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The article ponders the potential of a territorial-exchange agreement to improve the relationship between Serbia and Kosovo. Topics discussed include the proposal to merge four Serbian-dominated municipalities with Serbia and two Albanian-majority municipalities with Kosovo, opposition of political parties, religious institutions and nationalist groups to the proposal, and importance of resolving domestic political obstacles to the success of a possible exchange.

The Kosovo Albanian political movement in the 1990s contained three fluctuating factions with distinct strategies: boycotting Serbian institutions, participating in elections, and resorting to an armed insurgency. This article shows how expectations of external assistance, primarily from the Clinton administration, influenced which strategy was to dominate the movement at certain periods. It also shows how the movement successfully conflated the issues of human rights and the ethnonationalist secessionist agenda, even though the secessionist agenda predated the claims of human rights violations following the rise of Slobodan Milošević to power in Serbia. In the end, the article discusses how the Clinton administration's failure in the Rambouillet peace talks, the diplomatic result of the NATO attack on Serbia, and the fall of Slobodan Milošević set the foundations for freezing the conflict and turning Kosovo into a parastate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the Southeastern European country, Kosovo. Topics include its emergence from the Ottoman Empire and eventually Serbia at the end of World War I; its current political and government status; and presence of vast majority of ethnicities including Albanian, with smaller numbers of Serbs, Roma, and Bosnians.

This article investigates the discursive logic of the antibureaucratic revolution through discourse analysis of three Serbian dailies: Politika , Borba , and Večernje Novosti. We conceptualize this discursive logic as a "hybrid discourse," employed by Slobodan Milošević's faction of the political elite and by prominent Serbian press outlets in their discussions and reporting on the diverse Serbian protest movements of the day. The core of the hybrid discourse, as our analysis demonstrates, consisted of the symbolic interweaving of different types of citizens' discontent in order to present them as one single demand for societal "reform" that resonated with the agenda of the Serbian political elite. We argue that the hybrid discourse and the antibureaucratic revolution itself had a structural role related to the crisis of systemic legitimacy in Yugoslavia. The hybrid discourse performed the operation of what we term the "reversing of the symbolic fixing of antagonism between the ordinary actors' discontents and the structurally inevitable reforms," introducing instead the discursive fusion of the two vocabularies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the consociational democracy installed in Kosovo after the war. Starting from the premise that the electoral system is considered one of the key instruments for the engineering of post-conflict societies with deep ethnic divisions, the article analyzes the preferences of local and international actors for the type of electoral system. In particular, the United Nations Interim Administration Mission's reluctance to organize elections without a prior creation of an institutional base, as well as grand governing coalitions. The mechanisms of consociational democracy aim at addressing elite cooperation between different ethnic communities for building peace and stability in post-conflict societies. But focusing on the intra- and inter-community dynamics of cooperation and confrontation between elites, I conclude that the main obstacle to building a democratic multi-ethnic society in Kosovo and implementing the power-sharing arrangements was the uncertainty over the status of Kosovo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Albanian Diaspora is present throughout the world and is large in numbers. A substantial emigration from Kosovo has been taken place in various phases during the second half of the 20th century as Albanians in Kosovo, Macedonia and Albania as well. Albanians generally know the burden of migration. Albanian families have at least one of their close family member or a relative living and working outside Kosovo. For many decades main financial resources from our compatriots have been uncontested and a living source for Kosovo families! In addition, diaspora marks dynamics and drive of money as in construction and trade, and its peak is during the winter and summer holidays. Therefore, we were interested in the most inclusive way and locally to focus on remittances of our compatriots who are from the city of Vitia and surroundings. Interest to investigate this development realized since the municipality of Vitia this year (2016) continually supported the migrants to invest and aid them to channel their humanitarian resources through official and transparent channels by organizing different events and joint cultural gatherings. Maybe, a little bit to alleviate poverty in this city and to deepen cooperation further. The municipality of Vitia is located in south-eastern Kosovo. It covers an area of approximately 276 km² and includes Vitia town and 38 villages. The total population is approximately 47,000 (46,987 according to the Kosovo Population and Housing Census 2011).170 It's interesting that Vitia’s diaspora is very powerful and active always ready to help its people whenever it’s needed. Approximately more than 35% of Vitia’s inhabitants work and live in Switzerland and Germany. Approximately every second village has its respective association in the city where they live, in Switzerland or Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, the inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has been made for its territory. Both sides, Serbs and Albanians, have voiced allegations of history and ethno-demography to justify their supposedly exclusive right over this ethnically mixed territory. According to the London Conferences (1912-13), Versailles (1919) and Paris (1946) and against the free will of its Albanian population, Kosovo has become part of Yugoslavia. After the Second World War with the establishment of Communist Yugoslavia Kosovo Albanians were given a degree of autonomy within the framework of Serbia. