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La Storia d���Italia di Francesco Guicciardini, sottoposta dall���autore a numerose revisioni e riscritture, costituisce per il filologo un campo di studio ancora ampiamente inesplorato. Molte sono infatti le domande ancora inevase sul metodo applicato dal Fiorentino nella stesura di quello che �� comunemente giudicato un capolavoro della storiografia e un mirabile esempio di prosa italiana. Lo studio di un segmento topico dell���opera, quello dell���Esordio, giustamente celebrato da generazioni di lettori e studiosi, presenta numerose sfide che trovano nelle tecnologie digitali uno strumento d���indagine inedito fino a poco tempo fa. Il progetto portato avanti dall���Universit�� di Liegi, accompagnato da altre istituzioni italiane e francesi (Universit�� Grenoble-Alpes, ENS Lyon, Universit�� Paris 8, Universit�� degli Studi di Napoli Federico II) ha inteso sottoporre al vaglio della numerizzazione i problemi di rappresentazione e di resa editoriale di un testo stratificato e complesso. Questa proposta di studio non �� tuttavia esclusiva. Altre forme di edizione, pi�� tradizionali e su carta, sperimentate recentemente nel volume Come lavorava Guicciardini, possono completare la nostra lettura del celebre Esordio guicciardiniano., Griseldaonline, V. 20 N. 2 (2021): Italianistica digitale

L’article examina la protesta i la resistència populars durant les guerres d’Itàlia, de 1494 a 1559, i mostra la importància que hi va tenir la dècada de 1520. Mitjançant una anàlisi comparativa amb l’època d’insurreccions del segle XIV, molt més estudiada, estableix que aquesta etapa posterior, caracteritzada per la guerra i l’ascens de l’absolutisme, va ser fecunda en noves formes de protesta, relacionades amb ideals d’equitat i pràctiques incipients de democràcia., This essay examines popular protest and resistance during the Italian Wars, 1494 to 1559, emphasizing the importance of the decade of the 1520s. It is acomparative analysis with Italy’s more thoroughly studied epoch of insurrection during the late fourteenth century and concludes that the latter period, characterized by warfare and the growth of absolutism, was rich in new forms of protest wedded to ideals of equality and early practices of democracy., El presente artículo examina la protesta y resistencia populares durante las guerras de Italia, de 1494 a 1559, y muestra la importancia que a este respecto tuvo la década de 1520. Mediante un análisis comparativo con la época de insurrecciones durante el siglo XIV, mucho más estudiada, establece que esta etapa posterior, caracterizada por la guerra y el ascenso del absolutismo, fue fecunda en nuevas formas de protesta, relacionadas con ideales de equidad y prácticas incipientes de democracia.

Francesco Guicciardini’s letterbook is a unique among the records left by the historian. It contains a large number of letters to and from Guicciardini from the years 1526-1527 that were faithfully copied down by the Guicciardini’s secretary-scribe in a volume which has since been broken up but whose codicologically coherent parts can be traced back to the same original source. The paper investigates how the letterbook was compiled by comparing the letters it includes with other samples (drafts, originals) of the same documents., Quaderni di Gargnano, N. 2 (2018): Epistolari dal Due al Seicento. Modelli, questioni ecdotiche, edizioni, cantieri aperti

The essay examines the succession of breaks and adjustments that affected the balance of power between local and foreign actors involved in the Italian Wars between 1494 and 1559. Observations by contemporary chroniclers - with particular regard to Francesco Guicciardini - and an updated bibliography of contemporary studies allow the essay to show how the battle of Pavia, more than enshrine in fact the Habsburg hegemony in the Italian arena, changed the regional Italian establishments' perception of Charles V role in Peninsular politics. With the defeat and capture of Francis I of Valois, what until then had been considered an Italian sovereign among others - undoubtedly very powerful, but not so much to be able to aspire to undisputed hegemony - appeared as the most credible candidate to establish in Peninsula, rather than an alternative leadership to the French one, a real monarchy, based on his right as Holy Roman Emperor (and King of Italy), on the financial resources of his kingdoms, on the power and authority of his ministers, on the consensus enjoyed by the Habsburg cause among the local élites.

