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Popular approaches to building data from unstructured text come with limitations, such as scalability, interpretability, replicability, and real-world applicability. These can be overcome with Context Rule Assisted Machine Learning (CRAML), a method and no-code suite of software tools that builds structured, labeled datasets which are accurate and reproducible. CRAML enables domain experts to access uncommon constructs within a document corpus in a low-resource, transparent, and flexible manner. CRAML produces document-level datasets for quantitative research and makes qualitative classification schemes scalable over large volumes of text. We demonstrate that the method is useful for bibliographic analysis, transparent analysis of proprietary data, and expert classification of any documents with any scheme. To demonstrate this process for building data from text with Machine Learning, we publish open-source resources: the software, a new public document corpus, and a replicable analysis to build an interpretable classifier of suspected "no poach" clauses in franchise documents.

According to western observers, slavery was almost universal in Africa by the end of the slave trade era. I investigate the extent to which the international slave trades transformed the institutions of slavery in Africa. I use newly-developed data on travel time to estimate the inland reach of international slave demand. I find that societies in decentralized catchment zones adopted slavery to defend against further enslavement. More generally, I find that the international slave trades incentivized the evolution of aristocratic slave regimes characterized by slavery as a property system, polygyny as a family organization, inheritance of property within the nuclear family and hereditary succession in local politics. I discuss the implications for literatures on long-term legacies in African development.

In this paper, we estimate the effects of mandatory military service by exploiting the post-cold war decrease in the need for soldiers causing a substantial number of potential conscripts not to be drafted into the German military. Specifically, using previously unavailable information on degree of fitness in the military's medical exam as a control variable, we test for the effects of mandatory military service on wages; employment; marriage/partnership status; and satisfaction with work, financial situation, health, family life, friends, and life in general. We find almost no statistically significant effects of this 6 to 9 month career interruption for young German men, with the exception of hourly wage, which shows a negative point estimate of -15 percent with a large confidence interval of between -30 and -0.2 percent. This interval estimate is consistent with previous findings for the United States, Denmark, and the Netherlands.

Agricultural output fluctuated worldwide after the emancipation of slaves. The usual explanation is that former slaveholders now lacked labor. This is not the full story: slaves were not just laborers but capital investments to support production. Using databases covering more than 40 years from Stellenbosch in the British Cape Colony, this study measures changes in output before and after emancipation to determine the role of slaves as factors of production. Large shortfalls in compensation paid to slaveholders after the 1833 Abolition Act reveal that slaves were a source of capital that strongly influenced production levels, an important reason for the output variation.

We empirically assess the effect of historical slavery on the African American family structure. Our hypothesis is that female single headship among blacks is more likely to emerge in association not with slavery per se, but with slavery in sugar plantations, since the extreme demographic and social conditions prevailing in the latter have persistently affected family formation patterns. By exploiting the exogenous variation in sugar suitability, we establish the following. In 1850, sugar suitability is indeed associated with extreme demographic outcomes within the slave population. Over the period 1880-1940, higher sugar suitability determines a higher likelihood of single female headship. The effect is driven by blacks and starts fading in 1920 in connection with the Great Migration. OLS estimates are complemented with a matching estimator and a fuzzy RDD. Over a linked sample between 1880 and 1930, we identify an even stronger intergenerational legacy of sugar planting for migrants. By 1990, the effect of sugar is replaced by that of slavery and the black share, consistent with the spread of its influence through migration and intermarriage, and black incarceration emerges as a powerful mediator. By matching slaves' ethnic origins with ethnographic data we rule out any influence of African cultural traditions.

I study the causal pathways that link prison work programs to convict rehabilitation, leveraging administrative data from Italy and combining quasi-experimental and structural econometric methods to achieve both a credible identification and the isolation of mechanisms. Due to competing channels, I find that work in unskilled prison jobs impacts convicts on longer or shorter terms differently. Increasing work time by 16 hours per month reduces by between 3 and 10 percentage points the reincarceration rate, within three years of release, of convicts on terms longer than six months – because prison work counteracts the rapid depreciation of earning ability experienced by these convicts. For those on shorter terms, the analogous increase leads instead to a re-incarceration rate that is up to 9 percentage points higher, because of a liquidity effect that weakens deterrence.

