Search

Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aquest article se centra en l’estudi de la figura de Manuel Sacristán Luzón (1925-1985), considerat per alguns el pensador espanyol més gran de la segona meitat del segle xx (Jesús Mosterín). Hi ha dues línies preferents d’actuació de Sacristán, interconnectades, que centren l’anàlisi d’aquesta aportació: la tasca d’introductor a les llengües hispàniques d’alguns intel·lectuals marxistes europeus, principalment com a traductor de les seves obres d’assaig, i la seva connexió amb aquests intel·lectuals. Les fonts utilit­zades són les contingudes en el Fons personal de Manuel Sacristán, de la Universitat de Barcelona, així com les bibliogràfiques.

Copyright of On the W@terfront is the property of University of Barcelona, Centre de Recerca POLIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the Franco regime imposed a rationing system, justified by the international context and the destruction caused by the war. Until the early 1950s, in Spain, diet was affected by the scarcity of basic products and the inability to pay for them with the wages of those years, as well as by difficulties in circulation and distribution, partly mitigated - or aggravated by high prices - through the «black market». In this article, using a «micro» approach, we explain the attitudes of the first provincial authorities (civil governors) and mayors of towns, based on their own official documental sources which dealt with topics related to the issue of supplies, in their directives, letters, regulations, punishments, and internal reports, thus, offering a particular portrait of an Andalusian province that can be extrapolated to the rest of the Spanish territory. We also show the material and social consequences of this policy on the population of the province of Málaga (Spain), and the reaction of the citizens to the rationing system, with a deployment of survival strategies and forms of daily resistance that characterized the decade of the 1940s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millars: Espai i Història is the property of Millars: Espai i Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Les méthodes d’enseignement / apprentissage des langues vivantes ont évolué tout au long du XXe siècle. Cependant, l’Espagne a ralenti l’introduction des innovations éducatives à cause de sa situation politique. C’est pour cela que la méthode traditionnelle a prédominé dans les salles de classe espagnoles. En outre, le catholicisme et le patriotisme ont été les fils rouges de l’éducation pendant le franquisme et ont mis en relief les différences éducatives selon le sexe. Dans ce contexte, il est intéressant d’analyser la situation du français dans les écoles espagnoles des années 1950, concrètement dans une école féminine, religieuse et privée est particulièrement significative. Toute la démarche est exemplifiée par l’analyse d’un manuel de langue française de 1958 utilisé dans cette école, ainsi que des entretiens effectués auprès d’anciennes élèves.

A disset anys i en plena Guerra Civil, Teresa Pàmies va esdevenir membre de l’executiva de les Joventuts Socialistes Unificades de Catalunya (JSUC). També va combatre en altres fronts: el voluntariat, l’associacionisme, la propaganda política, el periodisme... Va viure un llarg exili de més de trenta anys, fins que el 1971 va tornar a Catalunya, gràcies a l’obtenció del premi Josep Pla per Testament a Praga. Aleshores va guanyar-se la vida escrivint i traduint: del 1975 al 1979, va publicar quinze obres originals i, del 1972 al 1978, en va traduir una vintena. Una noia i un soldat (novel·la de la guerra civil), datada el febrer de 1972, va ser una de les primeres que va acabar a Barcelona L’editorial Destino de seguida va presentar-la a censura, que la va prohibir de manera taxativa. Es tracta d’una ficció de base autobiogràfica —o autoficció— construïda a partir de l’experiència de la guerra de l’autora, entrellaçada amb una història d’amor ben travada, en la qual els dos protagonistes s’expressen amb veu pròpia. Tant la línia argumental com el desenvolupament de la novel·la van xocar amb dogmes polítics, socials, morals i religiosos infranquejables per al règim. Es conserva a l’Archivo General de la Administración, a Alcalá de Henares, i encara roman inèdita.

