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Susan Moore Johnson, a professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education and leading scholar on school staffing, highlights research from the Project on the Next Generation of Teachers showing the importance of inclusive leadership and team-based structures in improving teacher recruitment and retention. School context is key in determining teachers' job satisfaction, and leaders play an important role in shaping teachers' workplace culture. When supported by leaders who create organization norms for teamwork and shared decision making, Johnson write, "teachers are far more likely to have the support they need to do better work, experience more professional satisfaction, and stay."

For well over a year, school shutdowns and sputtered reopenings have tested educators' resourcefulness and resolve. As the new school year begins, many are reflecting on small triumphs and lessons learned from that experience. One practice that proved central to many schools' resolve and resilience during this crisis was teachers' collaboration on school-based teams. The author believes that such teams, which enabled schools to respond quickly and often wisely to unprecedented demands, can now propel schools to become even better as they move beyond crisis mode. In this article, the author presents why teacher teams are more critical than ever. Effective instructional teams helped schools navigate the pandemic--and they are essential to helping schools thrive in its aftermath.

In this article, the authors consider three sources of support for new teachers--hiring practices, relationships with colleagues, and curriculum--all found in earlier research to influence new teachers' satisfaction with their work, their sense of success with students, and their eventual retention in their job. They find that a "support gap" exists: new teachers in low-income schools are less likely than their counterparts in high-income schools to experience timely and information-rich hiring, to benefit from mentoring and support by experienced colleagues, and to have a curriculum that is complete and aligned with state standards, yet flexible for use in the classroom. Such patterns of difference between high-income and low-income schools warrant careful consideration because they reveal broad patterns of inequity, which can have severe consequences for low-income students. Survey data for this study were collected from random samples of teachers in five states. One survey, focusing on hiring practices and teachers' relationships with colleagues, was administered to 374 first-year and second-year teachers in Florida, Massachusetts, and Michigan. A second survey, focusing on curriculum, was administered to 295 second-year elementary school teachers in Massachusetts, North Carolina, and Washington. The inequitable patterns of support for teachers reported here have important implications for the work of state policymakers, school district administrators, and principals. The authors describe these and offer recommendations for policy and practice in the conclusion. (Contains 3 tables and 3 footnotes.)

We studied how six high-performing, high-poverty schools in one large Massachusetts city implemented the state's new teacher evaluation policy. The sample includes traditional, turnaround, restart, and charter schools, each of which had received the state's highest accountability rating. We sought to learn how these successful schools approached teacher evaluation, including classroom observations, feedback, and summative ratings. We interviewed 142 teachers and administrators and analyzed data using sensemaking theory, which considers how individuals' knowledge and beliefs, the context in which they work, and the policy stimuli they encounter affect implementation. All schools prioritized the goal of developing their teachers over holding them accountable. The spillover effects of additional policies affected how these schools approached implementation.

Teacher teams are increasingly common in urban schools. In this study, we analyze teachers' responses to teams in six high-poverty schools. Teachers used two criteria to assess teams' goodness of fit in meeting the demands of their work: whether their teams helped them teach better and whether the team contributed to a better school. Their responses differed notably by school, depending largely on the principal's approach to implementation. In the three schools where teachers assessed teams favorably, principals set a meaningful purpose for teachers' collaborative work, provided structural support and professional expertise for their deliberations, and established safe environments for teachers' on-the-job growth.

Purpose: We examine how uncertainty, both about students and the context in which they are taught, remains a persistent condition of teachers' work in high-poverty, urban schools. We describe six schools' organizational responses to these uncertainties, analyze how these responses reflect open- versus closed-system approaches, and examine how this orientation affects teachers' work. Research Methods: We draw on interviews with a diverse set of 95 teachers and administrators across a purposive sample of six high-poverty, urban schools in one district. We analyzed these interviews by drafting thematic summaries, coding interview transcripts, creating data-analytic matrices, and writing analytic memos. Findings: We find that students introduced considerable uncertainty into teachers' work. Although most teachers we spoke with embraced the challenges of their work and the expanded responsibilities that it entailed, they recognized that their individual efforts were not sufficient to succeed. Teachers consistently spoke about the need for organizational responses that addressed the environmental uncertainty of working with students from low-income families whose experience in school often has been unsuccessful. We describe four types of organizational responses--coordinated instructional supports, systems to promote order and discipline, socioemotional supports for students, and efforts to engage parents--and illustrate how these responses affected teachers' ability to manage the uncertainty introduced by their environment. Conclusions: Traditional public schools are open systems and require systematic organizational responses to address the uncertainty introduced by their environments. Uncoordinated individual efforts alone are not sufficient to meet the needs of students in high-poverty urban communities.