Institutions of justice, like prisons, can be used to serve economic and other extrajudicial interests, with lasting deleterious effects. We study the effects on incarceration when prisoners are used primarily as a source of labor using evidence from British colonial Nigeria. We digitized sixty-five years of archival records on prisons from 1920 to1995andprovidenewestimates on the value of prison labor and the effects of labor demand shocks on incarceration. We find that prison labor was economically valuable to the colonial regime, making up a significant share of colonial public works expenditure. Positive economic shocks increased incarceration rates over the colonial period. This result is reversed in the postcolonial period, where prison labor is not a notable feature of state public finance. We document a significant reduction in contemporary trustin legal institutions, like police, in areas with high historic exposure to colonial imprisonment. The resulting reduction in trust is specific to legal institutions today.

We develop a model where firms profit from coercing workers into employment under conditions violating national law and international conventions and where bureaucrats benefit from accepting bribes from detected perpetrators. Firms and bureaucrats are hetero-geneous. Employers differ in their unscrupulousness regarding the use of slave labour whereas bureaucrats have differing intrinsic motivations to behave honestly. Moreover, there is a socially determined warm-glow effect: honest bureaucrats feel better if their colleagues are honest too. The determination of bribes is modelled via Nash bargaining between the firm and the corrupt civil servant. It is shown that multiple equilibria and hysteresis are possible. Depending on history, an economy may be trapped in a locally stable high-corruption, high-slavery equilibrium and major changes in government policies may be necessary to move the economy out of this equilibrium. Moreover, we show that trade bans that are effective in reducing slavery in the export industry tend to raise slavery in the remainder of the economy. It is possible that this leakage effect dominates the reduction of slavery in the export sector.

Three important features of Indian labor markets enduringly coexist: rent-seeking, occupational immobility, and caste. These facts are puzzling, given theories that predict static, equilibrium social inequality without conflict. Our model explains these facts as an equilibrium outcome. Some people switch caste-associated occupations for an easier source of rents, rather than for productivity. This undermines trust between castes and shuts down occupational mobility, which further encourages rent-seeking due to an inability of workers to sort into occupations. We motivate our contribution with novel stylized facts exploiting a unique survey question on casteism in India, which we show is associated with rent-seeking.

This paper analyzes the determinants behind the spatial distribution of the sexindustry in Thailand. We relate the development of the sex industry to an earlytemporary demand shock, i.e., U.S. military presence during the Vietnam War. Comparing the surroundings of Thai military bases used by the U.S. army to districts close to unused Thai bases, we find that there are currently 5 times more commercial sex workers in districts near former U.S. bases. The development of the sex industry is also explained by a high price elasticity of supply due to female migration from regions affected by an agricultural crisis. Finally, we study a consequence induced by the large numbers of sex workers in few red-light districts: the HIV outbreak in the early 1990s.

At present, most countries have officially ratified the ILO Convention concerning forced or compulsory labor; however, serfdom is still present in the twenty-first century. This paper addresses the questions of how situations of modern slavery arise and how oppressors select their victims. The analytical framework is a labor-market model in which masters and slaves are matched via a matching function. In contrast to the standard matching model, not the workers exert effort to find jobs but the employers exert effort to find and hire slaves. Workers are heterogeneous regarding their "slavability", which is ex-ante unknown to the potential employers. Employers exert effort to recruit slaves. The employer's decision whether and to what extent to engage in forced labor depends on governmental labor protection and on the probability of detection. Moreover, the model includes the possibility of bribery such that an employer can avoid sanctions if illicit behavior is detected. The model is solved and the impact of policy variables and other exogenous parameters on the firms' activities are investigated.