Cet ouvrage collectif et multidisciplinaire est consacré à la traduction comme modalité possible de l'action politique dans les contextes linguistique français et italien (XVIe-XXe siècle) par rapport à cinq cas d’études : Guicciardini, Rousseau, Beccaria, Chateaubriand et Proudhon., This collective, interdisciplinary work is devoted to translation as a possible form of political action in French and Italian linguistic contexts between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries, which is explored in five case studies: Guicciardini, Rousseau, Beccaria, Chateaubriand, and Proudhon.

En 1576 l’humaniste Antoine de Laval produit la première version en langue française des Ricordi de Francesco Guicciardini. Dans un moment de crise du rôle et des fonctions de la souveraineté, Antoine de Laval offre une collection de préceptes pour la cour, afin de défendre l’unité et la stabilité de la monarchie., In 1576, the humanist Antoine de Laval produced the first French-language version of Francesco Guicciardini’s Ricordi. At a time when the role and functions of sovereignty were in the midst of a crisis, Antoine de Laval offered a collection of maxims for use at court in order to defend the unity and stability of the monarchy.

Dans la péninsule italienne, à une quarantaine d’années de guerres incessantes fait suite, à partir de 1494, une longue période de paix relative jusqu’à la fin du xviiie siècle. Florence, Venise et Rome sont alors les trois espaces culturels et politiques où naissent les réflexions les plus importantes – et les plus « européennes » – sur la question de la guerre et sur le déploiement d’un « après-guerre ». Après la pensée florentine qui articule politique de conquête et nécessité de la conservation en temps de guerre, « l’après-guerre » s’inscrit dans une tension potentielle, sinon permanente, entre l’impossibilité de la paix et l’acceptation de la domination politico-militaire. La compréhension des effets de cette situation peut passer par l’éloge de la neutralité et de la pacification des rapports de force, notamment dans la pensée vénitienne. Dans cette perspective, la paix constitue un cadre à la fois imposé et en mouvement. Le questionnement concerne du coup ce que la guerre transmet à l’après-guerre. Puisque la guerre est une expérience radicale, une expérience de la limite, elle est du coup porteuse d’un savoir qui acquiert une nécessité : de ce fait, ce savoir continue d’informer la réflexion, même quand la conjoncture s’est modifiée du tout au tout. Ainsi, même lorsqu’on fait passer les raisons de la conservation avant celles de la conquête, on ne remplace pas la guerre par la paix. On a cessé de penser qu’après la guerre était la paix : bien au contraire, on a placé la guerre au principe de la paix. After forty years of incessant wars begun in 1494, the Italian peninsula is experiencing a long period of relative peace, until the end of the 18th century. Florence, Venice and Rome are at that time the three cultural and political spaces that give birth to the most important – and the most “European” – thinking upon the question of war and “post-war era”. After Florentine political thought and its connection of conquest politics to conservation in times of war, the “after-war” is always virtually tensed between the impossibility of peace and the consent to political and military domination. The understanding of such a situation is expressed by the praising of neutrality and pacification of power relations, in particular in venetian thought. In this perspective, peace is in the same time an imposed and a mobile framework. At stake is what does war transmit to after-war. Since war is a radical experience, a limit-experience, it brings a knowledge that gains necessity: therefore this knowledge continues to inform the reflection even when the circumstances are totally different. Even when the reasons of conservation are placed before the reasons of conquest, war is not replaced with peace. It is not thought anymore that after war comes peace: on the contrary, it is considered that peace has its origins in war.

