Search

The U.S. Constitution is profoundly undemocratic, as generations of abolitionists, socialists, labor activists, and Black radicals have loudly proclaimed. Just as it did a hundred years ago, the document creates an infrastructure for minority rule—a specific and very American brand of white authoritarianism. This is because the Constitution organizes representation around states rather than the principle of one person, one vote. And it fragments and undermines popular authority through endless veto points. The consequences today are numerous: presidents elected who lose the popular vote; a Senate that gives vastly more power to voters in Wyoming than in California; an impassible route for constitutional amendments; a tiny, lifetime-appointed Supreme Court that repudiates popular policies, including the right to abortion, and elevates the president above the law—abetting a culture of impunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many domestic workers lack basic labor and employment protections in the United States. One of the main reasons domestic work remains unregulated by government lies in cultural and social perceptions of the so-called private “domestic sphere” and the more public “economic sphere” where work prevails. These perceptions, termed by sociologists as “separate spheres” and “hostile worlds,” assert that the domestic and economic spheres operate under different and conflicting values, emotions, and norms. In the former, care norms and love structure relationships, while in the latter actors are motivated by rationality and profit. Government would corrupt the domestic sphere if it subjected it to the rules of the economy. This Essay describes how domestic work activists overcame separate spheres and hostile worlds perspectives in Illinois in 2016 when they prevailed at the legislature to obtain a Domestic Workers’ Bill of Rights. To get the bill passed, activists, much in the feminist tradition of combining the “personal” with the “political,” descended in the Illinois state capital with scores of domestic workers to personally educate legislators about what it meant to work in someone else’s home. In including personal stories in their politics, the activists were able to persuade legislators that keeping domestic work paired exclusively to private regulation was a bad idea — what sociologists consider a “bad match” — because the intimate nature of domestic work places some domestic workers in vulnerable situations conducive to workplace abuse. Public regulation was thus a “good match.” Activists also requested that legislators enact special protections just for domestic workers. They wanted legislators to recognize that domestic work was also “unlike any other work.” They were less successful in getting those special protections passed. Hence, the 2016 bill was only a partial success, but a success it still was. The Essay concludes by asserting that good and bad matching concepts, and the related “connected lives” perspective, can help advocates, including lawyers, understand their meaning-making roles as they pursue justice and fairness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public approval of the United States Supreme Court has fallen to record lows, driven by Americans who object to the Roberts Court's conservative jurisprudence. This Article explores how incisive, bold, and creative dissents aimed at social mobilization can bolster ordinary citizens who feel estranged from this Court. Using intellectual history tools, the Article shows that Justice Kagan's 2018 dissent in Janus v. AFSCME created a dialogic relationship between the Supreme Court and labor activists and liberal academics. The dissent amplified rhetoric pioneered by union leaders and scholars, disseminating it to a mass audience. After Janus, the labor movement and its allies deployed the dissent in political organizing, litigation, and storytelling. Overall, the dissent became a mobilizing force that channeled constitutional alienation into constitutional construction. The Article also contextualizes the Janus dissent among other demosprudential dissents, with a focus on those of Justices Scalia, Ginsburg, and Sotomayor. The Article challenges the juricentric and prospective lens that scholars use to evaluate Supreme Court dissents. The Janus dissent embodies a genre of dissent aimed at movements and contemporary constitutional meaning making, not just influencing future courts. The Article also defends movement dissenting against institutionalist critiques. By refusing to accept the finality of the Court's decisions, demosprudential dissents create discursive space for popular resistance and reimagination that allows disempowered citizens to feel constitutional ownership. Movement dissents can moderate and channel anger at constitutional decisions, repairing faith in the process of constitutional explication in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labor activists have long-been encouraging workers to build international labor solidarity to empower each other and to improve all workers' lives and well-being going back to before the First International. This tradition, while dismembered by the Cold War between the US and the UK on one hand and the Soviet Union on the other, has been resuscitated since the 1970s, with efforts by activists, scholars, and some workers to build cross-national border solidarity across the globe for workers, an effort that is growing. This