Global supply chains in the garment industry are marked by labour standard violations in factories as well as retail stores. Against this background it is important to strengthen the bargaining power of workers along the supply chain. Establishing direct relationships among workers along the supply chain could be one way to achieve this aim. This paper builds on extant literature on transnational solidarity and highlights the specific challenges of understanding solidarity in a transnational social space by looking at the empirical context of global garment supply chains. It hereby seeks to go beyond treating “solidarity” as a mere metaphor for any form of transnational union or worker cooperation, and instead engages with the cultural-normative dimensions of the concept as referring to mutual bonds among groups of workers. By looking at the case of the ExChains network, this paper examines some of the opportunities and challenges involved in establishing and maintaining transnational worker solidarity. The paper concludes by discussing the transformative potential, but also the limits of transnational labour solidarity regarding substandard working conditions in global supply chains. Keywords: Labor, coercive labor markets, labor discrimination, labor standards (JEL: J47, J5, J7, J8) ----- Kann Solidaritat „von unten“ in globalen Zuliefererketten organisiert werden? Der Fall ExChains Zusammenfassung Globale Lieferketten in der Bekleidungsindustrie sind durch Arbeitsstandardverletzungen in ihren Produktionsbetrieben, aber auch zunehmend im Einzelhandel gekennzeichnet. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist es wichtig, die Verhandlungsmacht von Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmern entlang der Lieferkette zu starken. Ein Weg, dies zu erreichen, ist die Schaffung von transnationalen Beziehungen zwischen Arbeiterinnen und Arbeitern. Basierend auf der bestehenden Literatur zu transnationaler Solidaritat hebt dieser Artikel die spezifischen Herausforderungen des Verstandnisses von Solidaritat im transnationalen Raum am Beispiel der globalen Bekleidungskette hervor. Dabei wird versucht, uber „Solidaritat“ als blose Metapher fur jegliche Form der transnationalen Zusammenarbeit zwischen Gewerkschaften und Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmern hinauszugehen und stattdessen die kulturell-normativen Dimensionen des Solidaritatsbegriffs als gegenseitige Bindung von Arbeiterinnen und Arbeitern zu verstehen. Am Fall des ExChains Netzwerks werden die Moglichkeiten und Herausforderungen der Schaffung und Aufrechterhaltung transnationaler Solidaritatsbeziehungen beispielhaft untersucht. Abschliesend werden das transformative Potential, aber auch die Grenzen transnationaler Arbeiterinnen- und Arbeiter-Solidaritat hinsichtlich der Arbeitsbedingungen in globalen Lieferketten diskutiert. Schlagworter: Arbeit, Zwangsarbeit, Arbeitsdiskriminierung, Arbeitsbedingungen ----- Bibliographie: Lohmeyer, Nora/Schusler, Elke/Helfen, Markus: Can solidarity be organized "from below" in global supply chains? The case of ExChains, Industrielle Beziehungen. Zeitschrift fur Arbeit, Organisation und Management, 4-2018, S. 400-424. https://doi.org/10.3224/indbez.v25i4.02

The study overviews the main mechanisms of public employment. It aims to understand the factors that influence what types and volume of resources settlements receive in order to increase their local employment opportunities. In order to do that we reviewed the database for the years 2011-2014 that includes the registry of jobseekers, public employment episodes and information regarding those receiving employment replacement subsidies. Additionally, we carried out 60 interviews during 2016-2017 in relevant ministries, national public employers, county and district employment offices and local level experts regarding the organization and regional distribution of public employment. The research found that while public employment was originally conceived as a labour market instrument, its social and settlement management role has grown much more significant during the years. As a consequence of this, the rapid downsizing of public employment without supplemental social and municipal financing measures might carry grave consequences. While public employment more or less follows the regional distribution of unemployment, there are significant deviations as well: in larger settlements the public worker-long-term-unemployed ratio is smaller and the number of public workers is heavily dependent on the ambitions of settlement leadership as well.

Military service is a popular method of army recruitment for governments of developing countries that are particularly prone to conflict. This study contributes to the largely under-researched issues of military service by looking at an unintended consequence of a military service exemption policy and answering a principal question: is there a fear of conscription among the youth? It uses a discontinuity in the military service law in an under-researched country, Iran, and offers causal evidence that fear of conscription entices young men to get more education against their will. This exogenous increase is used to estimate returns to education.

This paper empirically tests the hypothesis that landed elites may block technological change and economic development if they fear that they will lose future political power (Acemoglu and Robinson (2002, 2006, and 2012). It exploits a plausible exogenous change in the distribution of political power of the landed elites, i.e., a Swedish suffrage reform in 1862 which extended the voting rights to industrialists at the local level. Importantly, the votes were also weighted according to taxes paid. Thus, the higher taxes paid the more votes received. As a result, the landed elites had an incentive to block industrialization and technological progress since they otherwise would be “political losers”. We find that the change in political power from the landed elites to industrialists, through the extension of suffrage rights, lead to more investments in railways, faster structural change, and higher firm productivity. We also find that the change of political power affected both labor coercion and the adaption of labor-saving technologies within the agriculture sector along the lines suggested by Acemoglu and Wolitzky (2011) and Acemoglu (2010). Specifically, we find that is more labor coercion and less investments in labor-saving technologies in areas were landowners have more political power. We also provide evidence that many demographic outcomes were affected by the change in political power. Moreover, we find strong evidence of persistence in both extractive economic and political institutions even after the weighted voting system was abolished and universal suffrage introduced in 1919. Specifically, local governments that were previously political controlled by the landed elites were still using both extractive economic and political institutions (Acemoglu and Robinson (2008)).

