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Thie mass media have focused on reporting more on issues of war than on peace. Hence, peace journalism emerges as a narrative option that contributes to the peaceful resolution of conflicts, in a context where truth, rigorous reporting and social responsibility of information are essential. Despite its importance, peace journalism is a subfield scarcely explored in the Spanish-speaking literature. Thlis article, carried out with documentary and bibliometric review techniques, contributes to this field of knowledge with an analysis of the genesis and development of peace journalism. Methodologically, 10 reference books and 133 articles on peace journalism were reviewed in Scopus, which allowed a balance of their contributions, criticisms and conceptual evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores Marshall McLuhan's argument in War and Peace in the Global Village that 'the first television war' of Vietnam was staged in a new technological 'medium' that reduced viewers' capacity for critical distance, blurred divisions between civilians and soldiers, undercutting the war's domestic legitimacy and painfully shattering the 'old image' of national identity. Considering postcolonial critiques of McLuhan's reliance on ethnopsychiatrist, J.C. Carothers, I explore the critical potential of his textual citations of Fanon, Joyce's Finnegans Wake, J.K. Galbraith, and the satirical hoax, Report from Iron Mountain, and of Quentin Fiore's graphic designs. Extending McLuhan's arguments to the US military's 2003 Iraq war media embedding programme, I argue that although they sought to avoid the uncontrolled media reporting of Vietnam, the war planners were nevertheless subject to the same destabilising 'invisible environments of technological innovation'. McLuhan's discussion of the ways technological innovation destabilises identities and promotes a violent quest to recover 'old images' of personal and national identity thus suggests that post-Vietnam war planners may have drastically overestimated the power of metaphorical and narrative framing when applied to media spectacle of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Journalists play an important role in the formation of public opinion and can therefore be regarded as influential actors in conflict resolution. In Colombia, where the peace process remains a highly debated issue, the media are assumed to fuel polarization instead of dialogue. Indeed, deep societal divisions have been unveiled during last year's plebiscite. In this environment, the concept of Peace Journalism has gained popularity among journalists, as it may promote a more nuanced debate. Against this backdrop, this study explores the role perceptions of Colombian journalists and their compatibility with the premises of Peace Journalism. To provide in-depth insights into journalists' role conceptions, 16 semi-structured interviews with Colombian journalists were conducted. The results indicate that journalists hold a very active stance and want to influence and engage the public with their work, closely identifying with the role of the public mobilizer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aman ki Asha is a joint initiative of the two leading media groups of India and Pakistan, The Times of India and the Jang Group of publications, which uses media cooperation for promoting people-to-people contacts and building peace. This is a unique initiative because in the history of peacebuilding, never before the mainstream media houses of conflicting communities are involved in such a peace initiative. Generally local media is seen inflaming the fires of conflict by following the nationalistic lines and portraying one sided picture of the conflict. After its launch in 2010, within few years Aman ki Asha emerged as one of the most successful peace initiatives between India and Pakistan but then suddenly in 2014 it became dormant when Jang group came under attack from the Pakistani military establishment and bilateral India-Pakistan relations worsened under Modi government in India. In this paper an attempt is made to provide a holistic story of Aman ki Asha covering its rise and decline. Moreover, the role played by Aman ki Asha in building peace between India and Pakistan at the top level, the middle range level and the grassroots levels is studied, and its current status is determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of the news media in violent conflicts is a topic that has received a great deal of scholarly attention especially in the field of political communication. A major issue that has emerged in recent years asks about whether the advent of the digital age has led to any significant changes in the role the media play in such confrontations. In this article, the author focuses on two research questions that seem especially important. The first asks: Has the advent of the digital age had any impact on how political leaders view the ability of weaker antagonists to compete politically with the more powerful side in asymmetrical conflicts? The second asks: To what extent do political leaders involved in violent conflicts think that the changes associated with the digital age have led to the media playing a more positive or negative role in attempts at peace and reconciliation. The author tries to provide some initial answers to these questions based on 30 interviews with Israeli and Palestinian political leaders. In answer to the first research question, he did find some convincing evidence that the digital age has improved the ability of weaker challengers to compete with their more powerful antagonists. The spread of camera phones and the inability of the authorities to keep secrets help explain this change. The answer to the second research question is also fairly clear. If the political leaders interviewed are to be believed, the advent of the digital age represents a tremendous boon for spreading hatred and intolerance. Revealingly, this is an area where almost total agreement among both Israeli and Palestinian leaders was found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on Galtung’s concept of peace/war journalism, this exploratory work attempts to advance an empirical method to develop a survey instrument for a reliable and valid assessment of journalists’ attitudes toward peace/war performance. The authors propose a measurement index of conflict reporting which combines several practices linked to peace/war journalism. The usefulness of the approach is then demonstrated by quantitative and qualitative evidence from a pilot study based on a survey of worldwide members of The Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting. Benefits of the approach and implications for future peace/war survey research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The news coverage of the Turkish and Syrian jet planes that were hit by Turkey’s and Syria’s armies is being researched in Turkish newspapers. Stories about the Turkish jet that was hit by the Syrian army in June 2012 and the Syrian jet that was hit by Turkish army in March 2014 have been analysed as a peace journalism model. This study utilizes framing analysis to examine how Turkish newspapers covered two events (jet planes) and identify what frames ‘they’ tend to use. The general tendency of the Turkish press is towards accusation, blame and the creation of suspicion of the ‘other’ side. In this study, we find that the Turkish press is strongly affected by ownership structure, political pressure, regulations, mainstream news values and market conditions. All these factors determine journalists’ usage of dominant frames on their front pages in conflict situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze and compare the peace process between Pakistan and India in the News, Daily Dawn and the Times of India considering Aman ki Asha. It also investigates whether the government policies of India and Pakistan have any effect on the print media coverage