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1991, the Kosovo Albanian population organized a referendum in which independence was elected. On the other hand, Serbian authorities insisted on Kosovo's constitutional status as an integral part of Serbia. Kosovo represents important challenges and also the opportunity to fulfill human rights guarantees and promises of international co-operation. Where ethnic tensions and violence share societies, as is the case with Kosovo, respect for minority rights promotes conditions for political, social, and peace stability. In such societies, different national, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups have the opportunity to live together, communicate effectively and understand the value of differences between themselves and cultural diversity in their societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the impact of the electoral system on the party system and political stability in Kosovo. Because of the particular socio-political circumstances in Kosovo, and the post war situation, the transition and the process of democratic institution building was slow and conditioned by the rules of an international administration. After the independence of Kosovo (2008) the United Nation Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) heritage continues to have an impact on the political system of Kosovo. The party system continues to be unstable, both in the ideological sense and in the formation of post-election governments. The Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system with a single, multi-member electoral constituency and reserved seats (20) for minorities in parliament makes impossible to have a stable majority in Kosovo. The main hypothesis of the paper is: The Proportional Representation (PR) electoral systems in Kosovo, for the period of analysis between 2001 and 2017 has a direct impact on the party system, to have an unstable multiparty system. The article uses techniques of qualitative methodology to explore the consequences of the electoral system on the party system in Kosovo, before and after its independence. The conclusions argue that that Kosovo has an unstable party system that negatively impacts on the country's governance system. Based on the findings, the article argues that there is a need for specific changes in Kosovo's electoral system in order to have a stable political party system, which will result also in a stable government. We propose changes of the electoral system in Kosovo, from one Multi-Member Constituency (MMC), to be divided into 7 + 1 constituency for minorities, in order to have a stable party system, thereby more efficient and durable government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Kosovo declared its independence on 17 February 2008. Subsequently, one of the aims of Kosovo's foreign policy was to further consolidate this position and to justify Kosovo's prospective membership in the United Nations. This article examines the issue of recognition, elucidating how Kosovo is different from other countries and comparing it with the case of the former Yugoslavia. Other aspects in the state-building process such as 'building constitutionalism' will be presented as a step toward justifying recognition and membership. Furthermore, the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (icj) of 8 October 2008 will be presented as evidence of Kosovo's strengthening international position in its quest for further recognition. Thus, the article will discuss and analyze the arguments in favor of Kosovo being admitted to the UN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, Kosovo became a member of two Council of Europe (CoE) partial agreements: on the Development Bank and on the European Commission for Democracy through Law (the Venice Commission). More recently, the Government of Kosovo expressed an interest in joining the CoE. This article examines, in the context of Kosovo's contested statehood, the conditions and procedure for Kosovo's possible admission to the CoE and describes, in the form of an early warning, the key legal and policy issues that could arise in this process. Insofar as membership criteria are concerned, the article examines Kosovo's ability to exercise jurisdiction over its territory. In this regard, the case of Azemi v. Serbia before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Strasbourg Court) and the eu-facilitated agreements between Belgrade and Pristina are considered. In addition, the article argues that that the direct applicability of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (echr) and the ECtHR's case law in Kosovo are evidence of Kosovo's commitment to fulfilling one of the essential membership criteria. Regarding Kosovo's prospects for admission, the article submits that the recognition of Kosovo by more than two-thirds of the Council's member states is an indicator that, in principle, Kosovo could ensure the votes necessary for admission. However, it also highlights the specific challenges Kosovo may encounter in its membership path due to complex admission procedures within the CoE Committee of Ministers and the composition of the members of the CoE Parliamentary Assembly (PACE). