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Die aktuelle Weltlage befindet sich in einem anhaltenden Krisenmodus. Klimawandel, Corona-Krise, Kriege, Inflation oder auch der politische Rechtsruck machen sich in der Gesellschaft bemerkbar. Sie können Sorgen und Ängste in Bezug auf die individuelle oder auch auf die kollektive Zukunft auslösen. Zudem beeinflussen Werte und Einstellungen unser Denken und Verhalten, die unter anderem von verinnerlichten politischen Ideologien beeinflusst sein können. Den Zusammenhang zwischen politischen Ideologien und Zukunftsängsten zu beschreiben, ist die Aufgabe der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit. Möglich hierbei wäre, dass konservativ eingestellte Menschen eine höhere Zukunftsangst aufweisen. Eine andere Annahme wäre, dass liberal eingestellte Menschen eine geringere Angst davor haben, durch Digitalisierung am Arbeitsplatz ersetzt zu werden. Zusätzlich wurde der Einfluss der Systemrechtfertigung erforscht. Hierfür wurde eine Online-Umfrage mit insgesamt 311 Befragungsteilnehmer:innen aus dem deutschsprachigen Raum durchgeführt. Folgende Variablen wurden für die Analyse erhoben: Zukunftsangst (ZUKGE), Digitalisierungsangst Beschäftigte (DIGBE), Digitalisierungsangst Studierende (DIGST), zukünftige ökonomische Unsicherheit Beschäftigte (ZUKBE), zukünftige ökonomische Unsicherheit Studierende (ZUKST), Liberalismus (LIB), ökonomischer Libertarismus (NEO), Sozialismus (SOZ), Konservatismus (KON) und die Systemrechtfertigung (SJT). In der vorliegenden Untersuchung konnte leider keine der aufgestellten Annahmen bestätigt werden. Es zeigte sich lediglich, dass Beschäftigte mit einem höheren sozialistischen Wert – gegensätzlich zu der Annahme – eine geringere ökonomische Unsicherheit aufweisen. Im Hinblick auf den Einfluss der Systemrechtfertigung zeigt sich, dass diese bei Beschäftigten eine größere Rolle bei der zukünftigen ökonomischen Unsicherheit und der Digitalisierungsangst als bei Studierenden spielt., The current world situation is in a state of ongoing crisis. Climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, wars, inflation, and political shifts to the right are making themselves felt in society. These factors can trigger worries and fears regarding both individual and collective futures. Furthermore, values and attitudes influence our thinking and behavior, which can be influenced by internalized political ideologies. Describing the relationship between political ideologies and future anxieties is the task of the present research. It is possible that individuals with conservative beliefs exhibit higher levels of future anxiety. Another assumption could be that individuals with liberal beliefs have less fear of being replaced by automation in the workplace. Additionally, the influence of system justification was investigated. For this purpose, an online survey was conducted with a total of 311 respondents from German-speaking regions. The following variables were collected for analysis: Future Anxiety (ZUKGE), Fear of Digitalization among Employees (DIGBE), Fear of Digitalization among Students (DIGST), Future Economic Uncertainty among Employees (ZUKBE), Future Economic Uncertainty among Students (ZUKST), Liberalism (LIB), Economic Libertarianism (NEO), Socialism (SOZ), Conservatism (KON), and System Justification (SJT). Unfortunately, none of the assumptions formulated were confirmed in the present study. It was only found that employees with higher socialist values – contrary to the assumption – exhibit lower economic uncertainty. Regarding the influence of system justification, it was observed that it plays a greater role in future economic uncertainty and fear of digitalization among employees compared to students., Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2024

Amidst multiple foreign policy flip-flops of the Turkish government, the Middle East is where observers agree most about the explanatory priority of ideational factors over realpolitik calculations. The assertive foreign policy activism to extend the country's role in the region has largely been linked to the Islamist leanings of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). This study revisits Turkey's Middle East policy with a particular focus on the AKP's relations with the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan al Muslimin), which marked Turkish foreign policy formulation and implementation in multiple theatres from Yemen to Egypt to Libya. Using a neoclassical realist approach, it argues that the AKP's ideological ties to the Ikhwan are significant for the availability of new resources but Turkish foreign policy behavior in the Middle East, including relations with the Ikhwan, reflects a grand strategy to respond to systemic and sub-systemic stimuli.

Through a discourse-theoretic approach, this paper problematises the under-theorised chameleonic quality of populism. While populist politics is often expressed as construction of the people against the elite, this paper argues that the political should rather be sought in how populism revives itself despite (and through) constant discursive shifts. It examines the interrelations between populism, identity and foreign policy, inserting 'dislocation', the transitory moment of disruption in the discursive field, as the main enterprise of populist politics. Empirically, the paper scrutinises how Turkish President Erdoğan switched from conservative democratic to Islamist to nationalist discourses, each with repercussions in the field of foreign policy, and sustained the populist moment through successive dislocations. In particular, it focuses how the 'Ottoman' myth spelled different populisms and foreign policy discourses in different periods of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi - AKP) rule.

Die 1930er-Jahre gelten als das populistische Jahrzehnt Hollywoods. Regisseure wie Frank Capra, Leo McCarey und John Ford entwerfen in ihren Werken Szenarien geglückter oder gescheiterter politischer Repräsentation, in denen sich demokratische Ideale mit politischer Theologie und amerikanischem Exzeptionalismus verbinden. Die Szenographie dieser Filme hat sich tief in das kulturelle Gedächtnis der USA eingeschrieben und prägt die politische Inszenierung von Repräsentation bis heute. Johannes Pause liest die damals entstandene Bildsprache als eine Typologie populistischer Repräsentation neu und nutzt sie als Folie, um aktuelle politische Tendenzen zu analysieren.

