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Activities that hazard the possibility of increased scrutiny are an unavoidable reality for many firms. While managers may face the need to engage in these activities, there is little research on when managers decide to do so. Existing theoretical perspectives on status quo deviations have not sufficiently addressed how managers order the firm’s essential activities that differ primarily in terms of the scrutiny those activities engender. Drawing from concepts in the accounting and political science literatures, we advance a “scrutiny-bundling” perspective that suggests that firms engage in scrutiny-hazarding action in the wake of social disapproval, assessed in this study via negative media coverage. We further theorize that a strong linkage between the focus of media coverage and the specific scrutiny-hazarding action exacerbates this relationship. We then contend that managers at firms that are either large in size or that perform well relative to their aspirations are less sensitive to social disapproval, and are therefore less likely to engage in scrutiny bundling. We test our hypotheses on a sample of 100 firms in the upstream petroleum industry and find general support for our theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes an empirical approach to Turkey's perceptions of China's proposal to build a Community of a Shared Future for Mankind and begin the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by examining data from Turkey's mainstream media, think-tanks, academic and business fields, and social media sources. The findings demonstrate that, despite Turkey's geological position, the degree of concern for a Community of a Shared Future and the BRI is not high enough. There are positive and negative evaluations. The positive evaluation is mainly related to the importance of BRI with regard to Turkey's economy, business, infrastructure construction and the national rejuvenation, while the negative side is about China's aim, cultural security and the disputes between the two countries. To deal with such cognitive differences, China needs to boost the publicity of the initiative and form a better understanding about Turkish domestic needs. China and Turkey should also seek to strengthen people-to-people ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using several theories, including Information Integration Theory (IIT), Integrated Information Response Model (IIRM), confirmation effect, and contrast theory, this study investigates the combined effects of advertising and publicity under the varied conditions of exposure sequence, publicity valence, and product attribute consistency. Results obtained through a 2 (sequence: ad then publicity versus publicity then ad) × 2 (attribute variation: same attribute versus different attribute) × 2 (valence of publicity: positive versus negative) within-subjects factorial design show that advertising coupled with positive publicity induces confirmation effects regardless of sequence and attribute consistency, whereas negative publicity combined with advertising mostly produces contrast effects, with mixed results depending on the sequence and attribute consistency. Findings and implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing literature identifies nonofficial media as a tool for rulers to gather information from below. We argue that such media also help identify threats among elites. Motivated by profit, partially free media tend to cover politicians who challenge implicit norms of the regime. These political elites are perceived as threats to the power-sharing status quo, which leads peers to sanction them. We test this argument with evidence from the Chinese Communist Party's intraparty elections of alternate Central Committee members in 2012 and 2007. With Bayesian rank likelihood models, we find that candidates who appeared more frequently in various partially free media received fewer votes from the Party Congress delegates, and this pattern is robust after accounting for a series of alternative explanations. Detailed case studies also show that low-ranked candidates have more partially free media coverage because they broke party norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author describes the challenge of determining the duration of cumulative advertising effects. Koyck's econometric model of advertising and sales is described as the tool employed by the author. The topic of competitor's advertising is noted as one unconsidered variable. Peles' study from an earlier article is evaluated and discussed for its shortcomings. Additional topics of discussion include the distributive lag model, duration intervals and competitive advertising. The variables which are most important and considerations for reaching an accurate and representative number are noted.

A field experiment tested the effect of exposure to messages, added to over-the-counters drug ads, which urged that package warnings be read. Combining concrete contextual language and a visual action demonstration produced a short-term increase in package inspections and in tendencies to read instore warning signs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TV news is a visual medium that requires its on-air journalists to look good, but a history of lawsuits and survey research suggests that this burden is spread unevenly. Critics charge that women are expected to look younger and sexier, and minority broadcasters are held to a White standard of beauty. This project investigated the reality behind those complaints by examining the faces of on-air journalists working for local stations in the US according to race, gender, and attractiveness. The resulting content analysis of more than 400 online publicity photos suggests that a certain look dominates for men and for women and that the range of appearance standards is wider for men than women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When examining media effects on voting intentions, scholars of political communication have either focused on visibility- or tonality-based effects. Our study compares these effect models, asking whether the explanations are complementary or competitive; it goes beyond previous studies by considering interactions between media cues and voters’ attitudes. We draw on panel survey data from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) that is combined with content analysis data of the main evening news broadcast in Germany. Findings show that visibility- and tonality-based effects are similar in potency, but tone-based effects are more contingent on attitudes toward parties and candidates. Both types of cues can backfire: higher visibility and more positive tonality can have negative effects on some attitude groups, which is in part moderated by the expectations about government coalitions. We find that visibility and tonality are rather complementary cues that both influence voting behavior. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the historical aspects of American jurisprudence and the nation's mass media in relation to the claim that criminal attorneys need to work to protect due process from hostile publicity as of 2017, and it mentions freedom of the press in the U.S. and influences on American criminal justice administration. The publicity of American legal trials is examined, along with Dr. Sam Sheppard's murder trial in the 1950s and the venue-related case Irvin v. Dowd.