After the Ciompi Revolution of 1738, the Florentine Society, in which political skill is handed down from generation to generation, establishes a new order glorifying the wisdom of the elderly and pushing the youth away from the political scene. But the Dominican Girolamo Savonarola tells the Florentians that if they want to put an end to the divine scourge that is the French Army of Charles VII, they must shy away from their ancestors' model and follow their children who understand God's moral and political vision for the city. His teachings disrupt the hierarchy of the Ages of Man enough that the war generation, who was trained for political life after 1494, sees the youth as the healers of a city made sick by their elders' unwillingess to adapt to circumstances, poor choice in leadership and refusal to entrust weapons to citizens. From 1527 to 1530, even the salvation of the city will be entrusted to them., Après la révolte des Ciompi en 1378, la société florentine, pour qui la compétence politique est un savoir transmis de père en fils, a élaboré un ordre des générations qui exalte la sagesse des vieillards et écarte les jeunes gens de la scène politique. A la fin du siècle suivant, le dominicain Jérôme Savonarole explique aux Florentins que pour échapper aux fléaux divins incarnés par l’armée française de Charles VIII, ils doivent se détourner du modèle constitué par leurs ancêtres et imiter leurs enfants, qui ont compris le projet moral et politique de Dieu pour la cité. Sa prédication bouleverse suffisamment la hiérarchie des âges de la vie pour que la génération de la guerre, formée à la vie politique après 1494, voie dans les jeunes gens les médecins d’une cité que leurs aînés ont rendue malade par leur incapacité à s’adapter aux circonstances, leur sélection erronée des dirigeants et leur refus de confier les armes aux citoyens. Entre 1527 et 1530, le salut de la cité leur sera même confié.

International audience; Dans les sermons que le prédicateur dominicain Savonarole prononce à Florence entre le 1er novembre 1494 et le 18 mars 1498, le tragique apparaît sous la forme d’événements funestes et effrayants, auxquels les Florentins pourront toutefois échapper s’ils réforment leur cité. La prophétie conditionnée permet ainsi d’écarter une vision tragique de l’Histoire. Mais ce n’est qu’au moment de la dernière République dans les années 1527-1530 que le discours prophétique de Savonarole aura le plus d’audience, comme si la foi en Dieu face aux armées espagnoles pouvait épargner un destin tragique à Florence.

The present dissertation deals with the relationship between democracy and agonism. It attempts to defend the idea that certain problematic aspects of contemporary liberal democracies are not due to their origin primarily in the change of social conditions (the massification of democracy, the growth of complexity in modern societies), that made the original democratic promises unrealizable, but in certain oblivion of the agon. The agon is understood as a constitutive feature of democratic society and its oblivion is seen not to be accidental. To defend this proposition I focuse on an interpretation of the dialogue between populist republicanism (Machiavelli) and elitist republicanism (Guicciardini). This dialogue is usually understood as one of the sources of modern democratic tradition. I try to explain that in Machiavelli's political theory two notions of agonism are present - pragmatic agon that sees conflict as a basis of social cohesion and strategic agon that is described as a ferocious egalitarianism employed by the second class citizens in order to gain equality from the first class citizens. These two forms of agonism are explained to form the axis of Machiavelli's notion of the political and also of a free republic and democracy. Guicciardini's elitist republicanism is shown to stand in opposition...