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kosovo's Constitutional Court has played a role of paramount importance in the country's recent history. The author uses a comparative analysis to discuss the role of the Court in light of the work and history of other European constitutional courts. This approach sheds light on the Court's current role by analyzing Kosovo's constitutional history, which shows that there has been a radical break with the past. This approach reveals the fact that Kosovo's current Constitution does not reflect the material culture of the society of Kosovo. This radical break with the past is a result of the country's tragic history, in which case the fight for constitutionalism means a fight for human dignity. In this battle for constitutionalism, the Court has been given very broad jurisdiction and a role to play in paving the way for Kosovo to move toward Euro-Atlantic integration in all spheres of life. Before reaching this conclusion, the author discusses the specificities of Kosovo's transition, comparing it with other former communist countries. Among the specific features of constitutionalism in Kosovo are the role and position of the international community in the process of constitution-making and the overall design of constitutional justice in Kosovo. Throughout the article, a conclusion emerges that puts Kosovo's Constitutional Court at the forefront of the fight for the rule of law and constitutionalism of liberal Western provenance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that accounting for the complexity of interaction in post-conflict democracy promotion is important to understand how interactions influence post-conflict democratisation. Using the case of democracy promotion in Kosovo, the article uncovers two aspects in interaction processes where accounting for complexity is particularly useful: domestic goals and actor constellations. Taking into account the variety of domestic goals helps to understand how democratic reforms are subverted by domestic elites for the sake of their own domestic agenda. Disentangling the complexity of actor constellations demonstrates that interaction dynamics are shaped by the leverage and the number of international actors involved in the negotiation. The article draws on fine-grained local-level data from Kosovo to illustrate the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, through an analysis and constitutional point of view, will clarify the constitutional position of the President that he has in parliamentary republics. This will be possible by reflecting the principle of separation of powers, its philosophy and its attitude toward the role of the head of state in parliamentarianism. The starting point of this writing is the analysis of the separation of powers and the impact of this principle on the democratization of countries. The reports that the President has with the Assembly will be addressed in this article in particular. Moreover, we will address the specifics that point out the role and position of the President in the Parliamentary Republic. Also, addressing the veto of the president as an institution that affirms the balancing power of the Assembly will prove its special position within the system itself. Kosovo, its constitution and its principles will be an inseparable part of this paper. The Republic of Kosovo has embraced the principle of the separation of powers, and has established a typical parliamentary system of government whereby the President has reserved a neutral position among all other powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contributes to the efforts of understanding Russia’s legitimization endeavours by looking at the policy narratives centred around the so-called Kosovo precedent and the way they were perceived by different actors from Ukraine, Russia, and international experts. The aim of the paper is to scrutinize the process of politicization of contested international norms (in particular, territorial sovereignty and the right to self-determination) in the case of Russia’s legitimacy claims in Ukraine. In assessing the instrumentalization of the ‘Kosovo precedent’ in the Crimea crisis, we focused on three main elements identified in the selected policy narratives: the reinterpretation of history, the humanitarian and ethnic factor and the reinterpretation of Western actions in the Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While studies among established democracies suggest MPs’ incentives to develop close links with their constituents are hardly determined by the electoral system, very little is known about MPs’ incentives to establish such links outside these countries. Looking at the case of Kosovo, as a newly democratic country with a low level of party system institutionalization, this article examines the extent to which its MPs develop close links with their constituents. Through interviews, the article compares MPs’ behaviour under closed-list PR system which was used in the 2004 elections and open-list PR system which was used both in the 2007 and 2010 elections. The main argument is that due to the weak nature of the party system institutionalization, MPs elected under open-list PR system, where there is intra-party electoral competition, will develop closer links with their constituents than those elected under closed-list PR, where such intra-party electoral competition is absent. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How do contemporary secessionist movements gain international recognition of their claims to self-determination? I argue that international recognition is forthcoming when a sufficient number of states believe a claim to self-determinationoughtto be accepted. That is, states recognize claims to self-determination when they perceive them to be legitimate. To convince outsiders of the legitimacy of their claims, separatist movements invoke resonant norms and symbols in a moral economy that structures decision-making. I contrast this argument with prevailing explanations of recognition dynamics. To illustrate the argument, I examine the diplomacy surrounding Kosovo’s independence bid and unilateral secession. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Water resource management (WRM) has increasingly come to be considered within the realm of peacebuilding. Through investigating the case of water resource management in Kosovo after 1999, this study argues that the international community has treated post-conflict water resource management as a primarily technical issue, to the neglect of its complex political nature. This has impeded the peacebuilding process in three ways. First, it consolidated the physical separation of actors through allowing separate water governance structures. Second, it avoided conflictive issues instead of actively engaging in conflict resolution. Third, it incapacitated locals by placing ownership in the hands of external actors. To redress this tripartite dilemma, this study stresses the need for research that provides deeper theoretical and empirical understanding of the political mechanisms that connect WRM to post-conflict reconstruction efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A remarkable out-migration from Kosovo occurred after the winter 2014/15, raising urgent questions about its underlying drivers and implications for both Kosovo and the destination countries. This article aims at providing a better understanding of key migration triggers and some particularities of the phenomenon. We link our empirically found migration drivers to Hirschman's () famous exit, voice or loyalty scheme by asking in how far the exit must be understood as the explicit alternative to voicing dissatisfaction with the current situation in the country. According to our results, the recent Kosovar out-migration is a clear response to weak governance and thus goes beyond the widespread 'migration-cum-remittances' livelihood practice. In this sense it could be interpreted as a revolt against the political system. With view to policy implications for destination countries, we point at legal travel and migration opportunities as the better solution to channel both voice and exit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between public administration and conflict resolution is traditionally understood through the 'democratic peace' thesis, which holds that war is less likely in democracies than in non-democracies. Limited success with post-conflict democratisation missions has opened space for renewed research on three strands of 'deeper democracy': decentralisation, participation and deliberation. This article reports on the study of deliberative democratic practices in emerging governance networks in Prishtina. Through an investigation of three contentious issues in Prishtina's public spaces, research combines documentary sources with field interviews with governance actors to identify factors that enable and constrain the scope for deliberative decision-making in governance networks. Case studies point to six main influences: 'securitisation', trust building, 'mandate parallelism', structural patterns of inclusion and exclusion, network structures and the properties of governed public spaces. In addition, two frames are found to be particularly resistant to deliberative engagement: Kosovo's status and ethnic identities. We formulate a tentative conclusion to be further investigated: in contexts where distrust is high, deliberative governance requires a rigid adherence to an overarching reference framework that can create discursive space within which relative deliberation can take place. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to analyse, for the first time, raspberry and strawberry value chain information in Kosovo. The study aims to address a series of research objectives and questions related to the value chain organization and than using series of datasets (both secondary sources and primary data), instruments, methods and set of indicators to provide analytical information about the selected value chain trends. The primary data consists of a structured farm survey (sample = 200) conducted during December 2015 - January 2016, and semi-structured interviews carried out with value chain stakeholders. The paper analysis the value chains structure and actors' profile and it describes the main channels of distributions. It analyses nature of relations between actors, governance in the agro-food value chain, particularly, implications for market access. The paper combines quantitative analysis (eg. statistical analysis of the structured farm survey using SPSS) with qualitative analysis (eg. findings from semi-structured interviews). We analyse opportunities, constraints and challenges that characterise this value chain, and provide recommendations how they can be tackled by policy-makers and private sector actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This book offers an account of how the institutionalisation of the EU foreign and security policy has impacted processes of European integration. The manuscript proposes a 'synthetic' model through which it examines evidence of EU member states' preference ordering and interest aggregation by the High Representative in the context of EU-Kosovo and EU-Ukraine relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has expanded its role in preventing conflicts and building peace, but its institutional practices remain insufficiently conceptualized. This article argues that, drawing from a strong self-perception toward a neo-functionalist interpretation of its own history, the EU uses 'neo-functional peace' as an approach for resolving protracted disputes, through deconstructing highly political issues into technical meanings in order to achieve mutually acceptable agreements. This article explores the EU's efforts to normalize relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and examines the reliance on aspects of neo-functionalism for building peace after protracted disputes. We argue that neo-functional peace has played a crucial role in normalizing political relations and reconciling some of the outstanding disputes between Kosovo and Serbia. Building on this case study, we suggest a theoretical concept of neo-functional peace as a useful means to conceptualize the EU's peace support practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eddie Izzard famously said "no flag, no country." However, in this age, a flag is not the most important prerequisite for independence. In fact, the concept of "independence" now includes "Digital Independence." Kosovo gained territorial and de facto political independence. However, ICANN refuses to grant it full digital independence by giving it control of its own top level domain. Objections to its independence lack honest justification, and its digital independence should not be held hostage by old Balkan rivalries. This Article makes