To what extent is a diverse news media environment good for activists who seek attention for their cause? Scholars agree that activist groups depend on the media to reach policymakers and bystanders. Yet prior scholars have overlooked how factors that contribute to media environment diversity—including journalistic norms, market structures, outlets’ partisanship, and audiences’ news consumption habits—can have contradictory implications for activist groups. Disaggregating questions of gaining publicity from questions of the message and reach of coverage, this article shows that while pluralistic media environments are more accessible to activists, more homogeneous media environments help groups that manage to break into the mainstream news reach wider audiences with more coherent narratives. These findings challenge common assumptions about the news media in Japan and Korea. A paired comparison of hepatitis C-related activism in both countries demonstrates how the forces democratizing access to the media are paradoxically reducing the persuasive potential of publicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today’s increasingly mediated Chinese societies, non-government organizations (NGOs) play significant roles in civil society. This article examines the publicity strategies and media logic used by environmental NGOs (ENGOs) in advancing their normative aims and advocacy operations. In-depth interviews with four different kinds of ENGOs showed that divergent philosophies of publicity and normative aims – whether focused largely on approaching policy-makers, lobbying entrepreneurs, or attracting and educating mass audiences – shape campaign styles that are operationalized as campaign discourses, communication strategies, and audience orientations, as well as the management of the relationship to the state. This article proposes that the diverse and stratified publicity strategies used by ENGOs are effective in strengthening their ability to develop environmental campaigns and conduct advocacy work. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The notion of a "public sphere" has been widely discussed in the anthropology of Islam and, as elsewhere, criticized for its normative assumptions. Focusing on how actors redefine the scope of their actions in (media) networks of Moroccan trance brotherhoods, in this paper I explore how adepts and skeptics of trance relate to and compete with each other in generating, negotiating, and shunning publicity for their practices and "issues of concern." In order to take media practices that aim to "make things public" as a point of departure, attention is drawn to "ritual boundary objects" that help to mediate between different viewpoints and enable ritual cooperation across sites. Without such boundary objects, the use of new media and the collapse of carefully distinguished spheres of action are likely to lead to scandals and the violent drawing of boundaries. I argue for a concept of "graduated publics" that makes it possible to rethink Eurocentric imaginaries of unified public or counterpublic spheres and challenges their binary conceptions of public and private realms. The focus on situated mediation practices makes it possible to zoomin on the modalities and materialities of circulation and uptake that expand or delimit publicity for different "issues" in different locales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses over media reporting and researching in Migration hotspots and ethical issues from carteret island. A pilot study was conducted to measure the best way to engage with the communities and individuals in the region of Papua New Guinea. The pilot study comprised of many questions about frequent interviewing and media publicity. The results of the study raised several questions related to the protection of interests of the participants and commonalities between media and research ethics..

