In this article, we analyze how the marital biography is affecting mortality in Germany today (N = 12,484). We find support for temporal selection into marriage for both genders, but the effect is stronger for men. In addition, protection through marriage results from long-term accumulation of survival advantages and from the attenuation of higher mortality risks that occur immediately after a transition into or out of a marriage. Moreover, women are more likely to keep survival advantages from previous marriages and to forget about survival disadvantages from divorces and widowhood. Key Words: event history analysis, life course, marital history, marriage, mortality, selectivity. In 1830, Benoisten de Chateauneuf observed a difference in life expectancy between married and unmarried people. Since then, numerous studies have confirmed this result within many countries (Cheung, 2000; Hemstrom, 1996; Hu & Goldman, 1990; Klein, 1993; Lillard & Waite, 1995). Researchers hold two distinct processes responsible for such disparities. The first process is selection into marriage. Various studies have shown that those who find a partner on the marriage market are healthier than those who remain unmarried (Goldman, 1993; Goldman, Korenman, & Weinstein, 1995). The second process refers to the protective mechanism of marriage: Being married provides emotional support, constrains risk-taking behavior, stimulates a healthy lifestyle, provides additional resources, buffers critical experiences, and partly replaces professional health care. Both explanations are highly plausible, but they do not capture an important element of today's family biographies. Men and women are much more likely today to move into and out of different unions over the life course than they were 50 years ago. Most people live without a partner for extensive periods of their adult lives (Settles, 1999). Marital timing patterns influence the wealth of individuals (Wilmoth & Koso, 2002), but what about their effect on health and mortality? Do married men and women preserve their survival advantage over singles, divorced persons, widowers, and widows over their entire life spans? Is a marriage at the age of 40 as protective as a marriage at the age of 20? Is being married for 20 years twice as protective as being married for 10 years? Does a marriage after a previous divorce prolong one's life expectancy by more time than a marriage after a previous widowhood? In this article, we examine the influence of marital changes on mortality throughout the life course. A growing body of literature suggests that early life events (e.g., Barker, 1998; Doblhammer & Vaupel, 2001; Elo & Preston, 1992) and midlife conditions (e.g., Hart, Smith, & Blane, 1998; Manton, Stallard, & Corder, 1997) are important determinants of mortality later in life. All of these studies focus on single life events, but they rarely analyze the consequences of these events. In addition, they often neglect marriage as a factor. In this article, we trace people over long periods of time and focus on key events that shape their marital biographies. Analyzing the chronology of these events should help us to better understand when and why married people have higher life expectancies than do divorced, widowed, or single people. We distinguish four patterns of causation: Timing: The effect of marital transitions may be different if they occur at certain critical junctures of the life course. Accumulation: Some marital states may have positive or negative effects on mortality that accumulate over time. Attenuation: Some marital states may have positive or negative effects on mortality that are lost over time. Sequencing: Some events may have a varying effect on mortality depending on the sequence in which they occur. In this article, we first map the research background of marital transitions and mortality differences. …