Do factor endowments explain serfdom? Domar (1970) conjectured that high land-labor ratios caused serfdom by increasing incentives to coerce labor. But historical evidence is mixed and quantitative analyses are lacking. Using the Acemoglu-Wolitzky (2011) framework and controlling for political economy variables by studying a specific serf society, we analyze 11,349 Bohemian serf villages in 1757. The net effect of higher land-labor ratios was indeed to increase coercion. The effect greatly increased when animal labor was included, and diminished as land-labor ratios rose. Controlling for other variables, factor endowments significantly influenced serfdom. Institutions, we conclude, are shaped partly by economic fundamentals.

This paper advances a novel hypothesis regarding the historical roots of labor emancipation. It argues that the decline of coercive labor institutions in the industrial phase of development has been an inevitable by-product of the intensification of capital-skill complementarity in the production process. In light of the growing significance of skilled labor for fostering the return to physical capital, elites in society were induced to relinquish their historically profitable coercion of labor in favor of employing free skilled workers, thereby incentivizing the masses to engage in broad-based human capital acquisition, without fear of losing their skill premium to expropriation. In line with the proposed hypothesis, exploiting a plausibly exogenous source of variation in early industrialization across regions of nineteenth-century Prussia, capital abundance is shown to have contributed to the subsequent intensity of de facto serf emancipation.

This paper analyzes the determinants behind the spatial distribution of the sex industry in Thailand. We relate the development of the sex industry to an early temporary demand shock, i.e., U.S. military presence during the Vietnam War. Comparing the surroundings of Thai military bases used by the U.S. army to districts close to unused Thai bases, we find that there are currently 5 times more commercial sex workers in districts near former U.S. bases. The development of the sex industry is also explained by a high price elasticity of supply due to female migration from regions affected by an agricultural crisis. Finally, we study a consequence induced by the large numbers of sex workers in few red-light districts: the HIV outbreak in the early 1990s.

This paper investigates the economic fortunes of coerced vs. free workers in a global supply chain. To identify the differential treatment of otherwise similar workers we resort to a unique exogenous labor demand shock that affects wages in voluntary and involuntary labor relations differently. We identify the wage pass-through by capitalizing on Tajikistan’s geographic variation in the suitability for cotton production combined with a surge in the world market price of cotton in 2010/11 in two types of firms: randomly privatized small farms and not yet privatized parastatal farms, the latter of which command political capital to coerce workers. The expansion in land attributed to cotton production led to increases in labor demand and wages for cotton pickers; however, the price hike benefits only workers on entrepreneurial private farms, whereas coerced workers of parastatal enterprises miss out. The results provide evidence for the political economy of labor coercion and for the dependence of the economic lives of many poor on the competitive structure of local labor markets.