paper details these efforts, dividing the work between 1978-2011 and 2011 to today, listing some of the most important efforts of each period, and supporting the claim of increased interest in building global labor solidarity. This is important because of labor's potential leadership in the struggle against climate change and environmental destruction, which is a threat to the survival of all species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the term "class" has largely vanished from China's public discourse, class discourse has endured within the country's labor struggles over the last four decades. Nevertheless, class discourse has been articulated in distinct ways across three instances of labor activism: state workers' opposition to industrial restructuring, worker-initiated collective bargaining, and Marxist-inspired agitation, manifesting as nostalgia, collective rights, and labor emancipation, respectively. This article delves into the origins of these distinct articulations of class discourse by delineating three modes of their emergence: endogenous, exogenous, and symbiotic. It further elucidates how these modes materialize through the interplay of workers' experiences and the roles undertaken by labor activists from both shopfloors and civil society. The article's objective extends to evaluating the degree to which these three discursive expressions encapsulate class consciousness, while also delving into their underlying ideological implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under which conditions do movement actors have influence over legislation? Theory suggests that allies are important, but research findings are mixed. This study argues that if allies are conceptualized following an interactionist approach, they can be crucial. This study develops a new operationalization of movement allies and appraises it by examining the influence of LGBT and labor activists and their legislative allies on the approval of bill amendments in Chile. Using logistic regressions with clustered errors on 1,669 bill amendments, complemented with archival data and interviews with activists and members of congress, findings show that legislative allies have a positive effect on the passage of amendments. Moreover, their profile as social movement supporters gives legislative allies the influence to modify the content of bills when political conditions expand. These findings highlight the advantage of using an interactionist approach to identify legislative allies for movements and the value of analyzing amendments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Anti-extradition Movement in Hong Kong, a wave of new unions surfaced—18 newly registered unions in 2019 and 491 in the first half of 2020. This article examines and analyzes the factors behind this upsurge in new union activism and asks how protesters acquired trade union consciousness. Previously, in the throes of an earlier protest movement in 2014 led by young people who valued individualism, self-activism, spontaneity, and post-materialism, hierarchically structured institutions were distrusted and scorned, including trade unions. Yet half a decade later, during the 2019–20 protest movement, many thousands of participants joined forces to form the new unions. These took the shape of a new type of union known in labor studies as "social movement unionism." Despite having little experience, the new unions were able to sustain themselves, and some began to engage not only with political activism but also with management-labor issues and worker rights. This article draws on extensive interviewing during 2020–22 with labor activists and trade union organizers from old and new unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the authors explore the ways that new forms of labor politics emerge in civil society in the era of flexible labor markets and fragmented workplaces (through outsourcing and subcontracting). First, a theoretical framework is developed that accounts for the formation processes of three modes of irregular, non-standard labor politics: politics of influence, politics of substitution, and politics of occupation. Each of these delineates positional politics of issue-specific threats and alliance, unions' functional replacement of local civic governance, and unions' takeover of the state's institutional space. Then, using unique qualitative field interviews of labor activists and union leaders, a comparative case study is conducted to examine three instances of non-standard workers' struggles against their employers in South Korean labor politics in the 2000s and the 2010s: the Hyundai Motors Irregular Workers' Union, the Hope Union, and the Youth Community Union. The study highlights grassroots-based community activism and the institutionalized civil-society space within the state as newly arising forms of labor politics, and discusses their implications in relation to the state, civil society, and partisan politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a speech by Cecilia Prado, an immigrant and worker rights organizer and volunteer with regional restaurant and farm workers, delivered during a symposium held in Tennessee. Topics discussed include the implications of labor organizing in Tennessee, the relocation of Mayan people from their places of origin due to the impact of multinational companies moving to their regions, and the importance of a labor movement in immigrant rights movements.