Throughout the United States there is an increasing trend toward using value-added methods (VAMs) for high-stakes decisions. When policymakers use VAMs to identify, reward, and dismiss teachers, they may perpetuate the egg-crate model of schooling and undermine efforts to build instructional capacity schoolwide. At any time, in any school, some teachers are more knowledgeable, experienced, and skilled than others. Schools function best when they continuously leverage teachers' expertise so that all students in all classrooms are well served. Drawing from research about the incentives and norms that influence teachers' work within schools, this article illustrates what can happen when these methodologies are used to make job decisions and it identifies the hazards of using VAMs for this purpose. Contextualizing this within the larger discussion about performance evaluation systems, the article suggests how VAMs can be used productively as one source of information to promote improvement schoolwide.

Background/Context: Over the past three decades, teacher turnover has increased substantially in U.S. public schools, especially in those serving large portions of low-income students of color. Teachers who choose to leave high-poverty schools serving large numbers of students of color usually transfer to schools serving wealthier, Whiter student populations. Some researchers have interpreted this trend to mean that "teachers systematically favor higher-achieving, non-minority, non-low-income students." These ideas have influenced policy analysis concerning high-poverty schools but offered little guidance for those who would address this problem. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This article presents an alternative explanation for turnover--one grounded in organizational theory and substantiated by an emerging line of research. In doing so, it reframes the debate over what fuels high rates of teacher turnover in high-poverty schools and provides advice for policy makers and practitioners, as well as recommendations for productive possibilities for future research. Research Design: This article reviews six studies analyzing turnover as a function of school context rather than as a function of student demographics. Based on the patterns regarding what factors influence teacher departures across these studies, we pursue these predictors by summarizing what is known about them and how each supports teachers' work. Findings/Results: The six overarching studies reviewed here collectively suggest that teachers who leave high-poverty schools are not fleeing their students. Rather, they are fleeing the poor working conditions that make it difficult for them to teach and for their students to learn. The working conditions that teachers prize most--and those that best predict their satisfaction and retention--are social in nature. They include school leadership, collegial relationships, and elements of school culture. Conclusions/Recommendations: The poor working conditions common in America's neediest schools explain away most, if not all, of the relationship between student characteristics and teacher attrition. This is important because, unlike demographic characteristics of students, working conditions can be addressed. Policy makers and practitioners have many options for improving aspects of the school environment, and, although more research can inform this work, much is already known about what matters to teachers as they are deciding whether to continue teaching in their schools.

This study uses an innovative methodology and six waves of "Schools and Staffing Survey" data spanning two decades (1988-2008) to assess the potential of midcareer entrants--teachers who enter the profession from careers outside of education--to diversify teaching, staff public schools, and fill vacancies in high-need subjects. We find that the percentage of midcareer entrants among first-year teachers nearly doubled between 1988 and 2008 and that midcareer entrants comprise more than one third of incoming public school teachers. Despite this influx, midcareer entrants have not substantially diversified the teaching workforce. These findings have implications for teacher preparation, induction, and policies aimed at diversifying teaching.

Research and policy have increasingly focused on the importance of staffing schools with effective teachers. A critical variable affecting teacher effectiveness is the enthusiasm, energy and effort teachers bring to their work, or teachers' work engagement. Better understanding teachers' work engagement and how it may change over stages in a teacher's career is the subject of this exploratory interview study of second-stage teachers--teachers with 4-10 years of experience. Participants in this study described engaging in their work to different degrees and in very different ways. As beginning teachers, their interest in and enthusiasm for teaching was typically high and they focused a great deal of energy on conducting their classes. However, over time they acquired a sense of competence and had been granted considerable professional autonomy. Although competence and autonomy inspired and energized some of these teachers, it also made it unnecessary to be highly engaged. Their administrators reportedly paid little attention to their choices and did not intervene. Ultimately, the decision about whether and how to engage in teaching was theirs to make. Although all participants reported a continued interest in and enthusiasm for teaching, three stage-related patterns emerged in how they engaged in their work. Some teachers chose to modify their engagement, re-directing a portion of their effort to activities other than teaching, including their families or coursework for recertification. Others decided to focus their engagement, by attending to more fine-grained, interesting aspects of their subject or pedagogy, now that they had the basics under control. Still others chose to diversify their engagement--engaging in new and interesting extensions of teaching, such as leadership roles and extracurricular activities. A few, whose efforts to improve their practice or contribute to their school had been ignored or discouraged, either said they would leave teaching or had disengaged as an alternative to leaving. These findings suggest that having a better understanding of teachers' engagement and the role that the school plays in their decisions about how to engage is important for promoting effectiveness and retention among teachers who have moved beyond their novice years.