Die Artikel des Schwerpunktheftes setzen an verschiedenen inhaltlichen Dimensionen und Ebenen dieser Fragmentierung an: Auf der Arbeitsebene ist der Beitrag von Gabriele Fassauer und Silke Geithner angesiedelt, der die inner-organisatorische Bewaeltigung von Co-Konfiguration durch Auftragsmanager behandelt. Auf Basis der Taetigkeitstheorie beleuchten die Autorinnen die Co-Konfiguration zwischen Kunden und Produzenten, indem sie die Grenzarbeit von Auftragsmanagern im Zentrum interorganisationaler Leistungserstellung sichtbar machen, um den Anforderungen von Kunden, Zulieferern und den unternehmensinternen Arbeitsgruppen gerecht zu werden. Die Mitbestimmungspraxis von Betriebsraeten im Umgang mit quasi-externalisierter Arbeit ist Gegenstand von gleich zwei Aufsaetzen mit je unterschiedlicher Blickrichtung. Der Artikel von Markus Hertwig, Johannes Kirsch und Carsten Wirth zielt auf die Erkundung des Umgangs des Betriebsrats mit Onsite-Werkvertraegen in strukturationstheoretischer Perspektive. Fuer die Ernaehrungs- und Getraenkeindustrie zeigen sie verschiedene Praktiken auf, die in verschiedenen Typen des Umgangs von Betriebsraeten mit Onsite-Werkvertraegen verdichtet werden, die zwischen Kooperation und Konfrontation, zwischen Ablehnung und Akzeptanz angesiedelt sind. Karina Becker thematisiert aus einer sozialkritischen Perspektive den Gesundheits- und Arbeitsschutz fuer Werkvertragsbeschaeftigte in der Pflege. Dabei interessiert sie sich insbesondere fuer die rechtlichen Sekundaermachtpotenziale der Betriebsraete sowie deren etwaige Verschiebungen innerhalb des Feldes des Arbeits- und Gesundheitsschutzes. Auf diese Weise wird die Reichweite staatlicher Mindestschutzvorschriften im Betrieb bzw. im Haushalt als Verhandlungsgegenstand der Mitbestimmung thematisiert. Auf der Mesoebene zwischen Organisationen und (arbeits-)rechtlichem Rahmen setzen Isabell Hensel, Jochen Koch, Eva Kocher und Anna Schwarz mit einer interdisziplinaeren Einordnung online vermittelter Arbeitsauftraege und Werke an. Sie deuten neue Formen der Arbeitserbringung („Crowdworking“) in ihrer Vielgestaltigkeit, d.h. auch und gerade hinsichtlich von Potenzialen, die jenseits einer allfaelligen Prekarisierung angesiedelt sein koennen. Hierbei greifen sie zum einen auf die Organisations- und Managementtheorie zurueck, zum anderen benutzen sie das Arbeitsrecht, um das Spektrum von Crowdworking in einem Regelkreis aus Autonomie und Kontrolle, Flexibilitaet und Stabilitaet zu ordnen. Auf der Makroebene diskutiert Andreas Buecker die Regulierung der multipolaren Arbeitsbeziehungen und insbesondere des sog. drittbezogenen Personaleinsatzes, indem er bestehende Quellen des Arbeitsrechts (AEntG, MiloG, ArbSchG, BetrVG) auf Anwendbarkeit prueft, um regulative Luecken zu praezisieren. Zugleich thematisiert er die Rolle von Leitbildern im Diskurs der Rechtsfortbildung. Im Ergebnis argumentiert er fuer eine Fortentwicklung des Arbeitsrechts, um ueber den klassischen bipolaren Arbeitnehmerbegriff hinaus auch mehrpolige Rechtsbeziehungen erfassen zu koennen und die Betroffenen nicht schutzlos zu stellen. Hieran knuepfen zwei Debattenbeitraege an, um die derzeitige Konstruktion des Arbeitsrechts auf den Pruefstand zu stellen. Ebenso wie Buecker setzen sowohl Christiane Brors als auch Wolfgang Daeubler am grundsaetzlich bestehenden sozialen Schutzbedarf in mehrpoligen Arbeitsbeziehungen an, blicken aber gleichsam etwas optimistischer in die Zukunft. Brors haelt das zweipolige Arbeitsverhaeltnis nach wie vor fuer den richtigen Anker, um den Schutz abhaengig Beschaeftigter zu gewaehrleisten und zeigt auf, dass bestehende Ansaetze, insbesondere im Rahmen des Rechts der Leiharbeit, ausbaufaehig sind. AEhnlich sieht es Daeubler, der gleichermassen im Arbeitsrecht wie im Recht der Selbststaendigen ausbaufaehige Konstruktionen sieht. Deutlich wird dabei aber, dass gerade im letzteren Bereich der Gesetzgeber gefragt sein koennte, ueber den Typus der arbeitnehmeraehnlichen Person den Schutz von Selbststaendigen zu verbessern. Darueber hinaus macht Daeubler deutlich, dass gerade beim Crowdsourcing ein Problem in der Internationalitaet der Rechtsbeziehung liegen koennte.

