms of rationalism can just as easily be applied to the modern right as the modern left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mercantile expeditions organized by Lima's commercial and political elite who traded with the Philippines and China during times of notable silver production in Potosí are studied from the last two decades of the sixteenth century until 1604. This analysis emphasizes the roles in this trade of the viceroys of New Spain, Perú, and the governors of the Philippine islands such as Francisco Tello de Guzmán. Case studies are undertaken of the networks built by Limenian neighbors Juan de Segura and Diego Núñez de Campoverde. This paper ends with an analysis of the merchandise coming from the East destined for Lima, Potosí, Sucre, and La Paz. Research for this article has been conducted in the General Archive of the Indies (Sevilla, Spain), the Peruvian General Archive, México City's General Notary Archive, and the Bolivia's Nationals Archive and Library. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to answer the question of how liberal or realistic the world viewpoint is in the energy policies that the EU has developed against Russia since 2009. The energy policies of the EU cover mechanisms that are too complex to be explained merely with a neoliberal or neorealistic orientation. In this context, the main hypothesis of the present study is based on the viewpoint that the concept best explaining the energy policies adopted by the EU against Russia is liberal mercantilism. In general, the foreign policy of the EU towards Russia is shaped within the framework of neoliberal tendencies. However, it is also possible to argue that the EU does not approach the energy security problem completely neoliberally. In fact, when the EU is creating its energy policies towards Russia, it does not ignore the economic power elements on the mercantilist/realist basis. In the paper, liberal mercantilist approaches implemented by the EU towards Russia are explained with the concepts of regulatory and economic power. In EU energy policy context, while regulatory power means the liberal essence of liberal mercantilistic strategy, economic power reflects realistic face of this strategy. The effect of the liberal mercantilist approach in the EU's energy policy has started to show itself more clearly as of 2009. In this context, it has been emphasized in relevant study that Third Energy Package, which was accepted and came into force in 2009, pointed to an important transformation in the energy policies of EU against Russia. Since that date, even tough EU energy policy protected its liberal essence, it noticeably began to contain realist power elements. It has been stated that both the unbundling of services and ''destination clauses'' in the relevant energy package of EU, as well as the measures taken by EU against Russian geopolitical moves regarding South Stream Natural Pipeline Project in 2012, were regulatory power practises, which prevent monopolization in EU energy market from liberal point of view. However, it has been also stated that ''Gazprom Clause'' in the energy package and other initiatives such as NABUCCO Project, Southern Gas Corridor and Energy Union, which were initiated later, are political and geopolitical moves of EU against Russia on the basis of economic power. Although the energy relations of the actors became worse, the EU paid maximum attention not to securitize the EU-Russia relations over the energy problem. The elements of regulatory power and economic power were used together in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extraordinary mission of Lord Fauconberg to some of the Italian states in 1669–1671 took place at a pivotal moment in early modern diplomatic relations, and is a most evocative case-study of the relationship between Restoration England and Europe in the last decades of the seventeenth century. This article will provide a close analysis of the mission and its protagonists, aiming to re-evaluate English diplomacy through cross-referencing English and Italian documentary evidence, but with a special attention to the Italian side of the story. By analysing how the Republic of Venice and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany—the major Italian trade partners of England––perceived and interpreted English trade policy, it provides an original analysis of Caroline diplomacy and trade in the early Restoration era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essential problem in presenting the history of economic thought is following its formal periodization in an attempt to present the development of economic theory in the form of an evolutionary, internally logical process, where each new school absorbs the achievements of the previous, solves problems unresolved by its predecessors, understands the practical benefits of the proposed schools. These are the requirements of the methodology and norms of the established scientific tradition, modeled since the time and work of many researchers. In recent times, everything is different and we must admit that the diversity of economic scientific schools that exist today can confuse any researcher if he tries to stubbornly adhere to traditional approaches to presentation, without corrections. The recent history of economic thought, formalized in the diverse works of scholars, many of whom have not yet succeeded in entering universally recognized scientific schools, is the most complex subject of scientific analysis. Realizing this we will make a brief overview of the situation, trying to answer some important questions for us - what is the economic science for the XXI century, what are its goals, what approaches are missing in its basics, how to use its achievements in work and how to explain to the audience news in the economic policy of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eighteenth-century Physiocrats are widely considered to be precursors to classical economics, the French ninteenth-century Economistes, and contemporary free-market economics. They advocated free trade against mercantilism, and natural law against despotism. Although the Physiocrats also contributed to Walras and modern economic engineering, they fit squarely within the French (and world) liberal tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a scene near the beginning of Chaucer’s Shipman’s Tale, a maid child stands as silent witness to a conversation between a wife and a monk within the garden of a wealthy French merchant. By using her as an observer to the scene in the garden, Chaucer, perhaps for the first time in English literature, employs the gaze of a child to highlight the narrative of experience. In this article I explore the maid child as a sign of Chaucer’s experiments with perspective. Since Chaucer probably first wrote the Shipman’s Tale with the Wife of Bath as narrator, the maid child looks forward to the old hag in the Wife of Bath’s Tale. In placing or keeping her in the tale, Chaucer anticipates modernist experiments with perception, looking forward to Henry James, whose What Maisie Knew describes the gaze of another child upon the unsavory bartering of an adult world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Slavistična Revija is the property of Slavisticno Drustvo Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Adam Smith recognized that slavery, despite its economic disadvantages, was the rule rather than the exception in the eighteenth-century commercial society. How did he explain the massive employment of enslaved Africans in the American and Caribbean colonies? Several scholars have been highlighting that Smith attributed the persistence of slavery to an almost natural inclination of humanity toward tyranny and dominion. However, the mere reference to the love of domination is not enough to fully answer the question above. This paper addresses another feature of Adam Smith's account of Atlantic slavery: the relation between the love of domination and the mercantile policies regulating colonial trade. We conclude that Smith saw the extraordinary profitability arising from such policies as an enabling condition to the massive employment of slave labor in the sugar and tobacco colonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]