This article advances our understanding of how gender structures political interaction by examining the constraints and opportunities associated with gender in a housing mobilization. These constraints and opportunities are rooted in social and political hierarchies and shaped by the gendered political toolkits: the demarcation of social issues as male or female, gendered political language and gender‐appropriate emotions, and the division of activist labor along the lines of gender. Gendered political toolkits cue people when and how it is appropriate to mobilize, which tasks and roles to take on in small, even all‐female groups, how to perform and which emotions to express when interacting with outsiders. Activists can experience their gender as a limitation, especially when navigating a political field organized around traditionalist gender norms and expectations. Still, they can also strategically employ the traditionalist perceptions and behaviors. Focusing on the basic level of collective action, activist small groups and their strategies, the article shows how activists navigate the constraints and opportunities of their gender as they mobilize in response to a controversial urban renewal proposal in Moscow, the Renovation program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on international legal mobilization often analyze the mobilization efforts of activists at a single international court. Yet we know little about how activists choose among multiple international institutions to advance social justice claims. Drawing on comparative case studies of Turkish and British trade union activists' legal mobilization efforts and case law analysis, I show that activists, guided by their lawyers, probe multiple avenues to identify the legal institution with the highest judicial authority and is most responsive to activists' claims. Once they identify their target institution, the iterative process between a responsive court and activists' strategic litigation can build a court's jurisprudence in a new issue area, even if the court provides limited de jure rights protections. Activists primarily use international litigation strategy to leverage structural reforms at the domestic level and to set new international norms through precedents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article advances our understanding of how gender structures political interaction by examining the constraints and opportunities associated with gender in a housing mobilization. These constraints and opportunities are rooted in social and political hierarchies and shaped by the gendered political toolkits: the demarcation of social issues as male or female, gendered political language and gender‐appropriate emotions, and the division of activist labor along the lines of gender. Gendered political toolkits cue people when and how it is appropriate to mobilize, which tasks and roles to take on in small, even all‐female groups, how to perform and which emotions to express when interacting with outsiders. Activists can experience their gender as a limitation, especially when navigating a political field organized around traditionalist gender norms and expectations. Still, they can also strategically employ the traditionalist perceptions and behaviors. Focusing on the basic level of collective action, activist small groups and their strategies, the article shows how activists navigate the constraints and opportunities of their gender as they mobilize in response to a controversial urban renewal proposal in Moscow, the Renovation program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Stitching the 24-Hour City: Life, Labor, and the Problem of Speed in Seoul" by Seo Young Park explores the Dongdaemun Market in Seoul, which has transformed from a symbol of the labor movement to a popular shopping destination for fast fashion. The book examines the lives of garment workers, wholesalers, retailers, and designers in the market, highlighting the fast-paced production and circulation cycles of the industry. It also delves into the efforts of labor activists and the local government to create alternative spaces and slow down the market's pace. The book raises questions about the intersection of space, time, intimacy, and passion in the workplace, with a focus on the gendered dynamics and paternalistic practices within the industry. However, some questions remain about the author's engagement with the literature on space, the connection between the Dongdaemun Market and the broader urban landscape of Seoul, and the inclusion of immigrant workers in the analysis. A broader perspective at the global and local levels would enhance the understanding of the market and its participants. [Extracted from the article]