Over the past decade, Slovakia has witnessed the dismantling of public human rights institutions and gender equality policies and incessant efforts to limit sexual and reproductive rights. While these processes have been mostly discussed in relation to the transnational anti‐gender movement, this article conceptualizes them as part of an illiberal turn. We argue that recent rhetorical, institutional, and policy processes in Slovakia have been enabled by a discursive shift positing a new subject: conservative people and their rightful demands. Our argument is bolstered through two analyses. Quantitative content analysis of media articles published between 2002 and 2020, firstly, traces the increased emphasis on the signifiers "conservative" and "liberal." This examination demonstrates that the anti‐gender discourse in the 2010s accelerated and normalized this specific discursive frame. Furthermore, it underscores how the carriers of the conservative label shifted away from institutions towards individual politicians and, more importantly, toward a collective subject - people. Qualitative discourse analysis, secondly, focuses on the anti‐gender discourse, understood here as a Laclauian populist practice. It posits three types of demands entangled in an equivalential chain - demands dealing with cultural recognition, material redistribution, and political representation. This analytical approach enables us to show how the construction of the conservative/liberal divide goes beyond the struggles for so‐called traditional values, but is embedded in broader socioeconomic processes, and how it led to calls for political representation of the "conservative people" and for a "conservative" (in fact illiberal) transformation of political institutions.

The authors deal with comparative aspects of contemporary authoritarianism. Authoritarian tendencies have appeared in several "old democracies" but their main successes take place in several states which departed from dictatorial regimes recently. The book contains case-studies of contemporary Hungarian, Kenyan, Polish, Russian and Turkish regimes.

Objective: We analyze whether and how individuals react to information about the adoption of a particular policy, with a focus on the role of conservatism. Methods: We conducted an online survey experiment on support for data retention in Germany. A recent law on this issue allowed us to test the effects of two policy signals, information about the adoption of a new law (law signal) and information that this followed a Constitutional Court decision (law and court signal), on separate groups of respondents. Results: Our results show a positive effect of each policy signal on support for data retention. The effect of the law signal was even slightly stronger for individuals with conservative beliefs. Conclusion: Illustrating how lock-in effects of policies can work, our study contributes to research on attitudinal policy feedback: creating new legislation also means legitimizing the policy position in question and stating that this norm should be accepted.

La finalidad de este estudio fue indagar los perfiles valorativos de docentes en ejercicio y en formación, en base a dos modelos axiológicos considerados antagónicos (conservador y liberal), cada uno con una estructura bien definida. Cabe destacar que los enfoques teóricos no se presentan puros en la realidad debido a su profunda complejidad; sin embargo, este tipo de estudios permite vislumbrar cuál es el camino que la sociedad considera oportuno o viable para avanzar hacia el futuro. Se utilizó un diseño metodológico cuantitativo, de tipo descriptivo y de corte transversal. Los participantes relevados de primera fuente fueron estudiantes de profesorado de tercer año de los 5 institutos de formación docente más representativos de la Capital de Mendoza (Argentina) y sus respectivos docentes. La muestra fue de carácter intencional (n=337) con un alto porcentaje de mujeres (91,1%). Los resultados permitieron identificar tres factores: Autonomía, Igualdad y Tradición; a partir de ellos fue posible discriminar tendencias y perfiles predominantes., The purpose of this research was to identify the axiological profiles of practicing and training teachers, based on two axiological models considered antagonistic (conservative and liberal), each one with a well-defined structure. Theoretical approaches are not presented pure in reality due to their profound complexity, however, this type of study allows us to glimpse what is the path that society considers opportune or viable to advance towards the future. A quantitative, descriptive and cross-sectional methodological design was used. The participants surveyed from the first source were third-year teacher students from the 5 most representative teacher training institutes in the Capital of Mendoza (Argentina) and their respective professors. The sample was intentional (n = 337) with a high percentage of women (91.1%). The results allowed identifying three factors: Autonomy, Equality and Tradition, from them it was possible to discriminate prevailing trends and profiles.

Studies of the pro-life movement have invariably been undertaken in relation to the pro-choice movement. The stress on comparison has tended to homogenize the two sides, thus understating their internal differences. This article extends beyond an analysis bounded by a movement - countermovement dichotomy. Based on ethnographic data and on the Italian case, it considers several questions that arise from revealing the intramovement divisions at various levels. First, there are tensions relating to the relationship between orthodoxy and institutionalized politics: how far, if at all, should there be doctrinal compromises in exchange for influence over public policy? Secondly, the conflicts over modes of action. In this respect, should protests be visible in public spaces, and if so how? These two issues govern the tense relationship between the Movimento per la Vita and more radical groups. Thirdly, the issue that divides the Movimento itself; the ongoing dialogue over the attitude to be taken towards contraception, and thus sexuality. At the heart of these intramovement struggles is the definition of what a 'real' pro-life movement is, and how a 'real' pro-life movement should mobilize. This article reveals a complex and highly fragmented image of the pro-life movement that, like every social movement of a certain size, is heterogeneous in its demographic composition, objectives and strategies. To show this complexity, the article adopts an emic approach that does not limit itself to a reading of conservative movements through the eyes of progressive movements.