How to write the history of the wars of Italy? This study focuses on the Storia d'Italia with the aim of comparing the writing of history, the perception of changes in to modern warfare, and theories on the possibility of a bank of knowledge on war. In fact, Guicciardini's intention in this work is to uncover a new rationale in literature behind the war-ridden recent history. In order to understand the details of his intellectual and political venture, we must base our analysis on the need for a non-systematic way of thinking about modern warfare. The first part of this study examines the 'varied nature of the governing of war' depending on the 'context of the time' and the 'skills of the men'. So the study demonstrates the impossibility of an unambiguous reading of contemporary events, and attempts to set out a chronology of the greatest changes in the art of warfare (with specific concern to the shift from the "art of offence" to that "of defence"). The perception of this open, dynamic thinking is even stronger given that the author was a participant in and a witness to all that had happened on the peninsula since 1494. This is also the reason - which is addressed in the second part of our study - why it is important to remind the reader of the author's choice to wait for his account of the 1521 campaign to reveal earlier evolutions and changes, which could have been displayed earlier in the text. In this way, the historian presents the principles of the evolution of modern warfare and the maturing of a school of thought on that war as part of a gradual twofold process, thus transforming historiography into a type of template for knowledge on war., Come scrivere la storia delle guerre d'Italia? Il racconto delle guerre d'Italia nella grande Storia guicciardiniana è segnato da due tendenze che potrebbero sembrare contraddittorie ma che convergono nella rinascita del modello neo-tucidideo di un'analisi politica della guerra da chi vi è stato partecipe, in una contemporaneità radicale. Queste due tendenze sono da un canto la spinta a parlare in prima persona di eventi nei quali chi scrive è stato protagonista (dove l'autobiografia è costitutiva della costruzione di uno statuto autoriale) e, da un altro canto, la tensione verso la proposta di un sapere della guerra, ossia di un discorso modellizzante delle forme del conflitto armato che spinge ad organizzare tale discorso con categorie e genealogie che gli siano proprie (dove sono l'affermazione dell'esperienza politica singola e la rivendicazione di una competenza specifica indotta da essa a rafforzare la pretesa autoriale). Abbiamo a che fare con un tentativo di rispondere a due vecchie domande incrociate: a che cosa serve la scrittura nella politica e a che cosa serve l'esperienza politica nella scrittura? Scrivere la Storia d'Italia non significa per Guicciardini passarev"dalla politica alla storia" . Si tratta invece di mettere il sapere dalla politica al servizio della storiografia per continuare a fare politica anche dopo la sconfitta in guerra. La storiografia come storia della politica e della guerra fa della razionalizzazione della guerra una rivincita della ragione sull'esito del conflitto armato.

U ovome radu autor pokušava na temelju pregleda glavnih djela političke misli renesanse utvrditi postojanje četiriju orijentacija, odnosno distinktnih škola unutar korpusa političkih teorija renesanse. Prva škola je škola tzv. građanskog humanizma, druga je škola građanskog republikanizma, treća je škola političkog utopizma, a četvrta je škola kršćanskog humanizma. U ovom tekstu iznesen je sumarni pregled tih glavnih pravaca i njihovih protagonista te glavne značajke svake od tih škola. Na temelju izučavanja glavnih djela političke misli u renesansi autor nudi svoju periodizaciju i kategorizaciju koja utemeljenje ima u istraživanjima Hansa Barona, Quentina Skinnera, Pierrea Mesnarda, Luigia Firpoa, Paula Oskara Kristellera i drugih, nasuprot klasičnim povjesničarima političke misli kao što su Pierre Touchard, George Sabine, Gaetano Mosca i dr. koji nisu razlikovali posebne orijentacije i svodili su političku misao renesanse na opreku političkog realizma (Machiavelli) i političkog utopizma (More), zapostavljajući druge orijentacije i škole. No za razliku od Barona i Skinnera koji iz građanskog humanizma izvode glavni tok renesansne političke misli, ovdje se tvrdi da iz srednjeg vijeka izranjaju dvije humanističke škole: jedna je već spomenuta škola građanskog humanizma, dok je druga škola kršćanskog humanizma, koja također ima uporište u humanizmu i humanističkoj revalorizaciji religije. S druge strane, iz škole građanskog humanizma rađa se i republikanska orijentacija, koja međutim s Machiavellijem, najvećim baštinikom građanskog humanizma, doživljava metamorfozu i razvoj u novom obliku političko-teorijskog diskursa. S Machiavellijem završava epoha građanskog humanizma i započinje razdoblje artikuliranja i afirmacije građanskog republikanizma, koji će doživjeti nekoliko metamorfoza, između ostaloga i u liku Pocockova “atlantskog republikanizma”. Kršćanski će humanizam pak dovesti do razvoja utopijske političke misli, ali i do ideje prosvijećenog, humanističkim idejama odgoja i morala prožetog monarhijskog oblika vlasti., In this article, relying on an overview of the principal works of Renaissance political thought, the author seeks to establish the existence of four orientations, i.e. distinct schools within the corps of political theories of the Renaissance. First, the school of so-called civil humanism, second, the school of civil republicanism, third, the school of political Utopianism, and fourth, the school of Christian humanism. This text provides a summary overview of the main currents and their protagonists, and presents the main characteristics of each school. Having studied the principal works of Renaissance political thought, the author offers his periodisation and categorisation based on the research of Hans Baron, Quentin Skinner, Pierre Mesnard, Luigi Firpo, Paul Oskar Kristeller, etc., by contrast with the classical historians of political thought, such as Pierre Touchard, George Sabine, Gaetano Mosca, etc. The latter did not distinguish between the particular orientations and they reduced the political thought of the Renaissance to an opposition between political realism (Machiavelli) and political Utopianism (More), without taking into consideration other orientations and schools. Unlike Baron and Skinner, however, who derived the main current of Renaissance political thought from civil humanism, the present author asserts that the Middle Ages spawned two humanistic schools: the above-mentioned school of civil humanism, and the school of Christian humanism, which also rests upon humanism and the humanistic re-valorisation of religion. On the other hand, the school of civil humanism gave birth to the republican orientation. With Machiavelli, however, who was the greatest inheritor of civil humanism, this orientation went through a metamorphosis and development in a new form of political-theoretical discourse. With Machiavelli, the epoch of civil humanism ends, and the period of articulation and affirmation of civil republicanism begins. The latter will be subject to several metamorphoses, inter alia in the shape of Pocock’s “Atlantic republicanism”. Christian humanism, on the other hand, will lead to the development of Utopian political thought, but also to the idea of an enlightened monarchic form of government permeated with humanistic notions of education and morality.