At the end of 1939, and the beginning of World War II, the French feminist activist and International Labor Office (BIT) officer, Marguerite Thibert (1886-1982), undertook a first research trip to Mexico, taking advantage of her participation in the American Labor Conference in Havana (November 1939). Two years later she would return, hired by the Mexican government to carry out research focused on the informal work of minors and their living conditions. Thibert's highly specialized and little-known work would allow this high-ranking official and referent in the ILO for the rights of women and minors to gain a more thorough knowledge of the process of social institutionalization that was taking place in the country through the new Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare created by Ignacio García Téllez, the main architect of the Mexican Social Security Institute (1943). Thibert would have the opportunity to propose important modifications to this project before leaving Mexico in 1942. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of FORO: Revista de Ciencias Juridicas y Sociales Nueva Epoca is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Feminist and queer advocacies in Nigeria have resulted in a wave of radical care praxis due to backlash against members, sociopolitical upheaval, and burnout from ceaseless activist labor. This article discusses how conversations and cultures of radical care are transforming feminist and women's rights collectives and more heterogenous activist groups. It engages a critical synthesis of interviews and personal communications with ten Nigerian feminist and women's rights activists dedicated to various social issues. The findings from this article address undertheorized dynamics of Nigeria's young women and feminist labor, including their subversive reconstruction of radical care as a sustainable and political act, the limits to their feminist labor, and their challenges to the provision and reception of radical care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of the history of queer activism in South Korea, paying special attention to the formation of yeondae (solidarity) and sosuja jeongchi (minority politics) in queer politics since the 1990s. In particular, this paper engages in the ways in which queer activism has aligned and/or conflicted with broader social movements in postauthoritarian South Korea. This paper traces the radical kernel of queerness in practicing solidarity based on anti-capitalist and feminist critiques, bridging a range of forms of social marginality in South Korea. Queer activists have contested heteronormativity in mass protests and critically intervened in the democratic nation-building process of the liberal regimes of Kim Dae-jung (1998--2003), Roh Moo-hyun (2003--2008), and Moon Jae-in (2017--present) presidencies, as well as the Candlelight Protests (2016--2017) against Park Geun-hye. In curating and portraying six historical scenes of queer protests, this paper illuminates queer activist labor to imagine a new futurity based on minority politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay brings together political theories of empire and racial capitalism to clarify the entanglements between socialist and imperial discourse at the turn of the twentieth century. I show that white labor activists and intellectuals in the United States and the British settler colonies borrowed from imperial scripts to mark non-white workers as a threat. This discourse was thus both imperial and popular, because it absorbed the white working class into settler projects and enlisted its support in defense of imperial logics of labor control. While white workers' demands of enfranchisement were part of a transnational imagination that was both imperial and narrowly emancipatory, this discourse reemerged as one of popular sovereignty and found channels and paths to institutionalization through national states. These institutional formations arose out of the encounter between capitalists interested in facilitating mobility of racialized laboring subjects around the globe, elite projects invested in sheltering settler spaces, and white workers concerned with protecting their own labor from competition by excluding exploitable non-white workers. White labor's embrace of racial prejudice and the exclusion of workers of color created segregated labor spaces that fit neatly with both capitalist goals of labor control and the protection of the settler status of emerging polities. Bringing to the forefront the imperial genealogy of popular sovereignty and immigration control disrupts liberal political theory frameworks that condemn restrictions as well as those that find migration restrictions permissible. The analysis also illuminates contemporary immigration politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The temporary work agent is an important player in the EU labor market from the perspective of labor flexibility. The evolution of the national legal framework on the regulation of the establishment and operation of the temporary work agent in accordance with the European provisions - Directive 2008/104 / EC - is an important issue to consider in this article because the national legal frameworks had to be adapted after 2008 in accordance with the Community law, in order to ensure the protection of temporary workers. Last but not least, the trends on the European labor market are also interesting from the point of view of the employment degree based on the services of temporary work agents. This paper aims to analyze the evolution of