Copyright of On the W@terfront is the property of University of Barcelona, Centre de Recerca POLIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Abriu, Estudos de Textualidade do Brasil, Galicia e Portugal is the property of Abriu, Estudos de Textualidade do Brasil, Galicia e Portugal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaderns: Revista de Traducció is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through the analysis of a case of translation and censorship, this study offers a recreation of the microhistory of La terre (1883), by Émile Zola, at the time when this foreign French novel was imported into the Francoist literary system, focusing on the processes of reception, conditioning and appropriation to which this work was subjected by the Franco regime in order to ensure its ideological adequacy. The study of the two Spanish versions published during the dictatorship will show that Zola's controversial novel went through an exercise of self-censorship and metacensorship which aimed mainly at silencing a clear anti-religious sentiment among the French peasant community depicted in the original text, seen as unacceptable under the catholic and agrarian society ruled by Franco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of FLAMME is the property of Universite de Limoges and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Au lendemain des dictatures espagnole (1939-1975) et argentine (1976-1983), l’objectif de réconciliation nationale visé par les processus transitionnels a requis l’application de lois d’amnistie, qui ont empêché la poursuite des auteurs de crimes commis contre les opposants à ces dictatures. Mais cette impunité a nourri un besoin social de justice et de mémoire, auquel le modèle de justice transitionnelle est venu apporter une réponse. L’article interroge la constitution de ce paradigme à travers le cas de l’Argentine, parvenue à juger les criminels de la répression dictatoriale, et le cas de l’Espagne qui se montre réticente à mener par la voie pénale cette confrontation avec son passé. Que disent ces résistances de l’actuelle démocratie espagnole ?

Aquest treball vol recordar l’ús de la política monetària franquista com a arma a la Guerra Civil Espanyola i la confiscació il·legítima dels diners republicans per part de l’Estat franquista. Aquesta confiscació cal entendre-la com un dany patit per ciutadans particulars, dany efectiu que no ha estat reparat per l’Estat democràtic espanyol dins la justícia transicional espanyola. Dins d’aquesta manca de reparació, comentem la Sentència del Tribunal Suprem núm. 1470/2017, que desestima la reclamació judicial d’aquest dany; un dels fonaments de la Sentència és la manca de responsabilitat patrimonial de l’Estat legislador per l’omissió legislativa que reguli aquella reparació. En aquest treball plantegem una possible via de reclamació, que seria basar-nos en l’Informe del relator especial de l’ONU sobre justícia transicional, a l’empara del nou posicionament del Tribunal Suprem sobre l’obligatorietat de les recomanacions dels comitès internacionals, sobre la base de la Sentència del Tribunal Suprem núm. 1263/2018, que per primera vegada en reconeix la vinculatorietat per a l’Estat espanyol.

In the Basque Country, during the post-war period, an unequal combat between two opposing memories of the Civil Spanish War began: the official Franquista memory and the clandestine nationalist memory. This article studies the elaboration and transmission process of this clandestine memory formulated by the Basque nationalist community between 1937 and 1960. We analyzed which were the elements of the nationalist account and identified the main agents that made its spread possible. For this, we studied a wide range of documental sources: speeches of the political authorities in exile, writings of the Basque clergy, testimonials from veterans, nationalist press, literary works and historiographic works. The article concludes that by 1960, the battle between the official Franquista memory and the nationalist clandestine memory was resolved in favor of the latter. The patriotic and epic narrative of the warlike past elaborated by the nationalist community was assumed by the new nationalist generations socialized in the post-war era. This situation contrasts with what happened around Spain, where the defeated did not manage to spread an alternative unitary memory to the narration of the crusade and the new generations tended to repudiate the memory of the Civil War, monopolized by the Franquista regime. This particular memory of the war which was rooted in the political culture of Basque nationalism was one of the factors that explained the singular historical evolution of the Basque Country during the late Franquismo and the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synergies Espagne is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comunicació Educativa is the property of Universitat Rovira I Virgili and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Haidé: Estudis Maragallians is the property of Biblioteca de Catalunya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L’article analitzarà la repressió de la mendicitat i la immigració a la Barcelona de la immediata postguerra.També centrarà part del seu argument en el tracte atorgat pel règim franquista als refugiats republicans acollits a la ciutat durant la guerra. Fi- nalment, dedicarà part de la seva atenció als retornats republicans de França durant els primers mesos de la postguerra, ja que la capital catalana va actuar com a centre de classificació i distribuïdor d’aquests. Indigents, immigrants, refugiats i retornats van ser conceptualitzats pel règim com un problema similar (beneficència i ordre públic), de manera que van rebre un tracte igualment similar. La màxima expressió d’aquest fet va ser la funcionalitat atorgada als principals centres de classificació i repatriació existents a Barcelona durant les primeres etapes de la dictadura.

