Search

This article discusses different policy approaches to achieving one of the key goals that Rachel Reeves set out in her Mais lecture in 2024: bridging regional inequalities in the UK. If it is agreed that the unfettered free market economic model pursued by successive governments in recent decades has led to an intolerable regional concentration of high value‐added, innovative production, what alternative policy options are there? The article considers two answers to this question. The first option is to promote innovation through top‐down state intervention in key economic sectors. While this approach is becoming increasingly popular among proponents of industrial policy in advanced economies, its potential to reach a wide range of firms and sectors behind the technological frontier is limited. Instead, the article favours a second, comparatively under‐explored policy option: facilitating inter‐firm and public‐private coordination. Three key policy tools are presented for implementing this second approach in the UK context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, social democratic parties have been confronted with the rise of second dimension issues. These issues often see social democratic parties facing a choice between competing portions of their own electorate. A particularly prominent second dimension issue is that of the EU: should social democratic parties take pro or anti-EU positions? I look at the case of the UK as an instructive example of this debate. I estimate a narrow counterfactual, simulating how the Labour Party's vote share and seat count would have changed as its position on Brexit changes. I call this counterfactual narrow because I only consider the effect of these position changes on vote choice and turnout, and not any broader consequences. I run two simulations to compare the implications of pure proximity and proximity-categorisation models of vote choice. I generate seat predictions from the simulation results by using Uniform National Swing and Uniform Regional Swing. Broadly, I find that being pro-Remain clearly benefited the party in terms of votes, but that results are more mixed in terms of seats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When exploring assessments of factionalism, there is the tendency to rely on quantitative assessments based upon an institutionalised and consciously organised group. However, to rely solely on the assessment of factionalism as such undermines and dismisses much of the intra-party dialogue which facilitates, encourages or could undermine party cohesion and unity. Quantitative analysis can rely on quite static understandings of the faction; however, this research understands factionalism as dynamic and changeable dependent on a range of internal and external variables. The fluidity of the faction is demonstrated in the ways in which the faction can adopt or drop ideological positions dependent on the appetite of intra-party groups and the electorate. Its dynamism is also reflected through the different typologies of factions that exist. The dynamic forms that the faction take are exemplified through the case study analysis of the Labour Party within the UK. The Labour Party also provides an interesting analysis in understanding the wide range of external factors that factions must negotiate. This includes, but is not limited to, the changing ways in which we understand party allegiance, identity and voting patterns. Factionalism is ultimately an interpersonal event, and to accurately capture this detail, qualitative assessments are necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the 2024 United Kingdom general election, where Labour returned to power with a parliamentary majority despite a decline in their vote share, primarily due to a dramatic collapse in Conservative support and the rise of the right-nationalist Reform United Kingdom party.

The article focuses on the impact of the new Labour government on food law in the United Kingdom, highlighting changes in legislative priorities and regulatory enforcement. Topics include the lack of new food-related legislation compared to the previous government, the introduction of the Digital Markets Competition and Consumers Act 2024 with increased sanctions, and the enhanced scrutiny of environmental claims by regulators like the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA).

We analyze support for the welfare state across time and space in Great Britain. Using multilevel regression and poststratification with historical data and an original survey, we show that a virtually identical majority of people supported those policies in the mid-1990s and in 2020, but patterns of support were very different. Young and highly educated people are now the strongest supporters, as are the youngest and most highly educated geographic areas, mirroring divides over "second-dimension" issues like Brexit. However, young and highly educated voters are clustered in a small number of places, with the Labour Party struggling to win moderately educated and moderately young areas. As a result, the left's problem in majoritarian systems is not the rise of second-dimension politics per se but rather how its supporters are distributed spatially along that dimension. A majority of voters in favor of welfare and redistribution no longer translates as easily into winning a majority of places in support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including Women's Co-operative Guild's campaign for divorce law; Women's Voluntary Service (WVS) in the Second World War and politics of housewifery' within the British Labour party.

Drawing on the records of Labour's annual women's conference, this article analyses why, how and with what effects women activists in the Labour Party claimed to represent 'the housewife' in post-war Britain. Building on longstanding traditions on the left, Labour women saw a politics of housewifery as the most effective means of advancing the interests of working-class women in post-war Britain, and asserted the housewife's need for state intervention, good quality housing, and generous welfare provision. They also recognised that the housewife's concerns extended far beyond her own home, and were keen to promote her interests in different arenas, including paid work. Yet the success of groups like the British Housewives League meant that Labour women found it increasingly difficult to pursue a left-wing politics of the housewife. In opposition, they began to adopt the language of consumerism, losing sight of the emphasis on gender which had made their politics distinctive. This article thus shows that housewifery was a malleable and contested identity in the post-war period, valuable to those on the left as well as non-partisan women and those on the right. It also provides a new perspective on longstanding debates over the Labour Party's failure to appeal to women voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the current political landscape in the Great Britain, highlighting the detachment of the masses from traditional ideologies and the emergence of various social and political crises. Topics include the decline of the Conservative and Unionist Party's dominant bloc, the rise of dissent and activism among marginalized groups, and the challenges faced by the Labour Party in potentially capitalizing on this political interregnum.