Background/Context: Many urban schools today look to instructional teams as a means to decrease professional isolation, promote teachers' ongoing development, and substantially reduce well-documented variation in teachers' effectiveness across classrooms. Recent research finds that teams can contribute to teachers' development and increased student achievement. However, research also suggests that teams often fail and that most schools are not organized to ensure their success. Therefore, it is important to learn more about how teams function in successful schools, how teachers experience them, and what factors contribute to their success. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: Data for this article were drawn from a comparative case study focusing on the human-capital practices in six successful high-poverty, high-minority schools (traditional, turnaround, restart, and charter), all located in one Massachusetts city. Each school was affected by a distinct set of state and local policies. Here, we focus on the schools' approaches to professional learning and collaboration among teachers. Did they rely on teams, and, if so, what purposes did the teams serve, and how were they organized? How did teachers assess their experience with teams? What role did administrators play? Were there notable school-to-school differences in how these teams were organized and managed? Research Design/Data Collection and Analysis: For this qualitative, comparative case study, we conducted semistructured interviews with 142 teachers, administrators, and other staff in six elementary and middle schools. Interview protocols encouraged participants to discuss their school's approach to teachers' professional learning and work with colleagues. During school visits, we also observed a wide range of day-to-day practices and collected documents describing school policies and practices. We coded our data with both emic and etic topical codes and used various matrices to analyze responses within and across the sites. Conclusions/Recommendations: Five schools relied on teams as a central mechanism for school improvement, dedicating substantial blocks of time each week to teachers' meetings. Teams focused on matters of content (curriculum, lesson plans, and student achievement) and the student cohort (individual progress, group behavior, and organizational culture). Teachers valued their work on teams, saying that it supported their instruction and contributed to their school's success by creating coherence across classrooms and shared responsibility for students. Factors that supported teams included having a worthy purpose in support of the school's mission; sufficient, regular time for meetings; engaged support by administrators; and facilitation by trained teacher-leaders.

Peer review of teachers is controversial for several reasons. Some say peer reviewers encroach on the rightful domain of the principal as instructional leader. Others argue that, because peer evaluators are fellow teachers, they may be biased or unwilling to make hard decisions. Many teachers find the prospect of peer evaluation unsettling because it violates the professional norm of egalitarianism--the assumption that "we're all equal." Some traditional teacher unionists reject peer review as a plan that sets teachers against one another. Now that districts across the United States are rushing to implement new evaluation systems, many are taking a new look at peer review. They have good reason to do so. Peer evaluators can reduce the demand on administrators' scarce time, provide subject-matter expertise that a principal may lack, introduce the teacher's perspective into the evaluation process, and enable teachers to take greater control of their profession. Does peer review have the potential to be used widely and to improve teacher evaluation? Or is it too problematic to succeed and last? A look at seven districts' Peer Assistance and Review programs shows what it takes for this approach to succeed. The experiences of these districts suggest that peer review can work well if key components are in place: open and rigorous selection, clear performance guidelines, explicit instructional standards, ongoing training, and effective supervision. (Contains 1 endnote.)

Recent state and federal policies generally focus on the individual teacher rather than the school organization. These reforms seem to assume that a teacher can do it all, that an individual who succeeds in one school can succeed in any school and, conversely, that a teacher who fails in one classroom will fail in all others. However, there is no evidence that changing the people who work in a school without changing the context in which they work will be effective. But reformers need not decide between the two approaches in a forced either-or choice. A more balanced strategy for improving the quality of teachers and teaching would invest in individual teachers and assess their effectiveness while also improving the schools where they work.

