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Proline has recently been found to direct several sensory attributes in red wine, including viscosity, fruit flavour and sweetness. We sought to investigate whether a red wine, deemed ‘flavour deficient’ by a producer, from a warm inland region could be improved by blending with a high proline wine from the same region, compared to a high colour and flavour wine, linking consumer acceptance with sensory properties and chemical composition. Three dry red wines (two Cabernet-Sauvignon wines from a warm region and one Lagrein wine from a cooler region) were blended in a constrained mixture design. Several blends were uncovered with improved sensory properties and consumer liking scores. Increased liking scores were related to heightened perceived Viscosity (unrelated to physical viscosity), Sweetness and Berry flavours, connected to proline-rich wines with small proportions of Lagrein. PLS-R models relating blend chemical composition, sensory properties and consumer acceptance associated Astringency and Bitterness to polyphenolics and organic acids and lower liking scores. Vegetal and Leather aromas in blends also reduced consumer acceptance and were related to the concentration of the thiols 3SH, 3SHA, PMT, 2FMT and MeSH, as well as guaiacol and isobutyl methoxypyrazine. Multiple blends successfully improved consumer acceptance of the ‘flavour deficient’ wine, particularly those with an increased proportion of the proline-rich wine. Non-linear effects resulting from blending were also assessed, with most variables modelled best by linear averaging. This study demonstrates the practical application of a design of experiment approach using sensory properties, proline and polyphenolic concentrations to guide wine blending and improve wine flavour and acceptability.

Wine grapes exposed to smoke and wine made from grapes exposed to smoke can robustly be identified through their elevated concentrations of volatile phenols and phenolic glycosides serving as smoke markers, compared to concentrations typically found in non-smoke-exposed samples. Smoke-affected wines with high concentrations of volatile phenols and glycosides can have smoky flavours, but the relationship between concentrations of specific smoke markers in grapes and the intensity of smoky sensory attributes in the resulting wine has not been established. This study sought to determine whether volatile phenols and glycoside concentration in grapes and wine are suited to predict smoke flavour, to identify the key drivers of smoke flavour in both matrices. The study aimed to determine what concentrations of volatiles and glycosides in grapes impart an unacceptable smoke flavour in the resulting wine, to provide a guide for producers assessing suitability of smoke-exposed grapes for wine production. During vintage 2020, a total of 65 grape samples were collected from vineyards exposed to bushfire smoke, as well as unaffected vineyards. Chardonnay, Pinot Noir, and Shiraz grapes were harvested from vineyards in New South Wales, South Australia, and Victoria. Unoaked wines (50 kg scale) were produced under controlled conditions. The wines had a wide range of smoke flavour intensities rated by a trained sensory panel. Statistical models based on guaiacol, o-cresol, m-cresol, p-cresol, and some glycosides gave good predictions of smoke flavour intensity, with a slightly different optimal model for each cultivar. Subsequently, critical concentrations for quality defects were estimated to provide a guide for producers. A subset of smoke exposure markers in wine grapes affected by smoke from bushfires can be used to predict the degree of smoke flavour in wine. This information provides a first guide for assessing the risk of producing smoke tainted wine from smoke-exposed grapes.

Introduction The BRIGhTMIND study aims to determine the clinical effectiveness, cost-effectiveness and mechanism of action of connectivity guided intermittent theta burst stimulation (cgiTBS) versus standard repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) in adults with moderate to severe treatment resistant depression.Methods and analysis The study is a randomised double-blind controlled trial with 1:1 allocation to either 20 sessions of (1) cgiTBS or (2) neuronavigated rTMS not using connectivity guidance. A total of 368 eligible participants with a diagnosis of current unipolar major depressive disorder that is both treatment resistant (defined as scoring 2 or more on the Massachusetts General Hospital Staging Score) and moderate to severe (scoring >16 on the 17-item Hamilton Depression Rating Scale (HDRS-17)), will be recruited from primary and secondary care settings at four treatment centres in the UK. The primary outcome is depression response at 16 weeks (50% or greater reduction in HDRS-17 score from baseline). Secondary outcomes include assessments of self-rated depression, anxiety, psychosocial functioning, cognition and quality of life at 8, 16 and 26 weeks postrandomisation. Cost-effectiveness, patient acceptability, safety, mechanism of action and predictors of response will also be examined.Ethics and dissemination Ethical approval was granted by East Midlands Leicester Central Research Ethics Committee (ref: 18/EM/0232) on 30 August 2018. The results of the study will be published in relevant peer-reviewed journals, and then through professional and public conferences and media. Further publications will explore patient experience, moderators and mediators of outcome and mechanism of action.Trial registration number ISRCTN19674644