In this article, I discuss the phenomenon of celebrity reality television and explore its function for those participating in it. Drawing on the success of their non-celebrity counterparts, programmes such asCelebrity Big Brother, I’m a Celebrity… Get Me Out of HereandDancing With the Starshave become popular globally and, although arguably no longer at their peak, continue to attract large audiences and significant amounts of publicity. In the article I discuss the role these shows can serve for celebrities at different levels of their careers. I argue that reality television appeals in different ways to celebrities at different points in the fame ‘cycle’: ‘ordinary’ people or ‘pre-celebrities’ seeking to become known through it; proto-celebrities who wish to expand their fame; celebrities engaged in the work of promotion for their other endeavours; celebrities who wish to remake their existing star image through using reality television as a rehabilitative strategy or an opportunity to develop new skills; and those whose careers are in a period of ‘post-celebrity’ who seek to renew their fame. I explore how a successful reality show cast is one that combines celebrities who are at a range of points in the fame cycle as the interactions between the cast members and their debates about fame and hierarchy prove a key attraction for audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influence of public relations (PR) on media content has been shown to be substantial, and research indicates that it is growing through new media practices. However, the interrelationship between journalism and PR remains obscured by paradoxical discourses and stereotypes such as “spin doctors.” This article identifies gaps in the literature and current understandings, and reports findings from in-depth interviews with senior editors, journalists, and PR practitioners in several countries that provide new insights into how the fields of practice interact which not only debunk some myths but also expose a need for improved transparency and standards to ensure ethical media practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses current opinions on the image of public relations among the adult population in Poland. The study is based on the results of nationwide research conducted at the initiative of the author by GfK Polonia in March 2014. The results of this survey were compared with similar survey that used the same method back in 2005. The author points out the deterioration of PR’s image within Polish society in the last decade and further indicates why public relations in Poland is mainly associated with non-ethical techniques of advertising and propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the importance of the media and the considerable literature on media logic and the mediatisation of politicians, there is very little research on effects of - as conceptualised here - commercialised media attention on network performance. To address this lacuna, the article draws on a survey of project managers involved in complex spatial projects in the four largest cities in The Netherlands (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The Hague) and managers from two consultancy firms involved in similar projects (n=141). Quantitative analysis shows that perception of commercialised media attention has negative effects on network performance but that these effects are reduced considerably by network management activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with analysing potential negative effects of mediatisation of university governance in Germany. Among others, mediatisation reflects a change in expectations on how higher education institutions (HEI) should relate to the public. We start with an exploration of two sets of developments that spawned this change of expectations. On the one hand, the policy idea of a trend to a knowledge society affected what public contributions are expected of HEI. On the other hand, reforms to decentralise HEI-governance compelled universities to orient themselves more directly towards the demands of external stakeholder. Both developments reinforce each other, both are associated with extended needs for actor intermediation, and for consolidating means of orientation. Since performance figures and competition solely allow for a partial mapping of society's demands and needs, HEI and state administrators alike can be expected to make additional use of the public discourse to evaluate comparatively a multitude of demands and expectations. This results in what we call a model of mediatised university governance. Since the media discourse on higher education is strongly biased towards news values, this type of governance bears a potential for unintended side effects. In the second part of the paper, two empirical illustrations of side effects are discussed. First, the role of media attention in accidentally reinforcing a reputational mismatch of teaching and research is investigated. For a second case, we focus on an overstretching of the information value of media-effective rankings for decision making. The cases draw upon survey data, semi-standardised expert-interviews and content analysis of news media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical discourse analysis of media debate over social sex selection in the Australian media from 2008 to 2014. This period coincides with a review of the National Health and Medical Research Council'sEthical Guidelines on the Use of Assisted Reproductive Technology in Clinical Practice and Research(2007), which underlie the regulation of assisted reproductive clinics and practice in Australia. I examine the discussion of the ethics of pre-implatation genetic diagnosis (PGD) within the media as ‘ethical publicity’ to the lay public. Sex selection through PGD is both exemplary of and interconnected with a range of debates in Australia about the legitimacy of certain reproductive choices and the extent to which procreative liberties should be restricted. Major themes emerging from media reports on PGD sex selection in Australia are described. These include: the spectre of science out of control; ramifications for the contestation over the public funding of abortion in Australia; private choices versus public authorities regulating reproduction; and the ethics of travelling overseas for the technology. It is concluded that within Australia, the issue of PGD sex selection is framed in terms of questions of individual freedom against the principle of sex discrimination – a principle enshrined in legislation – and a commitment to publically-funded medical care. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the relationship between U.S. media outlets and the U.S. Office of War Information during World War II, focusing on the efforts of the U.S. Naval Women's Reserve public relations officers to incorporate positive war messages in the media. Other topics include the development of a media booklet with themes and important dates, information on the messages used in mass-market publications, and how the messages varied depending on the perceived audience.

Since the promulgation of "the Regulations on Open Government Information", the information publicity work of Chinese government at all levels has made great progresses through practice. In recent years, the publicity of government information through micro blog is attracting more and more attention of scholars. This article analyzes the micro blogs of @Guangdong Politicsc & Law Committee and related administration from October to December in 2012 and points out that Open Government Information of @Guangdong Politics & Law Committee and related Administration is a combination of static and dynamic information and has an obvious feature of the administration it belongs to the governmental information publicity on micro blog mainly depends on mass media; during the process of crisis communication the micro blog became an information platform of communicating access to the public and mass media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the impact of the legislation Title V of the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 on the system of U.S. Congress. Topics discussed include role of the act in prohibiting the officials of Congress for the publicity of intelligence activities on media, impact of the publicity of activities on national security and laws made for the regulation of intelligence leaks.

The article presents edited reprints of editorials by deceased British journalist Geoffrey Goodman, which appeared in the autumn 1989, spring 1999, and September 2009 issues of "British Journalism Review" (BJR). Topics include Goodman's reflections about British journalism, BJR's 10th anniversary in 1999, and comments on the changes to journalism and the media with the growing use of the internet in the first decade of the 21st century.