Der Einsatz von „Fremdbelegschaften“ hat wenig mit wachsender Vernetzung von Unternehmen zu tun. Die rechtliche Entkoppelung von arbeitsvertraglicher Beziehung und Arbeitsort wirft Probleme auf, die sich bei den einzelnen Gruppen der Fremdbelegschaften unterschiedlich stellen. Leiharbeitnehmer haben neben ihrer Vertragsbeziehung zum Verleiher zahlreiche arbeitsrechtliche Rechte und Pflichten zum Entleiher, die sich unter dem Leitbegriff eines partiellen Arbeitsverhältnisses zusammenfassen lassen. Ihre faktische Schlechterstellung gegenüber Stammbeschäftigten hängt mit gesetzlich zugelassenen Billigtarifen und einer isolierten Arbeitssituation zusammen, die eine gemeinsame Interessenvertretung erschwert. Bei der zweiten Gruppe – den aufgrund Werk- oder Dienstvertrags in den Betrieb Kommenden – lassen sich die rechtlichen Probleme gleichfalls bewältigen, die die Nichtzugehörigkeit zur „eigentlichen“ Belegschaft mit sich bringt. Ihre schlechtere Lage hängt damit zusammen, dass sie im besten Falle den Tarifen einer „Billig-Branche“ unterliegen, meist aber zu jenen 42 % der Beschäftigten gehören, die nicht mehr durch Tarifverträge geschützt sind. Bei den Soloselbständigen als der dritten Gruppe muss man unterscheiden. Wer sein Einkommen im Wesentlichen vom Einsatzbetrieb bezieht, wird als arbeitnehmerähnliche Person qualifiziert und kann sich deshalb auf bestimmte arbeitsrechtliche Normen wie das Bundesurlaubsgesetz berufen, bleibt andererseits aber vom Kündigungsschutzgesetz und von der Betriebsverfassung ausgeschlossen. Tarifverträge sind möglich, aber faktisch nicht durchsetzbar. Liegt wegen Fehlens eines beherrschenden Auftraggebers keine Arbeitnehmerähnlichkeit vor, kann sich der Betroffene nur auf zivilrechtliche Schutznormen berufen, die zwar eine intensive Vertragsinhaltskontrolle, aber keinerlei Bestandsschutz gewähren. Hinter dem Begriff der Crowdworker als vierter Gruppe verbergen sich sehr unterschiedliche Rechtsbeziehungen; soweit für ausländische Plattformen gearbeitet wird, ist selbst der zivilrechtliche Schutz in Frage gestellt. Im Vergleich dazu sind die Probleme jener Beschäftigten, deren Arbeit von einem anderen Konzernunternehmen als dem Vertragsarbeitgeber gesteuert wird, von relativ geringer Dimension. Ein einheitliches „Modell“ für den Umgang mit Fremdbelegschaften kann es nicht geben; die unbestreitbaren Schutzdefizite haben ihre Ursachen nicht in den Schwierigkeiten der „Ankoppelung“ an den Einsatzbetrieb, sondern in der Stellung der Betroffenen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt. There is no necessary linkage between the use of a so-called external workforce and the increased interconnectedness of organisations. Within the external workforce, we have to distinguish four groups which are less protected than workers in a standard employment relationship. The coordination problems between an external and internal workforce are normally solved in a satisfactory way. Temporary agency workers have many legal links to the enterprise, which together can be considered to be a partial employment relationship. Workers sent to the plant by their employers on the basis of a contract of services keep their rights as employees in the relationship to their employer. In addition, there are also legal links to the company where the worker is deployed. The absence of a contract with the enterprise where the work is done is not the real cause of the weak position of these two kinds of workers. It is rather their position in the labour market and their difficulty in joining trade unions and their lack of access to the improved working conditions of collective agreements. Selfemployed workers with no employees are often in a still worse condition, protected only by civil law. If they work more or less exclusively for one enterprise, some labour law rules apply comprising annual leave and the (theoretical) possibility to conclude collective agreements. However, they cannot invoke the rules against unfair dismissal and they are not integrated into the system of works councils. The situation of crowdworkers varies according to the task they have to fulfil. If they are self-employed persons without employees, they will often be protected only by civil law which guarantees an intensive control of contract clauses but does not protect against the termination of the relationship. To improve their position is a question for labour market policy too. The concept of creating a uniform model to cover external workforces is misleading because it neglects the real reasons for decreasing employment protection.