Peer Assistance and Review (PAR) is a local labor-management initiative designed to improve teacher quality. In PAR, expert "consulting teachers" mentor, support, and evaluate novice and underperforming veteran teachers. Evaluations under PAR can lead to dismissals. The authors examine the costs and benefits of PAR, both financial and organizational. Although PAR is an expensive reform, costing US$3,000 to US$10,000 per teacher served, it affords the district a range of financial savings and organizational benefits that offset program costs. The authors argue that limiting the scope of an educational cost-benefit study to only quantifiable elements artificially constrains understanding what a reform actually requires and offers. (Contains 4 tables and 10 notes.)

Background/Context: Educational policy makers have begun to recognize the challenges posed by teacher turnover. Schools and students pay a price when new teachers leave the profession after only 2 or 3 years, just when they have acquired valuable teaching experience. Persistent turnover also disrupts efforts to build a strong organizational culture and to sustain coordinated instructional programs throughout the school. Retaining effective teachers is a particular challenge for schools that serve high proportions of low-income and minority students. Although some interpret these turnover patterns as evidence of teachers' discontent with their students, recent large-scale quantitative studies provide evidence that teachers choose to leave schools with poor work environments and that these conditions are most common in schools that minority and low-income students typically attend. Thus, mounting evidence suggests that the seeming relationship between student demographics and teacher turnover is driven not by teachers' responses to their students, but by the conditions in which they must teach and their students are obliged to learn. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: We build on this body of work by further examining how working conditions predict both teachers' job satisfaction and their career plans. We use a broad conception of the context of teachers' work, paying attention not only to narrowly defined working conditions but also to the interpersonal and organizational contexts in which teachers work. We also extend Ladd's analysis describing the relationship between the work context and student achievement. Advancing our understanding of this relationship is particularly important, given the increasing emphasis legislators place on evidence of student achievement when evaluating education policy. Specifically, we ask three research questions: (1) Do the conditions of work in Massachusetts public schools affect teachers' satisfaction with their jobs and their career plans? (2) Are schools with better conditions of work more successful in raising student performance than schools with less supportive working conditions? (3) If the conditions of work are important, what elements of the work environment matter the most? Research Design: In this article, we combine a statewide survey of school working conditions (MassTeLLS) with demographic and student achievement data from Massachusetts. We examine three primary outcomes: teacher satisfaction, teacher career intentions, and student achievement growth. From different items on the MassTeLLS, we construct a set of nine key elements that reflect the broad-based conditions in which teachers work. We fit standard regression models that describe the relationship between each outcome and both overall conditions of work and each element separately, modeling this relationship according to the properties of our outcome variables. Findings/Results: We found that measures of the school environment explain away much of the apparent relationship between teacher satisfaction and student demographic characteristics. The conditions in which teachers work matter a great deal to them and, ultimately, to their students. Teachers are more satisfied and plan to stay longer in schools that have a positive work context, independent of the school's student demographic characteristics. Furthermore, although a wide range of working conditions matter to teachers, the specific elements of the work environment that matter the most to teachers are not narrowly conceived working conditions such as clean and well-maintained facilities or access to modern instructional technology. Instead, it is the social conditions--the school's culture, the principal's leadership, and relationships among colleagues--that predominate in predicting teachers' job satisfaction and career plans. More important, providing a supportive context in which teachers can work appears to contribute to improved student achievement. We found that favorable conditions of work predict higher rates of student academic growth, even when we compare schools serving demographically similar groups of students. Conclusions/Recommendations: In short, we found that the conditions of teachers' work matter a great deal. These results align with a growing body of work examining the organizational characteristics of the schools in which teachers work. Together, these studies suggest strongly that the high turnover rates of teachers in schools with substantial populations of low-income and minority students are driven largely by teachers fleeing the dysfunctional and unsupportive work environments in the schools to which low-income and minority students are most likely to be assigned. If public education is to provide effective teachers for all students, then the schools those students attend must become places that support effective teaching and learning across all classrooms. (Contains 7 tables and 1 figure.)

In this article, Susan Moore Johnson calls for a balanced approach to improving teaching and learning, one that focuses on both teachers and the contexts in which they work. Drawing on over a decade of research on the experiences of new teachers, Johnson argues that focusing on the effectiveness of individuals while ignoring how their schools are organized limits our capacity to support teachers' work and, thus, to improve the outcomes for our nation's neediest students. (Contains 3 notes.)