The article focuses on the resurgence of public ownership as a response to the failures of neoliberalism, particularly during the Labour Party's leadership under Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell. Topics include the significant shift from neoliberal policies to a model of democratic public ownership, the growing public support for re-nationalization in various sectors, and the necessity for leftist movements to rethink economic democracy in light of changing capitalist dynamics.

This article represents the transcript of a 2022 witness seminar on the theme of members of the British public writing to politicians. Collectively, the witnesses have experience of this issue dating from the early 1970s through to the present day. Angie Williams shares her experience of handling correspondence for Ed Miliband and Jeremy Corbyn as leaders of the Labour Party. Lord Kinnock (Neil Kinnock) describes what it was like to receive correspondence both as an MP and as Labour Party leader. David Beckingham relates his experience working in the Number 10 Political Office under Theresa May and Boris Johnson. Lord Parkinson (Stephen Parkinson) also gives a perspective on May, for whom he worked both at the Home Office and in Downing Street. Camilla Jequier explains her role dealing with correspondence for two Conservative MPs. The issues explored include attempts to use correspondence to measure public opinion, the shift from letters to email, gifts enclosed with letters, correspondents with mental health issues, death threats, and the emotional dimensions of correspondence. The witnesses had similar or overlapping experiences. There was agreement that correspondence is often misdirected or phrased in ways that are unlikely to be productive. This may point to a failure of citizenship education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty in the UK has recently risen to levels and created conditions not seen since c.1900. Then, the poverty revealed in major surveys by Booth and Rowntree created shock and proposals for change leading to the first measures of what became the Welfare State. Then, as now, a major cause of poverty was inadequate pay for precarious work, though another significant cause now is the decline of the Welfare State. State welfare expanded gradually from 1906 to 1945, then much faster, along with full employment and labour market regulation, especially under Labour governments until the late 1970s. Poverty declined but never disappeared. Under Thatcher's Conservative government, 1979–1990, state welfare was severely cut and poverty shot up. After some respite under New Labour, 1997–2010, a period of successive Conservative governments since 2010 has witnessed significant cuts to social welfare and an increase in poverty causing serious deprivation comparable with the early 1900s. But there are fewer proposals for reform now than then, though they are urgently needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on Rachel Reeves making history as the first female Chancellor of the Exchequer in the United Kingdom (UK) following the Labour Party's landslide victory in the 2024 general election. Topics include the historical context of women in British Parliament, the progress of female representation and achievements over the decades, and the current challenges facing the new government, including a significant economic deficit and the ongoing need for gender equality in politics.

An analysis of Conservative and Labour Party candidate selections reveals persistent gender disparities, with the Conservative Party nominating a significantly higher proportion of men. While various factors, such as local connections and harassment, abuse and intimidation (HAI) are cited as explanations, they fail to address systemic issues within the Conservative Party's recruitment processes and organisational culture. This article argues that the focus should shift from individual women to party structures and practices that perpetuate gender inequality. Drawing on previous research and empirical evidence, it calls for institutional reforms including the implementation of quotas and greater transparency in candidate selection. Finally, it calls for a gender‐sensitive audit of party culture to address underlying barriers to women's participation in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour have promised a review into our pension system and unlock pension capital for "productive" investment. There is no mystery regarding how to make pensions fairer and more stable; what is needed are resources and political will. As for investment, it is disconcerting to see a Labour official quoted as wanting to get "Blackrock to rebuild Britain". The asset management industry's practices are more often extractive than productive. The new Labour government must confront these issues if it wants to deliver its promise of a more secure future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Labour Party have placed huge emphasis on planning reforms to fix England's broken housing market. However, these reforms need to be considered in the context of how our housing market operates, the profit-seeking behaviour that underpins it and the power relations that are baked into it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the need for a cohesive economic narrative in the Great Britain to guide policymaking and address public uncertainty, particularly in light of Labour leaders Starmer and Reeves' recent proposals. Topics include the dual role of economic narratives in coordination and communication, the historical context of Great Britain economic narratives since 1979, and the implications of these narratives on policy decisions and public perception.