Los impactos sociales del capitalismo neoliberal junto con aquellos legados de la época colonial han apoyado una instrumentalización de políticas del resentimiento por parte de la ultraderecha en muchos países. Con una perspectiva etnográfica desde abajo se indaga a profundidad cómo una política del odio se implantó en la sociedad brasileña actual. Con datos de una comunidad de bajos recursos en Brasil se analiza el desarrollo de la fuerte polarización que se dio a partir de 2016, dentro y entre distintas clases sociales, lo cual sirvió de base para un notable triunfo electoral de la ultraderecha.

This paper examines public policies based on the idea that situations in areas of social deprivation threaten the security of all other urban residents. Using evidence from São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Salvador, the three biggest metropolitan cities of Brazil, where mano dura approaches frequently enjoy popular support, and significant reductions in poverty and social inequality have not reduced crime and violence, the analysis demonstrates the counter-productive consequences of simple policies of repression, especially in the context of a neoliberal model of urban development based on “accumulation by dispossession” and a privatization of public power that militates against the success of police reform. The paper explores ways in which, despite new commitments to deliver social justice, the state remains part of the problem, together with the implications of differences in the organization of drug trafficking and the alternative forms of “pacification” offered by “the rule of crime”. Criticizing a politics of securitization that prioritizes a theatrical war on delinquency that criminalizes poverty and drug addiction, the text argues for democratizing the production of public security policies, understanding what kinds of security poor people prioritize, such as security against eviction, and devoting more public resources to improving the police career.

Este trabajo analiza la situación actual de las luchas de los pueblos indígenas de México para alcanzar la autodeterminación y trascender los límites del multiculturalismo neoliberal. Después de examinar las relaciones entre la radicalización de las demandas indígenas y las transformaciones del Estado mexicano, el análisis se centra en la historia reciente de una comunidad indígena nahua de la costa del Pacífico, en el Estado de Michoacán, con una larga y exitosa historia de defensa de sustierras comunales. Se considera también una comunidad purépecha de la meseta central michoacana que ha sido su aliada. La violencia por parte de actores externos que aflige estas comunidades revela las consecuencias de la penetración, en todos los niveles de gobierno, del crimen organizado. El análisis también muestra cómo la capacidad de resistencia de las comunidades indígenas puede ser perjudicada por la desarticulación interna de las mismas fuerzas, en un clima de impunidaden que la violencia paramilitar sirve a una variedad regional y transnacional de intereses económicos.

Este trabalho analisa a situação atual das lutas dos povos indígenas mexicanos para alcançarem a autodeterminação e transcenderem os limites do multiculturalismo neoliberal. Após examinar as relações entre a radicalização das demandas indígenas e as transformações do Estado mexicano, a análise centra-se na história recente de uma comunidade indígena nahua no litoral do estado de Michoacán, que tem uma longa e bem-sucedida história de defesa de suas terras comunais, e numa comunidade purépecha no planalto central do mesmo estado, que tem sido sua aliada. A violência de atores externos, que aflige estas comunidades, revela as consequências da penetração em todos os níveis de governo do crime organizado, mas a análise também mostra como a capacidade das comunidades indígenas para resistirem pode ser prejudicada pela sua desarticulação interna pelas mesmas forças, num clima de impunidade em que a violência paramilitar pode avançar uma variedade de interesses econômicos regionais e transnacionais.This text analyzes the present situation of the struggles of Mexico's indigenous peoples to achieve self-determination and transcend the limits of neoliberal multiculturalism. After reviewing the relationships between the radicalization of indigenous demands and transformations of the Mexican state, our analysis focuses on the recent history of a Nahua indigenous community on the Pacific coast of Michoacán state, which has a long and successful history of defense of its communal lands. We also look at a Purhépecha community in the central highlands of Michoacán which has been the first community's ally. The violence of external actors that afflicts these communities reveals the consequences of the penetration of all levels of government by organized crime. However, our analysis also shows how the capacity of indigenous communities to resist can be undermined by their internal disarticulation by the same forces, which operate in a climate of impunity in which paramilitary violence can serve a variety of regional and transnational economic interests.