of the issue and policies of selected newspapers regarding Aman ki Asha. Content analysis has been employed as method of investigation. Framing and agenda setting theory give the theoretical underpinning to the research finding which illustrates It has been concluded that Print media of both countries is playing positive role to build peaceful relations between the two countries whereas the print media of Pakistan gives more coverage to Aman ki Asha in this regard. It is also concluded that the government policies of India and Pakistan have an effect on the print media coverage of the peace process to some extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Violations of human rights in the context of a conflict have in recent years received an increasing amount of attention from the international media. Yet how such media attention influences conflict remains understudied and, a priori, uncertain. On the one hand, media coverage of human rights abuses may constitute “naming and shaming” that might temper hostilities. On the other hand, such coverage might spark intransigence and complicate negotiations among conflicting parties, thereby hindering rather than hastening peace. This article tries to adjudicate among these and other possibilities by exploring how media reporting on human rights abuses influences the development of conflicts. The analysis reveals that such reporting is associated with shorter conflicts and negotiated agreements between fighting parties. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The following article describes the role of the written press of Chile and Peru in the development of some conflictive relations between these countries. The analysis indicates that there are three discursive strategies to legitimize mutual rejection, such as the negative representation of otherness, the exaltation of competition for economic success, and the promotion of national identity based on the values attributed to the military of the Pacific War. The conclusions propose two measures to transform these discourses: the development of social publicity campaigns and the creation of a code of ethics that establishes recommendations for appropriate journalistic treatment of the relations between these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fourth Estate role of the media in a democracy is to inform its citizens and to be a forum for debate about political issues so that the citizenry is able to make informed decisions about the role its government plays. New Zealand portrays itself as a leading democracy in the Pacific, but how much do New Zealanders know about what is happening among the country's neighbours? This article is an exploratory study on media coverage of four countries in Melanesia which have experienced conflict, to assess the degree to which a peace/conflict journalism approach as opposed to a war/ violence journalism approach is used. A content analysis of Radio New Zealand's Morning Report programme was conducted between June and July 2012 to assess the reporting on the four Melanesian countries: Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. According to Pilger (2011) war journalism is reporting on what those in power say they do, whereas peace journalism is what those in power actually do. Lynch and McGoldrick (2005) state that peace journalism 'is when editors and reporters make choices--of what stories to report and how to report them--that create opportunities for society at large to consider and value non-violent responses to conflict' (p. 5). The framing of New Zealand media reporting as either war journalism or peace journalism will be an indication of how information about conflict in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu is presented to a New Zealand audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article moots the idea of 'responsible conflict reporting' in Fiji and the South Pacific. Prolonged conflict, including three coups since 1987, has resulted in a pattern of social and economic decline in Fiji. In Melanesia as a whole, internal conflict is seen as a major security threat. The proposed responsible conflict reporting framework can be seen as a response to these longstanding trends and concerns. The framework is informed by various concepts in conflict resolution, peace-building, peace journalism and development journalism. By fusing the appropriate themes from these related but disparate frameworks, responsible conflict reporting goes beyond typical media interventions that focus mostly on current 'hot conflicts' without adequately addressing their long-term, structural causes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are living in critical times. Hardly does a day go without bombs in the Middle East, serial killings in the USA, the suffering of people in refugee camps in various parts of Africa, or a violent repression of people including wallstreet, France, Italy and Turkey. The programs have skyrocketed recently to raise awareness of peace in the world. For example, since 1986, the Grant Program of the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) has made more than 2,100 grants and invested roughly $86 million in support of research, education, training, media, and public diplomacy by individuals and organizations engaged in efforts to understand, prevent, manage, and resolve violent conflict.One stumbling block is the terminology used in this field, for instance UNESCO widely uses peace education in all its general documents, but the terminology changes when its country offices collaborate with educational systems and government ministries that prefer other terms, such as peacebuilding in schools (eastern and southern Africa), education for peace (Rwanda), global education (the Middle East and north Africa), education for conflict resolution (Sri Lanka), and values for life (Egypt). Any kind pf peace education encompasses four domains, which are regarded as knowledge, concern, skills and action. The purpose of this study is to see how university students feel about peace and violence. For this study a semi-structured interview is given to 110 students at a western public university to see whether they have the knowledge and concern for peace and the results will be juxtaposed with the events reflected in the media to substantiate that peace education braves a great deal of responsibility against war journalism of the postmodern times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the relationship between proximity to a conflict and the tendency to use peace journalism rather than war journalism modes of reporting. In the context of the current drug war occurring in Mexico, articles from both local, border region US newspapers and distant US newspapers were coded according to their usage of war or peace journalism frames. Analyses revealed that local newspapers utilized more peace journalism frames overall, and presented a less pessimistic and negative view of the conflict and parties. Distant newspapers, however, were more likely to showcase complexity of the conflict and many parties and people involved. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research on the role of news media in framing and explaining complex political and diplomatic drama has a rich academic pedigree, and within that context this paper attempts to explore and understand how mainstream domestic newspapers in three Western countries - Australia, the US and Canada - framed coverage of a US-led UN Human Rights Council resolution on peace and reconciliation in post-war Sri Lanka. The paper looks at how international and Sri Lankan domestic narratives competed in the reportage, and argues that the newspapers frequently favoured nationalist interests, often presenting their country's involvement in a positive light, while casting doubt over the motivation of other key players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An account of the findings after six years of research and monitoring of the media in Bolivia. [TRANSLATION]

