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The aim of this study is to assess to which extent the concept called the final girl can be applied to a character produced outside USA. To achieve this, I have used a Japanese film called Evil Dead Trap (Toshiharu Ikeda, 1988), where I have analyzed the character Nami and her relations to the conventions of the final girl. Some of the more common conventions are that the final girl do not engage in sex or use drugs such as cigarettes. The theoretical framework focuses on identifying and establishing the different conventions of the final girl by using two different researchers and their texts. The state of research was used to place the movie in a historical context. Because of this, the research used focused on Japanese horror cinema from the fifties to the nineties. When the framework was established, an analysis of the final girl was made. Throughout the analysis I saw that, apart from three exceptions, Nami followed the conventions of the final girl. The exceptions were that she did not survive the movie, she took drugs in the form of a cigarette and showed a lack of intellect when they arrived at the military base.

Die digitale Selbstvermessung mit Wearables und Apps ist beliebt und mittlerweile weit verbreitet. Dabei können verschiedene Parameter des Körpers, der Aktivität und Mobilität sowie des Befindens gemessen, verglichen und ausgewertet werden. Ein oft genanntes Ziel ist es, mehr über den eigenen Körper zu erfahren sowie Fitness und Gesundheit zu verbessern. Dieser Artikel betrachtet anhand von Fokusgruppen- und ExpertInneninterviews zum einen die verschiedenen Konventionen und daraus resultierende Gesundheitskonzepte, die im Umgang mit der digitalen Selbstvermessung eine Rolle spielen. Zum anderen wird aufgezeigt, dass Konflikte und Unsicherheiten entstehen, wenn verschiedene Konventionen aufeinandertreffen. Und dass Aushandlungen stattfinden und Kompromisse gefunden werden müssen, wenn diese Konflikte gelöst werden sollen. Das wiederum bedeutet, dass sich bestehende Konventionen verknüpfen und neue Konventionen entwickeln müssen, damit sich die digitale Selbstvermessung im Gesundheitsbereich langfristig etablieren kann.

"Cultural Democracy", like many cultural policy themes, has different meanings, relevance and importance depending on the political, economic, cultural and social contexts in which it is applied. "Democratising culture" - implementing strategies to increase access to and the dissemination of ideas and values - has certainly been aided by the arrival of the internet, but it remains those with resources, with networks, with expertise and historical privilege, who are best able to assert their values, ideas, beliefs and ideological assumptions: what hopes then, for a more democratic world order, in which everyone - or at least the majority of people - may be able to project their views, traditions, values and perspectives into the "global market of ideas"? My reflections on this theme will be informed by my South African experience, by my serving as part of UNESCO's technical facility on the 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, and my work within cultural policy across the African continent. I will begin this reflection with reference to my home country, South Africa, as a metaphor for the world.

Schulinspektionen haben im Bildungssystem die Aufgabe, die Qualität von Schule zu überprüfen und Impulse für Schulentwicklung anzustoßen. Es gibt jedoch keinen Konsens darüber, was man unter Qualität versteht. Im Rahmen des Beitrags wird untersucht, inwiefern Schulinspektionen in ihren Bewertungskriterien Aspekte von Inklusion berücksichtigen. Um diese Frage zu beantworten, werden die Bewertungskriterien von Deutschland (am Beispiel Hamburg und Sachsen-Anhalt) mit denen von England verglichen. Hierfür werden zwei Merkmale von inklusiver Beschulung näher betrachtet: Messung von Leistungsentwicklung sowie Berücksichtigung von Differenzlinien. Des Weiteren wird untersucht, was die Schulinspektionen unter Inklusion verstehen. Bei der näheren Betrachtung der drei Fälle zeigen sich große Unterschiede bezüglich der Bewertungskriterien und des Verständnisses von Inklusion.

In den letzten Jahren wurden im deutschen Bildungssystem eine Vielzahl an Maßnahmen ergriffen, um Artikel 24 der UN-Behindertenrechtskonvention (BRK) umzusetzen. Häufig besteht jedoch Unsicherheit darüber, welche Implikationen sich aus Art. 24 BRK für die Einzelschule ergeben. Im Rahmen des Beitrags geht es um die Frage, inwiefern sich die Umsetzung von Art. 24 BRK durch quantitative und qualitative Formen der Datenerhebung überprüfen lässt. Hierfür werden im Rahmen einer juristischen Interpretation zuerst Anforderungen aus Art. 24 BRK für Deutschland abgeleitet. Im nächsten Schritt wird herausgearbeitet, inwiefern sich diese quantitativ und qualitativ überprüfen lassen. Die empirische Erfassung geht mit einer Vielzahl an Herausforderungen einher, z.B. Entwicklung von Benchmarks, Identifikation von Rechteinhabern. Die Kombination aus qualitativen und quantitativen Methoden bietet jedoch auch viel Potential für eine umfassende Datenerhebung, die sowohl für die schulische Praxis, die Bildungspolitik als auch die Forschung von Relevanz ist.