the case for Kosovo to be granted full digital independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse the ideological profile of political parties and the party system in Kosovo. The political system in general and the political parties in particular are basic elements and very important for functioning of the state. Political parties, depending on ideological attitudes that they represent, hold certain attitudes to solve social problems. Political parties with left orientation are supporters of social equality; they support the social strata with economic problems, and they are in favour of stronger presence of the state. Political parties with right orientation have different attitudes from left parties. They support evolutionary changes in society, they are in favour of preservation and cultivation of traditions, there are supporters of the capitalization and are for minimal state intervention in society. Political parties in Kosovo have a new tradition of the formation and profile. They are at an early stage in terms of the ideological division. The party system in Kosovo after 1990 can be divided into two phases. The first phase is until 1999, where political parties have operated under the measures of occupation, and the second phase includes the period from 1999 onwards, initially under the international administration, and after the independence under supervision and co-governance in some areas with the mission of the European Union (EU). In order to be more inclusive, political parties in Kosovo offer ideologically unclear programs. Political parties in Kosovo in regards to some topics such as European integration, economic and social policies in general have same positions, with some exceptions. In this paper, the qualitative methodology was used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyse collaboration in the process of post-conflict reconstruction in Kosovo. Based on extensive empirical research, we focus on the parliamentarisation in Kosovo in the context of a multi-stakeholder partnership (MSP). We investigate the creation, operation and effects of co-operation within an MSP called the Kosovo Assembly Support Initiative (ASI). This MSP is relevant for the study of parliamentary affairs because of its goals to help in the creation of a functioning national parliament, but also because several other national parliaments contributed to this goal within the broader post-conflict peace-building in Kosovo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the issue of sub-state citizenship in the post-Yugoslav countries and focuses on the emergence and definitions of membership. The article analyses conceptions of nationhood and territorial compositions of the states, proceeds with the analysis of sub-state entities' governance arrangements and compares conceptions of nationhood and membership in state-wide and sub-state polities. The article identifies four broad categories of sub-state polities and two diverging tendencies in the definition of membership. At one end of the spectrum, there are cases in which membership in regional polities is based on territorial, multi-ethnic and civic principles. At the other end, membership is defined in ethno-national terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yugoslav Federation never satisfactorily resolved the problem posed by the Albanians of Kosovo. Emerging from a period of intense repression, Kosovo in the 1960s and 1970s underwent rapid political development, including the creation of autonomous political institutions. The Kosovo issue was directly affected by developments in Albano–Yugoslav relations—themselves subject to events in the wider world—and by internal developments within Yugoslavia, in which Albania had a strong interest. Throughout the period the issue remained a staple in Albania’s ideological war with Yugoslavia. Wary of the official Kosovar political leadership and suspicious of the nascent Kosovar national movement, Albania was alarmed by Kosovar demands for republican status. Ironically, the reaction of Albania and Yugoslavia to these demands was not dissimilar. This study is based on an analysis of recent historical research, as well as on recently released documents from Kosovar, Albanian, Serbian, and American archives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2014 Government of Kosova voted in favour of a law on Health Insurance. In this paper we highlight the principle behind the current contributions rate for contributions in the Kosovo’s Health Insurance Fund. Furthermore, we propose a method for augmenting the current proposed structure of premiums, through a simulation method of implementing extensions that are similar to Germany’s health insurance system, and the national insurance contributions method in the United Kingdom. We make use of most current economic data, and reports from Kosovo’s 2011 census. We include a wide set of scenarios based under different economic outlooks and different healthcare-package covers. The structure of contributions is geared toward an equal split between employers and employees, with difference being that contribution based on a UK equivalent system allows for an even greater degree of solidarity. Our analysis contributes toward creation and stimulation of a more competitive private health insurance market, and applies pressure on the Kosovo government on continuation of setting a minimum wage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Slobodan Milosevic's rise from a minor Communist Party figure to the eventual Serbian president was bound up in rhetoric. Specifically, I examine how Milosevic rhetorically recast and modified the myth of Kosovo. The myth of Kosovo is one of the fundamental pillars of Serbian identity. I argue Milosevic modified the fundamental themes of the myth -- disunity and unity -- to bring an earthly redemption to Serbs in the late 1980s. Milosevic's use of the Kosovo myth cemented his hold on presidential leadership in 1989 and is an important example of how past events are fruitful topoi for political leaders trying to build nationalist movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]