The article focuses on a content analysis of two Pakistani daily newspapers "Nation" and "Business Recorder' regarding war on terrorism. It discusses the term peace journalism coined by Johan Galtung in 1970s as well as peace or conflict journalism and war or violence journalism. Results of the analysis show statistical significance in the difference between the total number of stories promoting peace is more than the stories promoting war.

In this article the author discusses the impact of media as a powerful tool in conveying destructive or constructive message in peace and development in the Pacific region. He mentions that the media's power basically depends on its purpose of whether to make money or to conduct investigation and contribution to the society's positive changes. He notes that the media has been parallel with democracy and contends that such democracy has been wrongly conveyed as the solution to social problems.

For South Africa, 2010 marked a renewed presence in the international community both as the host of the FIFA Football World Cup, and as a continued economic and political powerhouse on the African continent. In light of this, some concern was (and continues to be) expressed about the mass media's ongoing coverage of the contentious racial discourse - and often violent rhetoric - used by Julius S Malema, current President of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). Should more aggressive and confrontational political posturing in a newly emerging democracy be silenced, or should such perspectives be afforded the magnitude of coverage awarded to Malema, so as to encourage public debate? Labelled a 'moron' by Time Magazine, and eventually called to order by the ANC leadership in May 2010 for bringing the party into disrepute, Malema is a controversial figure in both international and local circles. While the role he plays may merit attention, it is the sheer volume of media reports and the nature of their content that demand examination and reflection. In the interests of maintaining stability within diverse societies, it is arguable that the media should be more aware of peace journalism practices, and should attempt to adhere to some of these principles when producing material for public consumption. This study is informed by a content analysis of English South African print media, conducted over an 18-month period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the author discusses use of radio to prevent violence in Jos, Nigeria. It states that ethno-religious differences are the root cause for conflicts along with struggles for power. It mentions that radio is a simple and effective means of giving out information and it stems from illiteracy and low cost as compared to other media like television and internet. The author along with others sold the idea of using radio for building peace to Silverbird Rhythm 93.7 radio station.