the Romanian legal provisions regarding temporary work agencies since the entry into force of the 2003 Labor Code to present day, emphasizing on the debate regarding the licensing, registration and the withdrawal of license procedure for a temporary work agent in our country. At the end of the article, we will present the number of temporary work agencies licensed in Romania, but also the percentage of employees recruited through temporary work agents in EU countries during the period 2011-2020, in order to highlight the degree of use of this type of workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dr. Travis Webster's monograph reports on qualitative research conducted into the working lives of 20 LGBTQIA-identifying writing center directors. From those interviews, Webster identifies three features of LGBTQIA writing center administrative labor: the unique capital with which their identities equip them, the activist labor that their identities call them to perform, and tensions between their labor and identities. He calls on writing center professionals and higher education administrators to become accomplices in the struggle against workplace injustices, moving beyond allyship that is all too often based in kind words rather than sustained action. The insights available in this book are valuable to anyone in higher education administration as they work to build more inclusive and welcoming spaces for LGBTQIA- identifying writing center professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1998 the United Farm Workers and Swanton Berry Farm signed the first contract between a union and an organic farm. Exploring this contract's origins uncovers a previously hidden history of the 1990s as a time of possibility for coalitions among labor activists, environmentalists, and consumers. In the heart of the neoliberal decade usually remembered for its lack of activism, we see vital progressive coalitions. The contract reflects the merging of three reform threads--the farmworker justice, environmental, and consumer movements--and reveals an integrated vision for agriculture that transcends a zero-sum approach to food reform. Activists who recognized how exposure to toxic chemicals blurred boundaries between the bodies and health of workers, consumers, and wildlife joined forces in Swanton, which came to be a rare example of a farm trying to achieve what its owner in later years called "true sustainability": environmental stewardship, good labor practices, and healthier food for consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A major figure in Latin American struggles for women's rights and social justice, Magda Portal (1900-1989) co-founded the revolutionary nationalist APRA Party of Peru and was the principal women's leader of that party. In her Chilean exile Portal discovered the nineteenth century writer and social reformer, Flora Tristan. In 1944 Portal offered her first lecture on Tristan (1803-1844)--a brilliant diarist and journalist as well as a seminal social theorist, labor organizer, champion of women's rights, and a significant precursor--arguably co-founder--of socialist internationalism. Expanding and revising her initial account, Portal continued into her later years to lecture on Tristan, whom she revered as an exemplary social fighter. The introduction by Weaver, author of Peruvian Rebel, The World of Magda Portal, situates the lecture in the context of Portal's own life and her evolving views on the role of women in a developing country, noting parallels between Portal's life and that of Tristan. Portal's admiring narrative starts with Tristan's beginnings as the daughter of an aristocratic Peruvian landowner living in Spain and France, proceeding through the father's death, the family's impoverishment, and Tristan's awakening to the social misery occasioned by rapid industrialization. Portal traces Tristan's journey to Peru to present herself as a hopeful but unrecognized heir to her late father's lands. The publication of Tristan's Peruvian diaries is mentioned: an acerbic critique of a decadent colonial upper class. Portal also treats Tristan's travels in industrial London; her attempts to organize workers throughout the industrial zones of France; her involvement with the Chartists, the Utopians, and the proto-socialist circles that included Marx and Engels; as well as her attempts to escape a homicidal husband when divorce in France was outlawed. Portal's bibliography and notes are supplemented by translator's notes and bibliographical references. Keywords: Women's struggles, memoir, women writers, nineteenth century, feminism, twentieth century, early feminism, Flora Tristan, Karl Marx Friedrich Engels, French Utopians, Social Utopians, utopianism, Latin American feminism, women's rights, labor organizing, labor history, socialism, socialist internationalism, working-class, Chartist, translation, Latin America, women's vote, Magda Portal, Serafin Delmar, Kathleen Weaver, Peruvian history, Peru, Preface One hundred years after Flora Tristan's death in France in 1844, Magda Portal, then in her Chilean exile, was invited to offer a centenary tribute to Tristan at the [...]