A large-scale, nationwide analysis of Teach For America teacher turnover presents a deeper picture of which TFAers stay, which ones leave the profession and some suggestions about why they leave. The authors learned that nearly two-thirds (60.5%) of TFA teachers continue as public school teachers beyond their two-year commitment; more than half (56.4%) leave their initial placements in low-income schools after two years, but 43.6% stay longer; and by their fifth year, 14.8% continue to teach in the same low-income schools to which they were originally assigned. When TFA alumni leave, they typically leave the profession for the same reasons that other teachers leave the profession: poor working conditions or career opportunities outside teaching. (Contains 1 table.)

Teach For America (TFA) recruits high-achieving college graduates to teach for 2 years in the nation's low-income schools. This study is the first to examine these teachers' retention nationwide, asking whether, when, and why they voluntarily transfer from their low-income placement schools or leave teaching altogether. Based on a survey of three entire TFA cohorts (n = 2,029), this longitudinal, retrospective study uses discrete-time survival analysis. We found that teachers who have more challenging assignments--split grades, multiple subjects, or out-of-field classes--are at greater risk of leaving their schools or resigning from teaching than those with single-grade, single-subject, or in-field assignments. It is notable that in-field science teachers' risk of resigning was higher than that of their out-of-field counterparts with nonscience degrees. This study informs policymakers and school officials seeking to retain TFA and other promising teachers. (Contains 7 notes and 4 tables.)

Pay for performance is not a new idea, and reformers should not ignore the dismal record of merit pay over the past century. Initially adopted with a flourish of expectations during several waves of popularity in the past, every plan eventually fell into disuse. These plans proved to be unexpectedly costly and cumbersome to run. They often generated cynicism and unproductive competition among teachers. Recent developments, though, may change the prospects of using pay to reward teachers' performance. Given these developments in methods and attitudes, people can ask whether today's pay reform plans will fare better than those of the past. To better understand the experiments under way, the authors reviewed programs from across the country that pay teachers for how well they teach and what their students achieve. They studied four school districts' programs in more detail--Houston, Minneapolis, Charlotte-Mecklenburg, North Carolina, and Hillsborough County, Florida. The study of four school districts uncovers the messy reality of adding merit bonuses to the salary scale. The four school districts' pay plans differ in how they assess teachers' performance and how they award the bonus money.

Using a sample of 374 randomly selected first- and second-year teachers in three states, this study examines new teachers' experiences of official mentoring during their first year. Descriptive analyses reveal that experienced mentors are generally present in the work lives of new teachers. However, new teachers often have inappropriate mentor-matches, and low percentages of new teachers are observed by or have conversations with their mentor about the core activities of teaching. Low proportions of new teachers in low-income schools and those in math, science, and technology have ideal matches and supports. The findings have implications for policymakers who look to mentoring as a strategy to improve public schools and retain new teachers.

Teachers unions are among the most powerful, yet least studied, actors in public education today. Although public attention focuses on the influence of national unions, the policies that most affect teachers and schooling are bargained by local unions and school boards. Interviews with 30 recently elected local union presidents reveal that these leaders balance competing interests and obligations, from the concerns and priorities of their members to pressures from state and national affiliates. Although these presidents reaffirm the traditional union agenda, most also advocate an expanded agenda of teacher professionalism and more collaborative approaches to collective bargaining and contract management. (Contains 1 table and 1 footnote.)