Der Beitrag wendet sich gegen die These, dass in Abkehr von dem Ausgangspunkt des zweiseitigen Vertrags „multipolare Arbeitsbeziehungen“ für eine juristische Betrachtungsweise gewählt werden sollen. Neue Organisationsformen der Arbeit dürfen nicht zu Nachteilen für den Arbeitnehmer führen. Die Arbeitsorganisation wird vom Arbeitgeber vorgegeben. Der Arbeitnehmer hat keinen Einfluss darauf. Die Organisationsform ist Ausdruck der strukturellen Ungleichgewichtslage zwischen Arbeitgeber und Arbeitnehmer. Aufgabe des Arbeitsrechts ist es, die Ungleichgewichtslage zu beseitigen und nicht sie als Ausgangspunkt zu nehmen und so zu akzeptieren. This article criticizes the argument that in labour law analyses, the bipolar contract should be abandoned as a starting point in favour of multipolar employment relations.. Modern employment relations in multipolar organisations could be used to evade the given legal protection of the employee. Work organisation is the prerogative of the employer and employees have no influence over it.. It is the function of labour law to secure workers’ rights in this situation on the basis of the bipolar contract and not to weaken their position by accepting new organizational forms of work.

Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht aus arbeitsrechtlicher Perspektive das Phänomen, dass in der vernetzten Arbeitswelt der Zugriff auf Arbeitskraft seltener im Rahmen des traditionellen Normalarbeitsverhältnisses erfolgt und stattdessen zunehmend externe Arbeitskräfte im Rahmen von Netzwerkorganisationen eingesetzt werden. Es wird die These entwickelt, dass es zu kurz greifen würde, diesen Wandel unter der für das Arbeitsrecht derzeit typischen bipolaren Perspektive zu analysieren, und dass arbeitsrechtliche Begrifflichkeiten und Grundstrukturen im Hinblick auf mehrpolige Rechtsbeziehungen und interorganisationale Fragestellungen weiterzuentwickeln sind. Konzeptionelle Defizite der Regulierung des drittbezogenen Personaleinsatzes werden herausgearbeitet. Ausgehend von den in den Grundrechten wurzelnden staatlichen Schutzpflichten und dem im Rechtsstaatsprinzip wurzelnden Kohärenzgebot werden ein Leitbild für die vernetzte Arbeitswelt entworfen und Schlussfolgerungen für eine systematische Entwicklung des Rechts der externen Arbeitskräfte gezogen. This paper adopts a labour law perspective to analyse the more frequent external deployment of labour than conventional employment in network organisations. We argue that it is insufficient to analyse this phenomenon from the bipolar perspective dominant in the traditional concept of labour law. Instead it is necessary to develop a concept and structure of (labour) law with regard to multipolar relations and inter-organisational problems. The paper analyses the conceptual deficits of the current regulation of triangular labour deployment strategies. It then develops guiding principles for the deployment of labour in an interconnected digital working world. It does so by focusing on the duty of States to protect human rights and the principle of coherent regulation. In the light of these principles, we draw practical conclusions for the regulation of the use of external labour.

Mit Onsite-Werkverträgen können vielfältige negative Konsequenzen für die Arbeitsbedingungen der Beschäftigten und für die Interessenvertretung verknüpft sein. Deshalb fragen wir, wie Betriebsräte mit der Verbreitung von Onsite-Werkverträgen in den Kernbereichen der Wertschöpfung umgehen und welche Praktiken der Interessenvertretung im Prozess des Outsourcings entwickelt werden. In diesem Beitrag zeigen wir auf Basis einer strukturationstheoretischen Analyse von insgesamt zwölf Fallstudien aus dem Verarbeitenden Gewerbe und dem Einzelhandel, dass sich zwei grundlegende Handlungsmuster (Ablehnung oder Akzeptanz) herausbilden. Diese Handlungsmuster differenzieren sich weiter nach den grundlegenden Sicht-, Handlungs- und Legitimationsweisen der Betriebsräte in die vier Typen‚ ‚Ablehnung – Unsicherheit‘, ‚Ablehnung – Konfrontation‘, ‚Akzeptanz – Kooperation‘ und ‚Akzeptanz – Ausgestaltung‘ aus. Die Betriebsräte üben dabei Einfluss aus, ohne jedoch alle negativen Konsequenzen aufheben zu können. Dies hat Folgen für das Erwerbssystem als Ganzes. Onsite-subcontracting can produce multiple negative consequences for employment conditions and interest representation. Therefore, we ask how works councils position themselves towards onsite-subcontracting and how they intervene in the process of outsourcing. Based on a structurationist analysis of twelve case studies in the manufacturing sector and in retailing, we identify two major patterns of action (rejection and acceptance). The patterns of action can be differentiated into four types of works council behaviour: ‘rejection – uncertainty, ‘rejection – confrontation’, ‘acceptance – co-operation’ and ‘acceptance – arrangement’. Furthermore, works councils exert influence to a varying degree but they cannot offset all negative consequences. This has implications for the overall employment system.