I explore the ideology of worker empowerment among U.S. anti-sweatshop activists, particularly United Students Against Sweatshops, and its strategic consequences for transnational campaigns. This ideology is central in shaping the movement's transnational strategy and organization, fostering communication and accountability, particularly to organizations representing sweatshop workers. Such organizational choices, in turn, shape how transnational networks strategize. For example, the anti-sweatshop movement rarely uses the familiar tactic of boycotts, due to opposition from workers. The more empowered sweatshop workers in such networks, the more informed decisions their allies can make, and the more strategically effective the movement can be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the controversy that surrounded the employment of Chinese-indentured labourers on the rubber estates of British North Borneo during the 1920s and 1930s. Using North Borneo as a case study, the article seeks to challenge the assertion made by historians that Chinese indenture had been abolished by the 1920s. I argue that Chinese-indentured workers made up a significant component of the workforce until the 1940s. My study of British North Borneo is part of a project that seeks to historicise the abolition of Chinese indenture across the Asia-Pacific region. While there is a wealth of rich work on the emergence of Chinese-indentured labour in the nineteenth century, analysis of the processes by which it was abolished have been neglected. The case of North Borneo brings to light the role of British and American activists in the anti-indenture movement and the resistance work of the Chinese labourers themselves. The article contests the assumption that the end of indenture was straightforward, highlighting the fractured and fragmentary process of abolition. It suggests the need to reconsider existing timelines associated with indenture globally which indicate that this form of labour recruitment was all but over by the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations scholars have traditionally focused on state‐centered accounts of international legal norm development between nations while sociolegal scholars have focused on Weberian notions of occupational authority. This study advances a constructivist sociolegal approach emphasizing activist action as playing a unique role in shaping international norms. Specifically, this study investigates labor activists' intervention in U.S. bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) to examine why labor activists chose to initiate FTA disputes as a social movement tactic and how strategic interaction with international legal systems has helped them institutionalize and proliferate the International Labor Organizations' core labor standards. Through semi‐structured interviews with legal, union, and government officials, alongside a content analysis of cases filed under the U.S. FTA system, this study shows the role activists played in advancing "globalized" standards in international law. This study finds that activists spread norms through a gradual mechanism of accretion, which focuses on the creation of standards and international legal standing over the individual outcomes of any given case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how workers' diets and meal services at factory canteens became the nucleus of labour politics in Republican Shanghai, China's industrial heartland. At the heart of Chinese labour politics was a demand for the improvement of workers' diets, particularly for adequate meal service, which was to be provided by management at a reasonable price—if not for free—at the workplace. The purpose of this article is not only to draw attention to a lacuna in Chinese labour history, but also to shed new light on the agency of workers in their labour disputes from the perspective of food history. No other issue provided a better opportunity to unite workers, labour activists, and so-called scabs than the issue of food. In the wake of labour disputes, industrialists changed their perception of the relation between industrial health and work efficiency. With the promotion of factory canteens, the Guomidang Nationalists also began to exert unsparing efforts to garner the growing political potential of the labour force. Therefore, factory canteens evolved into a contested space in which workers, management, and the state offered different visions of workers' diets and industrial productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses upon analysis of educational experiences of an international group of labor movement activists over a ten‐year period. A key rationale for the research activity is to help rescue and revitalize the tradition of radical popular education and activist knowledge grounded in organized worker movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at analysing the relation between academic-scientific knowledge-production, scientific labour, and capital. Scientific knowledge-production is a specific form of activity, that is, the metabolic material exchange between human and the social environment, which is irreducible to forming a trans-historically universal Weltanschauung. Knowledge- production is always tool-mediated and the tools are historically determined. The limits of scientific knowledge are thus determined with the specific tools of knowledge-production and the rules and forms of labour dictated by the deployment of these tools, which, in turn, are constituted in response to socially determined needs and questions in the face of the historically specific modes of production – in particular capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I Union by Law i is a pioneering work of sociolegal scholarship that tells an interpretative history of nearly one century of struggles by Filipino American labor activists in the Pacific Northwest. Wards Cove i , in McCann and Lovell's terms, symbolized "a civil rights massacre": the neoliberalization of civil rights doctrine and ascendance of post-civil rights era, racist economic ideology beginning in the late 1980s (339). This long history of two generations of Filipino labor rights activists developed in I Union by Law i includes many multi-generational complex worker struggles and collective sociolegal praxis. [Extracted from the article]

This article tells the story of the 1951–2 debate over the removal of the term "Dominion" from Canadian legislation and official life. It focuses on the role of constitutional expert and labour activist Eugene Forsey in calling for the preservation of British traditions in Canada. Some scholarship has presented the supporters of British Canadianism in the 1950s as ethnic and race-based nationalists whose ideas were overturned on the road to a more inclusive civic-based nationalism that emerged in the 1970s and later. This article revisits the actual arguments put forward by Forsey and those appealing for the preservation of British symbols in 1950s' Canada. It argues that the case for British Canadianism was actually more inclusive and tolerant of diversity than has hitherto been appreciated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]