Le retour au pouvoir de la droite espagnole en 2011 a entraîné un gel progressif des aides dédiées à l’application de la Loi sur la mémoire historique de 2007. En conséquence, des artistes publics ont investi la rue pour y projeter des images liées à des préoccupations mémorielles. En 2013, Ze Carrión a reproduit l’image télévisuelle de Carlos Arias Navarro accompagnée de l’inscription « Españoles, Franco ha vuelto »1. Noaz a participé, en 2014, à une campagne de récolte de fonds pour aider à l’exhumation et à l’identification des quatre cents corps situés dans le Monte Estépar2. La même année, le projet d’Alto, autour de la mémoire historique, était sélectionné pour occuper un des murs extérieurs de la Tabacalera, à Madrid. Nous proposons de nous engager sur un jeu de piste et d’étudier les empreintes laissées par Alto dans l’espace public espagnol.

Le but de cet article est d’analyser la réception de la traduction de Perspective cavalière (1970) d’André Breton par le Ministère de l’Information et du Tourisme pendant la dictature franquiste. À travers les dossiers de censure de Perspectiva caballeresca (1971) et de Magia cotidiana (1975), nous nous rendrons compte de la grande importance qu’exerçait la réputation des maisons d’édition et de leurs porte-paroles afin d’obtenir une acceptation préalable de leurs traductions. Malgré le caractère dissident de Magia cotidiana, la traduction a finalement vu le jour sans aucune suppression de la part de l’appareil censorial, ce qui confirme la progressive évolution du régime dictatorial vers la démocratie.

A partir d’unes memòries inèdites del canonge Joan Viladrich, secretari particular del cardenal Francesc Vidal i Barraquer, ens endinsem en el segon i definitiu exili del prelat tarragoní, el corresponent a la proscripció imposada per Franco. Presentem el cardenal com una figura incòmoda per al nou règim instaurat a Espanya, el qual aconseguí desprendre-se’n davant d’un Vaticà impassible o incapaç de trobar solució a l’afer. En els informes de Vidal al pontífex, es pot comprovar la seva desaprovació del règim franquista i la lluita infructuosa per mirar de revertir la seva situació personal.

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista História da Educação is the property of Historia da Educacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Públic is the property of Revista Catalana de Dret Public and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

À partir du début des années 1960 en Espagne, face à la censure et au monopole écrasant du théâtre institutionnel, des dramaturges issus du réalisme social et du théâtre indépendant vont s’efforcer d’appréhender le théâtre jeune public comme un espace de subversion, refusant de céder le pas aux velléités d’assimilation des esthétiques dissidentes par le franquisme. Précurseurs de cette tendance, Pilar Enciso et Lauro Olmo fondent en 1953 le Teatro Popular Infantil, compagnie pour laquelle ils écriront à quatre mains et mettront en scène cinq pièces. Cet article propose une analyse de ces œuvres à l’aune des notions d’urgence, de transmission éthique et d’assemblée théâtrale chères aux deux dramaturges.

Ressenya: Pilar Godayol i Annarita Taronna, eds. 2018. Foreign Women Authors under Fascism and Francoism. Gender, Translation and Censorship. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 217 p.

L'article posa el focus en l'anàlisi d'aspectes interns de la coalició autoritària franquista en els anys 1939 i 1940. En concret, en com van viure, com van actuar políticament i què van propugnar davant l'esclat i durant el primer any de la Segona Guerra Mundial els diferents grups polítics i institucions que conformaven aquest bloc polític i social presidit pel dictador. Igualment, s'incideix en les coincidències i en els conflictes que es van donar tant en el si d'aquesta coalició autoritària franquista com dins d'alguns dels sectors i individus que la conformaven. Especialment, en els dos sectors més importants pel seu pes i significació, com van ser d'una banda l'exèrcit i per una altra el partit únic, Falange Espanyola Tradicionalista i de les JONS. S'estudien específicament les diferents actituds presents en l'exèrcit, en el partit únic, a l'Església catòlica, en els carlins, en els alfonsí-juanistas i entre tècnics catòlics d'especial rellevància, com va ser el cas de el ministre d'Hisenda José Larraz.