International audience

A partir de 1494, l'Italie connaît une situation de guerre permanente qui, selon Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540), " changea les Etats mais aussi les façons de les gouverner et les façons de faire la guerre ". Pendant plus de trois décennies, Français et Espagnols vont se disputer le contrôle de l'Italie. A Florence, la ques-tion de la forme à donner à la République et celle même de sa survie se posent avec acuité. Les grilles de lecture et les solutions de la tradition communale ne suf sent plus à rendre compte de cette nouvelle " condition des temps ". Il faut penser et écrire différemment, inventer une " grammaire de la République ". Guicciardini, à l'instar de son ami Machiavel, s'y employa, au risque de l'action et de l'échec. Ce livre entend rendre compte de la façon dont Francesco Guicciardini, acteur et auteur de ce moment historique, a forgé une langue inédite de la politique, de la guerre et des principes éthiques qui peuvent guider l'homme politique.

atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Torino, 14-15 novembre 1997

L'importanza dei "Ricordi" di Guicciardini nella descrizione del carattere degli italiani attraverso le letture di Francesco De Sanctis, Arrigo Cajumi, Giuseppe Prezzolini e Giuseppe Pontiggia

L'histoire de la pensée politique européenne de la fin du XVIe siècle a longtemps été présentée à travers le filtre l'anti-machiavélisme. Cette clé de lecture est aujourd'hui insatisfaisante. Il convient de mettre en évidence la fonction instrumentale et stratégique des professions d'anti-machiavélisme : elles sont avant tout l'instrument commun des batailles idéologiques de l'époque, non leur enjeu véritable. Au-delà d'un anti-machiavélisme affiché, Botero fait un usage de Machiavel complexe, que l'on ne saurait réduire au thème du « machiavélisme honteux » dont la tradition critique l'a affublé. On comprend bien mieux ce rapport à Machiavel si l'on délaisse le terrain des thèses machiavéliennes (de leur reprise ou de leur réfutation) et que l'on s'attache à la question de la langue machiavélienne. Botero opère la synthèse de l'aristotélisme scolastique et du langage politique né à Florence dans le cadre des guerres d'Italie. Or ce recours à la langue florentine – machiavélienne avant tout, mais aussi guichardinienne – a une fonction stratégique précise, élaborer une pensée politique catholique permettant de “ bloquer ” le langage juridico-politique de la souveraineté provenant de France.

Egalement publié en 2003. Línguas e instrumentos lingüísticos (Brésil). N° 12. « La politisation de la mémoire : les choses dignes de mémoire chez Machiavel et Francesco Guicciardini ». P. 21-33.