I oktober 2017 tillsatte Sveriges regering en utredning för att analysera konsekvenserna av ett tillträde till konventionen om förbud mot kärnvapen. Genom att undersöka den särskilda utredningens resonemang och slutsatser syftar denna uppsats till att studera och problematisera dess avsaknad av större humanitära perspektiv, i den bredare debatten om kärnvapen. Direktiven för utredningen kretsar övervägande kring konsekvenser på statlig nivå, vilket resulterat i att konsekvensbedömningen av konventionen främst relateras till aspekter gällande Sveriges försvars- och säkerhetspolitik, och i mindre ut-sträckning humanitära konsekvenser. Med hjälp av en innehållsanalys och det teoretiska konceptet mänsklig säkerhet diskuteras utredarens övergripande resonemang där mänsklig säkerhet representerar ett mer humanitärt synsätt. Studien är utformad på så sätt att analysdel ett strukturerar och organiserar utredningen, för att därmed öppna upp för diskussion och problematisering med mänsklig säkerhet i analysdel två. Slutsatsen som dras i undersökningen angående utredningens brist på humanitära aspekter är tudelad. Det är dels problematiskt att varken regeringen eller utredningen i tillräcklig utsträckning tar förbudskonventionens ursprung i beaktning. Konventionen har uppkommit som ett svar på bristande nedrustningsframsteg globalt, samt ur en vilja att utöka de humanitära synsätten i kärnvapendebatten. Det är dessutom problematiskt eftersom trots att humanitära aspekter i form av mänsklig säkerhet går att applicera på utredningens resonemang, har detta inte skett för att nyansera bedömningen av konventionen. Dessa är problem som både bör tillskrivas regeringen och utredningen i sig., In October 2017 the Swedish government appointed an inquiry with the purpose of analyzing the consequences of an accession to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. By studying the reasoning and the conclusions of the specially appointed inquiry, the purpose of this study is to examine and to scrutinize its lack of humanitarian perspectives, within a broader debate of nuclear weapons. The inquiry´s terms of reference primarily concerns consequences on a state level, which has resulted in an evaluation of the treaty that predominantly focuses on Sweden´s security and defense policy, and to a lesser extent humanitarian consequences. By using a qualitative content analysis and the theoretical concept of human security, the inquiry´s general reasoning is discussed in which human security represents the humanitarian perspective. The study is designed in the following way, part one of the analysis structures and organizes the inquiry in order to open up for discussion and scrutiny in part two, through human security. The conclusion drawn of the inquiry´s lack of humanitarian perspectives has two aspects. Firstly, the absence of humanitarian focus is problematic because neither the government´s terms of reference nor the inquiry in itself has sufficiently taken into account the treaty´s origins. The treaty is a result of declining disarmament efforts globally, and represents a need of additional humanitarian perspectives in the broader nuclear weapons debate. Secondly, the lack of humanitarian perspectives is also problematic since despite such humanitarian aspects have been possible to apply onto the inquiry´s reasoning, this hasn´t been done to broaden the scope of the evaluation of the treaty. Therefore a problem that should both be ascribed to the government´s terms of reference and the inquiry itself.

In seinem Statement fordert Hubert Hüppe, dass auch die Weiterbildung die Vorgaben der Behindertenrechtskonvention in der Praxis realisiert. Neben methodischen und baulichen Anpassungen fordert er vor allem eine entsprechende Ausbildung der Lehrkräfte.

US President Donald Trump has cast doubt on his country’s security commitments within NATO by his "America First" programme and his verbal attacks on the Alliance. This affects both conventional reassurance, i.e. pledges to allies backed by non-nuclear military means, and nuclear reassurance. Beyond the "Trump factor", the costs and risks associated with these security commitments have increased from Washington’s perspective. The reasons are the expansion of the Alliance territory through its eastern enlargement, the modernisation of the Russian military, and the end of the US’s undisputed military supremacy. Nevertheless, during the Trump administration, the US has not reduced but increased its financial and military contributions to the reassurance of its allies. Uncertainties about the US's role in NATO have led to deepening rifts in Europe. On one side are the European allies that are striving for a higher degree of "strategic autonomy" from Washington, and on the other those who want to lean even more on the US as a protecting power. From the perspective of many eastern NATO states, American security promises are more credible than potential European alternatives, even during the Trump administration. The credibility of American security commitments is a multifaceted issue that cannot be reduced to statements by the US President. European NATO states consider and weight the underlying factors differently. Political decision-makers, not least in Germany, must be alert to these differences for the sake of political cohesion in the EU and NATO. (Autorenreferat)