The resistance of Sub-Saharan Africans to diseases that were plaguing the southern United States contributed to the establishment of African slavery in those regions. Specifically, Africans' resistance to malaria increased the profitability of employing African slave labor, especially that of slaves coming from the most malaria-ridden parts of Africa. In this paper, I first document that African slavery was largely concentrated in the malaria-infested areas of the United States. Moreover, I show that the introduction of a virulent strain of malaria into US colonies greatly increased the share of African slaves, but only in states where malaria could thrive. Finally, by looking at the historical prices of African slaves, I show that enslaved individuals born in the most malaria-ridden African regions commanded higher prices.

This paper studies the effects of introducing legal street prostitution zones on both registered and perceived crime. We exploit a unique setting in the Netherlands where legal street prostitution zones were opened in nine cities under different regulation systems. We provide evidence that the opening of these zones was not in response to changes in crime. Our difference-in-difference analysis using data on the largest 25 Dutch cities between 1994 and 2011 shows that opening a legal street prostitution zone decreases registered sexual abuse and rape by about 30% to 40% in the first two years. For cities which opened a legal street prostitution zone with a licensing system we also find significant reductions in drug-related crime and long-term effects on sexual assaults. Perceived drug nuisance increases upon opening but then decreases below pre-opening levels in cities with a licensed prostitution zone. In contrast, we find permanent increases in perceived drug crime in the areas adjacent to the legal prostitution zones.

Human trafficking is one of the most widely spread and fastest growing crimes in the world. However, despite the scope of the problem, the important human rights issues at stake and the professed intent of governments around the world to put an end to "modern day slavery", there is very little that is actually known about the nature of human trafficking and those most at risk as potential victims. This is due in large part to the difficulty in collecting reliable and statistically useful data. In this paper we present the results of a pilot study run in rural Vietnam with the aim of overcoming these data issues. Rather than attempt to identify victims themselves, we rely on the form rural migration often takes in urbanizing developing countries to instead identify households that were sources of trafficking victims. This allows us to construct a viable sampling frame, on which we conduct a survey using novel techniques such as anchoring vignettes, indirect sampling, list randomization and social network analysis to construct a series of empirically valid estimates that can begin to shed light on the problem of human trafficking.

Child labor is often condemned as a form of exploitation. I explore how the notion of exploitation, as used in everyday language, can be made precise in economic models of child labor. Exploitation is defined relative to a specific social welfare function. I first show that under the standard dynastic social welfare function, which is commonly applied to intergenerational models, child labor is never exploitative. In contrast, under an inclusive welfare function, which places additional weight on the welfare of children, child labor is always exploitative. Neither welfare function captures the more gradual distinctions that common usage of the term exploitation allows. I resolve this conflict by introducing a welfare function with minimum altruism, in which child labor in a given family is judged relative to a specific social standard. Under this criterion, child labor is exploitative only in families where the parent (or guardian) displays insufficient altruism towards the child. I argue that this welfare function best captures the conventional concept of exploitation and has useful properties for informing political choices regarding child labor.

We study human trafficking in a marriage market model of prostitution. When trafficking is based on coercion, trafficking victims constitute a non-zero share of supply in any unregulated prostitution market. We ask if regulation can eradicate trafficking and restore the outcome that would arise in an unregulated market without traffickers. All existing approaches - criminalization of prostitutes (the traditional model), licensed prostitution (the Dutch model), and criminalization of johns (the Swedish model) - fail to accomplish this goal, but we show that there exists an alternative regulatory model that does. Political support for regulation hinges on the level of gender income inequality.

This paper proposes that India's caste system and involuntary labor were joint responses by a nonworking landowning class to a low labor/land ratio in which the rules of the caste system supported the institution of involuntary labor. The hypothesis is tested in two ways: longitudinally, with data from ancient religious texts, and cross-sectionally, with twentieth-century statistics on regional population/land ratios linked to anthropological measures of caste-system rigidity. Both the longitudinal and cross-sectional evidence suggest that the labor/land ratio affected the caste system's development, persistence, and rigidity over time and across regions of India.