Les dretes catalanes del 1936 no van ser immunes a la contaminació del discurs feixista europeu dels anys trenta del segle passat. En el context excepcional de la Guerra Civil espanyola, els elements polítics i inte?ectuals del món conservador català (dirigents polítics com Francesc Cambó, joves periodistes i escriptors com Ignasi Agustí, etc.) van assumir, de forma conscient i volguda, el discurs interpretatiu generat pels feixismes europeus: l’antisemitisme, la guerra dels imperialismes occidentals (l’anglosaxó i el francès), la legitimitat del renaixement alemany, etc. A la caiguda de París, el juny del 1940, els franquistes catalans havien arribat a un consens transversal inqüestionable: les democràcies eren els règims dèbils del passat; el present era per als règims valents i enèrgics; el futur seria un nou ordre europeu alliberat de les rèmores de la Il·lustració.

The objective of this article is to present a mainly descriptive balance of two digital projects dedicated to the memory and history of women incarcerated during Francoism in Spain, the only ones existing with respect to female prisons: the Barcelona prison of Les Corts (1939-1955) and the female prison of Ventas in Madrid (1933-1969). In both cases, historical studies have gone hand in hand with memory, through interviews and testimonials of the inmates and their families, present in the respective digital projects in the form of audios and audiovisual elements. Besides, in both cases, there is social participation through amanuensis associations, neighborhood collectives, and relatives of the inmates which has played a decisive role in a slow-moving social task against forgetfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social networks have an increasingly significant role in our daily lives, from superficial aspects to more relevant topics, such as the transmission of present and past values to contemporary society. One of their most original roles is that of becoming a support and record of recent history and memory, that is to say, brief virtual spaces which act as new ways of resisting that traumatic or little-known episodes are forgotten. This article intends to analyze said phenomenon taking the Spanish Civil War and the posterior Francoism as an example, with the objective of learning how they fulfill their function of generating, spreading and representing the resistance against forgetting. Methods of digital research were applied as well as sources from digital databases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin Hispanique is the property of Universite de Bordeaux III (Michel de Montaigne), Institut Hispanique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As in most of the European right-wing political movements, the Catalan conservative groups, whether they were Spanish supporters and monarchists, or the powerful regionalist group of the Catalan League, allowed themselves to be caught by the discourse and worldview of that moment regarding fascism in the whole continent. The "fascist impregnation", which had devoured the continental rightwing, also occurred in political and social groups especially traumatized by the experience of the Spanish fascist uprising and the revolutionary outbreak in the republican rearguard. This article presents some examples of this drift in a significant Catalan right-wing sector (former regionalists, Catholics, Alphonsine monarchists) who in the years 1938-1939 had assumed the discourse and interpretation of the events of the moment with the values of fascism, until doing so and reaching an indistinguishable point from the original model. The way they analyzed the Munich crisis (September 1938), the destruction of Czechoslovakia (March 1939), or the effort to blame European Jews for the new continental war, is fully consistent with the continental fascist discourses of that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Encounters in Theory & History of Education / Rencontres en Theorie et Histoire de l'Educacion is the property of Queen's University, Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Synergies Roumanie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Els recents estudis al voltant de la dimensió regional del Règim franquista estan obrint nous espais de reflexió, bé sobre la dinàmica i caracterització del règim, bé sobre la interpretació global dels fenòmens nacionals, com és el paper i l'evolució d'aquest nacionalisme regionalitzat durant la crisi final del règim i els inicis de la Transició. El present estudi analitza el discurs que va acompanyar l'acció políticoinstitucional del reformisme franquista a Catalunya, fonamentat en un regionalisme moderadament favorable a la descentralització, que es va definir com un factor de legitimació de les elits davant l'opinió pública. A partir dels èxits i fracassos d'aquest intent pot mesurar-se l'abast d'una part del procés de canvi de règim a Catalunya.