In jüngster Zeit mehren sich in Deutschland die Rufe nach einem generellen Kopftuchverbot für muslimische Mädchen an Schulen. Begründet werden diese Forderungen insbesondere mit dem Schutz vor geschlechtsspezifischer Diskriminierung sowie dem Schutz vor elterlichem Zwang. Dies sind gewichtige kinderrechtliche Positionen, die bei der Entscheidung über ein Kopftuchverbot zu berücksichtigen sind. Ausgangspunkt für die grund- und menschenrechtliche Bewertung eines Kopftuchverbots für Schülerinnen ist die Religionsfreiheit von Kindern. Die Information stellt den Anwendungsbereich des Rechts auf Religionsfreiheit von Kindern aus Art. 14 UN-KRK dar und gibt eine kinderrechtliche Perspektive auf die aktuelle Debatte über Kopftuchverbote für muslimische Schülerinnen.

Weltweit gibt es schätzungsweise mehr als eine Milliarde Menschen mit Behinderungen. Das sind etwa 15 Prozent der Weltbevölkerung, circa 80 Prozent davon leben in Entwicklungsländern. Dennoch ist die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit bislang nicht systematisch darauf ausgerichtet, mit ihren Maßnahmen auch Menschen mit Behinderungen zu erreichen. Dafür ist sie bereits 2015 vom UN-Fachausschuss für die Rechte von Menschen mit Behinderungen kritisiert worden. Das Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung hat bereits erste Schritte unternommen und plant weitere, um das Problem anzugehen. Doch es fehlen derzeit geeignete Instrumente, um zu überprüfen, ob Menschen mit Behinderungen wirksam in Projekte der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit eingebunden werden, und um entsprechende Entwicklungen und Ergebnisse zu erfassen.

This article compares a variety of modes of quantifying individuals to govern them. The analytical grid issues from a former research program on the Politics of Statistics that focused on one of these modes of governing by numbers, the statistical nation state, which is here included in an array of more recently developed governing numbers based on benchmarking, digital tracking, or self-quantifying. Three main operations differentiate modes of governing by numbers: measuring individuals for quantification, taking political measures accordingly to guide their behaviors, and an intermediate operation that is often less visible although situated between the two previous ones and needed to link them: evaluating the situation through a measured judgment that justifies the monitoring based on numbers. This analysis breaks down data into the sequential steps of the transformations chain of information formats needed to pass from an individual person to a governing figure. The plurality of modes of evaluation, and its reduction by quantification, is given high significance, as well as the way each mode of governing affects individuals, their identity and their possibility to critically reflect and question.

The article develops the concept of statistical panopticism, thereby combining the French approach of economics of convention (EC) and Michel Foucault’s concept of panopticism. The differences between Foucault’s original notion of panopticism and statistical panopticism are emphasized. It is argued that statistical panopticism has been made possible by the enormous growth of quantification, datafication, linking, and centralization of numerical data production, data collection, and data analysis. This has been (mainly) realized by private enterprises and implemented in different social spheres but also in private situations. From the perspective of EC, quantification, big data, and statistical panopticism have to be related to the foundational conventions of data production (measurement) and data interpretation. Foucault has analyzed the neoliberal and indirect form of contemporary governance. Statistical panopticism works as a dispositive for this neoliberal form of governance. Its asymmetric and mainly invisible character is sketched. Also the critique and the deficiencies of critique of political and economic usages of numerical data and indicators are discussed.

The current movement of deregulation of professional services in Europe rests on the idea that reducing professional regulation will increase market competition and lead to cut prices for customers. Studying liberalization of the market for legal services, we assume that competition relates much more to quality than to the sole prices. Endorsing the perspective of economics of convention, we show that the profession of lawyer overlaps with a diversity of autonomous and dis-tinct logics that links the quality of services valued by clients with professional practices. These typical logics frame different rational processes characterized by the implementation of distinctive interpretation and reflexivity processes by lawyers. Given that the market-based rationality of maximizing profit sustains only one of the fourth logics embodied within the legal market, this article questions the consequences of professional deregulation on the performance of the market for legal services.

Uncertainty often arises around objects concerning the relevant qualities that determine their value in different markets. The existence of conventions of quality allows to reduce this uncertainty but these conventions can be used strategically. So, other resources must be mobilized to authenticate objects relying on sensed experience. In this contribution, we present first our model of expertise and we then adopt a historical perspective questioning the plurality of regimes of authenticity. This plurality depends on the conception of copying and on the dif-ferent ways of attributing authorship between law and social norms. These sources of variation have changed the resources mobilized in authentication and thus its mode of organization and legitimation. The growing importance of scientific and legal guarantees in the current exchanges of high-value goods reflects the creation of a market for authentication and raises the question of its regulation.