This communication provides an approach to the communication management and public relations in the region of L'Horta de Valencia. In the study, the municipality communication is addressed from two perspectives: the analysis of municipal communication offices and appraisal of its effectiveness in the management of the relations with the media. Analysing the models of the communication offices, their structures, processes, methodology and tactics can lay the foundations of the municipal communication management knowledge in the region of L'Horta. Additionally, this analysis stresses the sphere of the relations with the media by dealing with the importance of this area and by assessing their effectiveness in terms of publicity generated in the media. Concerning the objectives of the research a combined qualitative and quantitative methodology has been applied: on the one hand, people in charge of the communication municipal offices under study were interviewed in-depth, and on the other hand the methodology of evaluation in public relations has been used, concretely, the evaluation method to the message exposure (coverage and analysis of the content of information in press). In relation to the content analysis, categorical analysis and evaluative analysis (the direction and intensity) were applied. Moreover, a stratified sample of municipalities (7 cases) has been selected representing municipalities of different population sizes and belonging to different subcomarcas of L'Horta de Valencia. The analysis of the news generated in the press covers a period from January to June 2011 in regional newspapers (Levante and Las Provincias) and national newspapers (El Mundo and El País). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the production of visual affect generated by film advertisements as they circulated widely through magazines in the 1960s when film publicity depended largely on billboards, posters and printed advertisements. The film advertisement catered to diverse film publics depending on the readership associated with specific magazines. The article focuses specifically on a collection of film advertisements published in English language magazines like Filmfare, Blitz, The Illustrated Weekly, Star and Style and Filmworld. These advertisements became part of a vast reservoir of visual culture that spilled out of magazine pages, catering to an order of perception that was quite different from that of posters or billboards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Supreme Court Japanese court case A&B v. Kobunsha K.K. Heisei, which dealt with publicity rights for public figures. Topics include the use of injunctions to prevent the publication of intrusive photographs or information, the awarding of damages for the violation of publicity rights, and a public figure's right to privacy.

In 1900, the Encyclopedia Britannica requested an original, previously unpublished portrait from Kaiser Wilhelm II for its forthcoming edition. The German emperor denied the request, instead advising the British publishers to find an existing photograph on the open market. A few years later, when a Berlin-based association for hunting dogs needed a cover shot for its journal, the Kaiser gladly sat for the picture. From a twenty-first-century perspective, Wilhelm's choice seems a bizarre case of misplaced priorities: the Kaiser took care to position himself among the hounds, but left his encyclopedia image in the hands of foreign publishers. Was this gaffe an example of what Wilhelm II's grandson, Louis Ferdinand, later criticized as the Kaiser's “deficient” sense of public relations, his feeling that “the imperial family stands high above the need to worry about publicity”? In England, mused the royal heir, “publicity is taken much more seriously”—after all, as early as the 1860s, Queen Victoria had courted public support by publishing her family portraits and private diaries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study explores the relationship between the president, public opinion, and the media in regard to drug abuse policy in America from 1969 through 2004. The theory of presidential influence over public opinion is used to test the hypothesis that presidents influence public opinion of drug abuse. Using vector auto regression time-series analysis, the study finds that while presidents do not appear to influence the public directly, they influence the media which influences public opinion. These findings are different from previous findings regarding crime control policy, but are similar to past findings for drug policy. Reasons for these findings are discussed and future research proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties have substantial influence on which issues the news media cover during election campaigns, while the media have limited influence on party agendas. However, we know little about why some parties are more successful than others in passing the media’s gates and being covered on sponsored issues. On the basis of content analyses of election news coverage (812 news stories) and press releases published by political parties (N = 334) during the 2007 national election campaign in Denmark, we analyse which parties were successful in appearing in the news on issues on which they published press releases. Using Sartori’s notion of relevant parties, we conclude that the more relevant parties have more success, that there is a positive spillover effect from other parties’ press releases, but also a negative interaction effect between a party’s own and other parties’ press releases. The results are discussed with respect to their generalizability and arising challenges for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article provides a new perspective on why the quantity and tone of media coverage vary between groups of politicians. The analysis makes three key distinctions: first, between the volume of reporting and its tendency; second, between attention-seeking politicians and blame-avoiding politicians; and third, between attention due to characteristics of media outlets and those of politicians. These distinctions, along with a comprehensive dataset and a multilevel analysis approach, comprise the building blocks of an empirical analysis of press coverage devoted to Norwegian parliamentarians between 2001 and 2005. The results suggest that politicians who appear regularly in the newspapers, such as party leaders and long-serving MPs, face a greater amount of negative media coverage than those who do not. Female MPs receive less, but more positive, coverage. Reporting by the tabloids is more negative than that of other newspapers, especially with regard to party leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]