El derecho a la vivienda es un derecho humano básico recogido en las declaraciones internacionales y muchas constituciones nacionales. Del él puede hacerse también una lectura “burguesa”, como fundamento de la democracia liberal basada en la propiedad privada, con interesantes consecuencias cuando los ciudadanos ven que sus derechos son violados. Este artículo explora cómo va cambiando la definición del derecho a la vivienda a través de la agenda de ONU–Hábitat, y discute los puntos fuertes y débiles de este programa desde una perspectiva antropológica. El análisis incide sobre el hecho de que gran parte de la población mundial ha tenido que encontrar sus propias soluciones a los problemas de vivienda, y aborda los debates en torno a la “regularización” de los asentamientos, la tierra y las viviendas “informales”, a los mercados de la vivienda, y a las implicaciones sociales de los diferentes enfoques al respecto. Se sostiene que el enfoque de las Naciones Unidas, a pesar de su énfasis en la planificación participativa y la universalización del derecho a la ciudad, sigue marginando aspectos más complejos que surgen de las relaciones entre la vivienda, el hábitat y los patrones de sociabilidad. El artículo concluye con la consideración de las condiciones a las que se enfrentan los movimientos sociales que luchan por el derecho a la ciudad, en un contexto de regeneración urbana y gentrificación basado en la clase social, incorporando la comprensión de los procesos microsociales que ofrece la investigación etnográfica, desde una perspectiva multidimensional, sobre las relaciones de poder que han estructurado el reciente desarrollo de las ciudades metropolitanas.

Este artigo parte de uma distinção entre políticas de segurança humana e políticas de segurança cidadã, no contexto de reestruturação e crise capitalista global, discutindo, especificamente, situações referentes ao Brasil e à cidade de Salvador, Bahia. Com base numa perspectiva antropológica sobre as dimensões do trabalho e renda, a reprodução social e as desigualdades sociais e as relações de poder, que condicionam os processos contemporâneos de desenvolvimento urbano, o autor, refletindo criticamente sobre as consequências da securitização dos problemas sociais, sustenta a necessidade de articularem-se políticas econômicas a políticas de segurança de forma a serem compensadas as tendências negativas do capitalismo contemporâneo, priorizando a segurança humana de todos, em lugar de uma segurança cidadã restrita a interesses ou preconceitos de parte da sociedade.

A cidade de Salvador replica o processo de “acumulação por espoliação”, característico de um urbanismo neoliberal em todo o mundo. Neste artigo, comparamos como atua a lógica da requalificação urbana em duas zonas da cidade. A primeira é uma grande e historicamente combativa favela localizada na região que tem se tornado o mais moderno “novo centro” da cidade. Nela, a chave dos problemas são os novos projetos de mobilidade urbana e a construção de condomínios para outras classes sociais. A segunda zona é o centro colonial da cidade, que experimenta uma nova fase de gentrificação. Ali, as políticas de patrimônio histórico se encontram com outras políticas, transformando os remanescentes espaços públicos da cidade neoliberal securitizada em zonas mais seguras para turistas e residentes mais ricos. Enfatizamos o valor de um entendimento etnograficamente fundamentado para compreender o que essas mudanças significam para moradores pobres da cidade, assim como a complexidade, a heterogeneidade e a ambiguidade de suas diferentes reações.