The UK has spent the last fifteen years locked in a low-investment, low-growth holding pattern of its own making. Since the 2019 election, changes in the national and global economic environment have rendered it increasingly difficult to break out of this self-inflicted stagnation. But these constraints are ultimately political, rather than economic: the new Labour government will be able to change course, if it has the political appetite to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Starmer government will likely struggle to maintain popularity in office. In the desperate bid to win the support of socially conservative 'hero voters', Labour has failed to offer principled and bold alternatives to the Conservatives. The strategy seems to have worked in 2024. But if the Labour leader wants a second term in office, he needs to offer more than competent management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keir Starmer promised an end to the sticking-plaster politics and a decade of 'national renewal', but his roadmap to power suggests that he wants the ends without committing to the means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The next election campaign has begun - and Labour will be judged very differently next time. Criticism of Labour's 'shallow' support at the 2024 election is simplistic, but nevertheless there are reasons to believe that Labour's base is fragile. Relying on economic growth - even if Labour succeeds in improving UK economic performance - to reward and replenish the party's base is risky. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keir Starmer has promised a government focused on delivery, rather than a near-permanent soap opera of politicians campaigning to replace one another. This, he has told us, can lead to renewed hope once again. What are the expectations for the new Labour government - are they great? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Too often, parties in power forget about coalition building and imagine that policy success will be all it takes. But Labour's fragile coalition of supporters must be nurtured, not just with the delivery of policies that improve voters' lives but with compelling words and arguments. For that you need good speakers and great speechwriters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Labour Party won the 2024 UK General Election with a landslide. They did this by building a broad, though potentially fragile, electoral coalition of ideologically opposed voters; winning the support of loyal Labour voters and of former Liberal Democrat and Conservative voters, who were dissatisfied with the Conservative Party's record over fourteen years in government and chose to vote for change. This article sheds light on Labour's 'new coalition' and considers the challenges and opportunities it poses for the party in their first term in government. Can Labour hold their 'new coalition' together and chart a path to victory at the next general election? And if so, how? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An editorial is presented on the transition of power in the Great Britain from the Conservative government to the Labour Party after fourteen years, marking a significant shift in political dynamics. Topics include the immediate objectives of the new Labour government under Prime Minister Keir Starmer, the need for a new growth model and investment in public services, and the importance of devolving power to local communities for effective policy implementation.

The political and organisational routes opened up on the contemporary left following the financial crisis have seen a revival of class composition analysis as a means of comprehending a broad array of social and economic phenomena both within and beyond the workplace. Contextualising contemporary class composition analysis as a long-standing component of autonomist Marxism, this article argues that its application amid the left's electoral turn exposes to scrutiny deeper-running weaknesses. The article first presents a history of class composition analysis through operaismo into postoperaismo. The second part of the article discusses four interconnected new directions in class composition analysis: Hardt and Negri's Assembly ; the analysis of social composition offered by the Notes from Below collective; Keir Milburn's analysis of 'generation left'; and, finally, the uptake of some of these ideas among commentators on the left of the British Labour Party like Paul Mason. The article then discusses the theoretical and strategic implications of these contributions through the prism of critiques of class composition analysis put forward by other theorists in the autonomist Marxist tradition. Noting the possible limitations confronting the application of class composition analysis to contemporary challenges faced by the post-crisis left, the penultimate section considers Labour Process Theory as a theoretical alternative implicit in recent critiques of contemporary class composition analysis, arguing that while Labour Process Theory's analysis of the 'politics of production' captures the contingency of the connection between the workplace and formal politics, it leaves unresolved the lack of a distinctive theory of the latter on the contemporary left. The final section reconnects the discussion to the legacy of operaismo by exploring Mario Tronti's recently translated work on the 'autonomy of the political' as a more substantial articulation of the specificity of politics against the backdrop of class conflict at the point of production. The conclusion relates this back to recent strategic issues in the Labour Party and broader labour movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the UK parliamentary developments leading up to the general election. Topics include the announcement of the election by former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, the substantial victory of the Labour Party under Sir Keir Starmer, and the introduction of a wide-ranging legislative program by the new government.

The article offers information on the concept of lesser evilism in the context of U.K. politics, particularly regarding Keir Starmer's Labour Party.

The article takes a look at the direction of the British Labour Party under the leadership of Keir Starmer. The commodified version of national identity had become central to self-image of the Labour Party. The success of Starmer in smoothing the path to a Labour government is attributed to his ruthless style of party management. He has required his members of parliament to vote against a motion calling for a ceasefire in Gaza and has also articulated a productivist, corporatist brand of social democracy. The Labour Party has pledged a Green Prosperity Plan that includes annual public investments such as in energy transition, improvement in bargaining power of labor, and regional economic planning. It has committed to fiscal rules, innovation and entrepreneurship to spur economic growth.

Labour have for too long foregone thinking about ideas of Britain, Britishness and the British state, believing there are more important things to do such as winning elections and governing well. This essay asserts that Labour's avoidance of thinking too deeply about these concepts has come at a heavy cost: buying into traditional ideas of Britain and Britishness and not addressing the power dynamics of the British state and UK politics. These are fundamentals Labour and the centre-left must address in order to win and remake UK politics and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Labour HQ has come down heavily on any whiff of cooperation between Labour activists or local politicians and other parties, or any support for a progressive alliance. Debate about cooperation often takes place at a high level of abstraction: would it be good or bad for our politics in a theoretical sense if anti-Tory parties worked together at the top level? In this article we examine what actually happens when two local parties undertake, under the pressure of circumstances, to cooperate in modest ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unless Labour's soft left can overcome its aversion to political and intellectual organisation it is likely to remain marginalised in future debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]