The article presents information on a conference that focused on the potential to create peace through language using diplomacy and the media in Europe from 1450-1789. It was held from September 1-3, 2010 in Mainz, Germany. Topics under discussion at the conference included lectures on peace politicians and the people's trust in them during The Thirty Years' War in Germany, Europe's reconciliation during the Peace of Westphalia, as well as the metaphors for peace found in state policy.

This study expands on the work in operationalizing Johan Galtung's classification of peace journalism and war journalism by describing and comparing the news coverage of three Asian conflicts—India and Pakistan's dispute over Kashmir, the Tamil Tigers movement in Sri Lanka, and the Indonesian civil wars in Aceh and Maluku. By including vernacular newspapers in the analysis, this study adds to a research locus that has largely been ignored. A content analysis of 1,973 stories from 16 English-language and vernacular newspapers suggests that, overall, peace journalism as an alternative to traditional war reporting is subject to a body of structural limitations that have not been previously addressed. Media and institutional constraints in the form of story characteristics such as language, story type, and production source as well as contextual variables such as a conflict's length and intensity shape the patterns of war/peace journalism framing. The findings suggest that structural changes are needed for peace journalism to evolve into a viable, mainstream approach to news coverage of war and conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universitas: Relações Internacionais is the property of Universitas: Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The role of the media in foreign policymaking has been the subject of significant academic enquiry, particularly in response to the so-called 'CNN effect', but this work has mostly focused on prominent Western nations (particularly the United States). This article enlarges the debate by adding a comparative and post-communist perspective. Taking the Kosovo conflict as a case study, it analyses the role of the media in foreign policy in Bulgaria and Britain. Through the application of Robinson's policy- media interaction model, the article argues that the Bulgarian press did not have any substantial impact on the government's position on the Kosovo conflict because it framed its reports in a neutral way. The British press/foreign policy relationship discloses a clear case of media support for governmental policy. The findings raise questions about the validity of certain claims about the media-policy relationship in former socialist countries. The article identifies limitations to models based on Western media systems and suggests that their construction is often based on certain cultural assumptions and hence very much context bound. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of media in the communication of peace, and examines peace influenced by the media and education. It claims that peace must be made within the mind since wars begin in the minds of men, and that media must be used due to its influence on the human mind. It also emphasizes that use of traditional and alternative media to promote social change and in turn promote peace through feasible modes of communication notably through mass media and education.

The article focuses on the influence of news coverage on conflicts. It states that if the news on conflict is covered constructively, then people tend to focus on conflict resolution. It discusses destructive and constructive conflict. It reports on the positive role played by the media during Northern Ireland crisis. It states that during conflict coverage media tends to promote ethnocentrism. It analysis the role of peace journalism in managing the conflict.

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The field of media development, as an intervention in conflict-affected societies, is both growing, and divided. This article identifies and discusses some emerging divisions in the sub-field of journalist training. On the one hand is a 'modernisation' approach, geared towards the implantation of western-style precepts and methods for reporting conflicts. On the other is a critical pedagogical approach intended to enable participatory media development. In the latter, 'minority world journalism' is effectively problematised, especially around assumptions about the role of the journalist vis-a-vis conflict and whether it is proper, permissible and/or practically possible for editors and reporters to set out to contribute to peace. The contestation this divide has occasioned partly recapitulates the UNESCO media debate of the late 1970s and early 1980s. The concept of peace journalism is now attracting attention, both as a form of critical pedagogy in journalist training and as a potential rallying point for reviving calls for structural reform in the world information and communication order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Journalist and academic Neill argues that the media deserves great credit for assisting the peace process in Northern Ireland. During the Troubles, “reporters and analysts did their best to present an accurate account of events and a balance of opinions despite dirty tricks employed by all participants. Most of the journalists recognised they were prisoners of history and verifiable truth was a casualty of conflict. It was broadcasting which brought the truth about life under a Stormont regime to the attention of the world.” The current situation is more problematical, he believes: “When Northern Ireland last had devolved government the Stormont press pack had diversity and hunger. Every major media company on both sides of the border, from the republican Irish Press to the unionist News Letter, employed experienced staff to report and analyse the decision-making. Today’s press pack is much smaller and runs the risk of becoming spoon-fed, greatly outnumbered as it is by Government press officers and party lobbyists. But, he concludes, “that is now and then was then and recognition of the contribution to peace made by the media and their journalists in Northern Ireland is long overdue. The most fitting tribute would be vigorous, daily reporting of the Assembly – if truth is the first casualty of war, proper scrutiny must not become the first casualty of peace.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)