Background/Context: Increasingly, instructional reforms in US schools place teachers in differentiated roles, such as literacy coach or data analyst. Not only do these roles hold promise for reforming instruction, but they also may make the teaching career more rewarding by offering teachers new challenges over time. In the past, teachers who held roles that distinguished them encountered resistance from colleagues who questioned their distinction and rebuffed their instructional advice (Lortie, 1975; Little, 1988). In doing so, colleagues defended their classroom autonomy and appealed to teaching's traditional egalitarian culture (Little, 1988; Johnson, 1990; Mangin, 2005). As veteran teachers retire, the teachers that take differentiated roles today may be relatively inexperienced and young. Thus, these teachers may violate teaching's allocation of privileges based on seniority (Lortie, 1975) in addition to autonomy and egalitarianism. Purpose: In this study, we set out to understand how second-stage (third-tenth year) teachers experienced differentiated roles in the current context of accountability, where instructional change is the order of the day. Participants: We selected 20 second-stage teachers who held differentiated roles that were formal, compensated by time or money, and promised to be ongoing rather than temporary. Our sample included teachers working in several metropolitan areas and in a range of school settings. Research Design: This is an interview-based, qualitative study. Data Collection and Analysis: Data were collected through hour-long, semi-structured interviews. Constructing matrices and writing analytic memos, we conducted cross-case analysis. Findings: Among the second-stage teachers we interviewed, only those whose roles sought to change colleagues' practice provoked resistance from their colleagues. Teachers who held these roles, which we designated "reform roles," reported that colleagues resisted their efforts to provide feedback and resented their special recognition, especially given their inexperience. Moreover, teachers in reform roles performed these roles strategically, in order to reduce colleagues' opposition. In some cases, the teachers in our sample reduced the scope of their role in an effort to avoid provoking their colleagues. We concluded that the norms of autonomy, egalitarianism, and seniority continue to exert great influence among teachers, whether veteran or second-stage. Conclusions/Recommendations: These findings suggest that instructional reform built on such roles should be designed and implemented with more consideration of the power and persistence of teaching's traditional norms. In this way, these roles might better promote whole-school instructional change and provide appealing career opportunities that retain teachers.

Teachers in the second stages of their careers--those with 4-10 years of experience--are often eager to vary their responsibilities, work collaboratively with peers, and influence teaching beyond their own classrooms. With many veteran teachers retiring, principals are apt to recruit these second-stage teachers to fill teacher leadership positions. In interviews with some second-stage teachers, the authors found that they had often struggled because their schools did not provide a professional framework or established a formal set of responsibilities to provide legitimacy to their leadership roles. The authors recommend that schools create stronger supports to help teacher leaders overcome the obstacles caused by the norms of school culture-teacher autonomy, egalitarianism, and deference to seniority.

Background/Context: In order to develop effective strategies for retaining able and committed teachers, it is important to understand how new teachers experience their work with their colleagues. A previous qualitative study conducted by the authors and others presented a conceptual framework for understanding new teachers' experiences of the professional culture of their schools. The prior work suggested that new teachers might be more likely to stay in teaching and remain at their schools when they work in what the authors called integrated professional cultures, which promote frequent and reciprocal interaction among faculty members across experience levels; recognize new teachers' needs as beginners; and develop shared responsibility among teachers for the school. Focus of Study: This study uses the concept of integrated professional culture to frame an inquiry about new teachers' experiences at their schools and with their colleagues. Research Design: The study examines the experiences of a representative random sample of 486 first- and second-year teachers surveyed in four states (California, Florida, Massachusetts, and Michigan). Participants were chosen using two-stage stratified cluster sampling. The mail survey achieved a response rate of 65 percent. The authors conducted descriptive analyses of the questionnaire data and summarized new teachers' experiences in a series of comparative tables. Conclusions/Recommendations: The data revealed that many novice teachers report that their work is solitary, that they are expected to be prematurely expert and independent, and that their fellow teachers do not share a sense of collective responsibility for their school. In integrated professional cultures, new teachers interact with experienced colleagues in an ongoing way. However, the authors found that approximately one-half (in CA and MI) to two-thirds (in FL and MA) of new teachers generally plan and teach alone. In integrated professional cultures, new teachers are recognized as novices and offered extra assistance; however, the authors found that less than one-third (MI) to less than one-half (CA) reported that extra assistance was available to them. Finally, in integrated professional cultures, teachers share a sense of collective responsibility for the school. However, less than half of the new teachers in the four states reported that teachers share responsibility for the students in their school. Taken together, these findings reveal that many new teachers work without the support of integrated professional cultures. Given these findings, the authors discuss in detail what policymakers and school leaders can do to address the critical challenge of supporting new teachers.

Purpose: Teacher hiring decisions have far-reaching consequences for a school, its students, and faculty. This article examines how new teachers in four states are hired and explores whether the process leads to good matches between these individuals and their schools. The authors conceive of hiring as a two-way process and examine the extent to which the hiring process provides opportunities for prospective teachers and schools to collect rich information about, and form accurate impressions of, one another. Research Methods: This study surveyed a representative random sample of 486 first-year and second-year teachers in California, Florida, Massachusetts, and Michigan. Participants were chosen using two-stage stratified cluster sampling, and the study achieved a response rate of 65%. Statistical methods used in the analysis include principal components analysis, chi-square analysis, and t tests. Findings: The data reveal that the majority of new teachers in these states are hired through a decentralized, school-based process. Despite the opportunity this provides schools and prospective teachers to explore the potential match between them, most new teachers actually have limited interactions with school-based personnel during the hiring process, and the process is relatively information-poor. Many new teachers are also hired quite late--more than one third of new teachers in California and Florida are hired after the school year has already started. Implications: The results of our analysis suggest that shifting hiring decisions to the school level is not sufficient to guarantee information-rich hiring. They also suggest that schools may need help removing barriers to conducting more information-rich hiring. (Contains 8 tables and 16 notes.)