There would not have been an economics of convention (EC) without the use of the word "convention" in chapter 12 of the "The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money" (1936) by Keynes, and without the book "Convention. A Philosophical Study" (1969), by the philosopher and mathematician David Lewis. But representatives of EC reinterpret the usual reading of those two texts. They extract from the first one the idea of a convention as regulating a professional community (the financial one and the academic one in economics). As for the second one, they privilege the final revision of Lewis' initial game-theoretic definition, which puts non-observable "beliefs" on a par with observable "actions." The coherence between both elements can only be produced by the emergence of a "(social) practice." Therefore a very different practice of economics is promoted by EC (for instance reunifying coordination and reproduction). Following Foucault who studied states as a practice (through the notion of "governmentality"), we study business firms as a practice. Because of the gap between the legal person (corporation whose members are the share-holders) and the economic organization (with all its stake-holders), the firm as a practice needs to be regulated by a convention, in order to make the inequality not unbearable for workers. Otherwise the working of the firm as a dispositive of collective creation would be blocked. We conclude that conventions, practices, and dispositives belong to the same analytical space.

The aim of this article is to analyze the French Social Security System (SSS) within the framework of the Economics of Convention (EC). From this perspective, we consider that the SSS is permeated by three competing conventions: an anticapitalist convention, a solidaristic convention, and a liberal convention. We use conventions as ideologies in order to address conflict and power in the context of EC. The French SSS is not the outcome of a consensus but of conflicts. An empirical analysis of historical documents and political debates during the sessions of the French National Assembly is mobilized in order to examine two key moments of controversy in 1949 and 1967.

The contribution examines concepts and the methodology of Michel Foucault from the standpoint of the French institutionalist approach of economics of convention (in short EC). EC is briefly introduced. Then, it is argued that Foucault should be regarded as an “ally” for EC, because his theory shares main positions with EC, but Foucault also provides concepts and methodological strategies, which could improve EC’s capabilities to analyze practices and strategies of convention-based processes as critique, justification and the social construction of qualities and worth. Some representatives of EC have already adopted Foucaultian concepts. Foucault also pioneered the analysis in domains, highly relevant for EC, as in the field of law and neoliberalism, but these works are not well recognized so far. Moreover, Foucault began the study of individual’s strategies of self-conduct and self-formation, which EC approached later on as well. The article claims that it is especially Foucault’s notions of episteme and power as well as Foucaultian discourse analysis, which offer innovative theoretical and methodological perspectives for EC.

This paper wants to develop a dynamic approach of markets. We take the economics of conventions (EC) as the basic theoretical framework and expand it regarding concepts, which help to answer the question under which circumstances markets are either (persistently) stable or (radically) dynamic. We introduce EC as a European research program focusing on uncertainty as the fundamental problem on markets. Then we develop the concept of market regimes to draw on some main pillars of the EC and at the same time to focus attention more, as it is usually the case, on the question why conventions are stable and why they change. We argue that usually markets are relatively stable; however, crises, exogenous factors, and divergent interpretations of quality on the individual level (dissatisfaction/critique of key actors) lead to change of conventions and consequently changing market regimes. Analytically, the existing regime fails to overcome uncertainty and establish market coordination. The empirical part of the paper illustrates the theoretical concepts with the case of a regional wine market where radical change led to the fall of the market convention and the rise of the domestic convention.

Against the background of financialization being applied as a sort of catch-all category for corporate reorganization and especially the deterioration of labor and working conditions the paper presents the concept of the "multi-referential enterprise." Capital market expectations put established labor relations under a new pressure, but competing ideas remain relevant as a reference in both institutional reform processes and everyday decision making at firm level, including labor relations. Respective power positions also depend on rights anchored in labor law, collective bargaining, and labor market regulations as well as on what happens to sources of primary power of the respective workforce due to labor market conditions, technological change, and pressures from value chain reorganization and globalization. Hence, what unions and works councils eventually have to concede in negotiations is not just a matter of the degree of financialization but of a variety of other structurations of the field and respective companies.

This article argues that the “standard approach” of the analysis of discrimination cannot easily explain the durability of discriminatory practices, which should “normally” disappear thanks to market forces. We propose an analysis of labor market discrimination using the concept of convention. First, our convention-based explanation tries to characterize discrimination as an arbitrary, automatic, conformist, and self-enforcing behavior. Second, using the French institutional approach of economics of convention, we can define discrimination as an illegitimate practice. This implies that, because discrimination is stable in the long run and unfair, legislation and policy, as well as affirmative action, are useful. This new approach to the economic analysis of discrimination also changes the interrelation(s) of markets, firms, and law.