The lack of instructional continuity in schools negates every effort of principals to provide an environment where all students would be successful. One solution could be to bridge the gap between the professional knowledge and skills of experienced teachers and the energy and fresh ideas of new recruits so that the latter are provided support leading to higher retention rates and the former leave behind a useful legacy.

The prospect of overseeing the rapid preparation of many participants in fast-track alternative certification programs presents several challenges for state education officials who seek to maintain, or even enhance, the quality of the state's teaching force. This study examined a range of fast-track alternative teacher certification programs in 11 sites in three states - Connecticut, Louisiana, and Massachusetts. We found that participants were attracted by the incentives of the fast-track programs but also expected to have coursework and student-teaching experiences that would prepare them well to teach in September. Overall, candidates were satisfied with what the programs offered, though many wanted more preparation in content-based pedagogy and better student-teaching placements. There were advantages and disadvantages to centralized and decentralized approaches by the states to ensure quality of participants.

Four-year study of the career paths of 50 beginning teachers in Massachusetts focuses on why 8 of these teachers ("Voluntary Movers") transferred from original schools to other public schools. Reasons given for transferring include reasonable assignments, stable working environments, opportunities to learn and grow, and accessible, supportive principals. Draws implications for teacher retention policy and practice. (PKP)

Discusses research on new-teacher induction from the Project on Next Generation of Teachers at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Describes three types of school-based professional cultures: veteran-oriented, novice-oriented, and integrated. Emphasizes the importance of organized onsite, ongoing support for new teachers. (PKP)

Interviewed diverse beginning teachers in a variety of Massachusetts public schools regarding how they experienced curriculum and assessments in the face of standards-based reform. Respondents received little or no guidance about what to teach or how to teach it and struggled to prepare content and materials. The standards and accountability environment created a sense of urgency but no support. (SM)

This report from Harvard University's Project on the Next Generation of Teachers examines why new some teachers remain in the profession despite difficult teaching conditions. Central to teachers' satisfaction is the belief that they are teaching their students effectively. Other factors include being granted novice status via reduced course assignments or internships with experienced teachers, working in a supportive professional culture, and receiving curricular guidance and resources. (SM)

Based on information from interviews with 50 first- and second-year teachers in Massachusetts, proposes a mixed model for the teaching career: one that would be responsive to the needs of both teachers who envision long-term careers and those who envision short-term stays in teaching. Draws implications for teacher recruitment and retention strategies. (Contains 15 references.) (Authors/PKP)

For National Board certification to change teaching as a career, reformers must attend to accountability, monitoring, and quality-control concerns and demonstrate clearly how a staged career would attract and retain excellent teachers, revitalize pedagogy, strengthen instructional programs, and create more responsive schools. (Contains 44 references.) (MLH)

Investigates second-year Massachusetts teachers' experiences with three professional cultures of their schools: veteran-oriented, novice-oriented, and integrated. Finds, for example, that integrated professional cultures, unlike either veteran- or novice-oriented cultures, provided new teachers with sustained support and collegial exchange regardless of experience level. Principal is key to developing and maintaining integrated cultures. (Contains 66 references.) (PKP)

Examined teachers' experiences in charter and public schools to investigate how deregulation policies affected teaching conditions. Results indicated that the most autonomous schools (charter schools) were not necessarily favored by teachers. Greater autonomy for teachers was accomplished by expanded roles and responsibilities in deregulated schools. In-district charters best combined features that provided school autonomy while meeting teachers' basic concerns. (SM)

Explored differences between a sample of highly productive scholars and a random sample of more typical scholars. Few demographic or institutional-responsibility differences emerged. Productive scholars were more oriented toward theory and research; more typical scholars focused on issues in the field. Research challenges were discussed. (Contains 49 references.) (MLH)