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The article continues the authors’ thoughts about the necessary conceptual frameworks that would help rural sociology provide more reliable insights and data in the study of such a relatively new (in the conceptual-analytical perspective) social phenomenon as rural human capital. In the previous article, we presented a brief overview of such half-forgotten but still relevant theoretical foundations of rural sociology as agricultural economics, theories of peasant agrarianism, and theory of rural-urban continuum, which to a greater or lesser extent can be applied in the analysis of rural development and rural social and human capital. In this article, we provide a brief overview of some more recent agrarian ideas that seem to have sufficient but questionable heuristic potential for rural sociology. First, the idea and repeatedly tested projects of the Green Revolution, or the Third Agricultural Revolution, which implied technology transfer initiatives to greatly increase crop yields, opposed the concept of “Red Revolution” (comprehensive agrotechnological transformations instead of radical political ones), despite some skeptical assessments, in the last decades of the 20th century contributed to the reduction in global hunger, and, especially in its Soviet interpretations, seemed to be consonant with the more recent intellectual direction - development studies. Second, Peasant Studies defending the position that the very question about the need for a special theory of the peasantry and peasant societies is untenable, and presenting an attempt to develop a middlerange theory within historical sociology, which is based on the four most important characteristics of the peasantry in the past and present: family economy, work on land in interaction with nature, local culture of self-organization (rural community), and marginal role in relation to the state. Today’s disputes about the peasantry in the contemporary world are complemented by two macroconcepts - theory of international food regimes and theory of global rural development. Thus, we still miss unambiguous theoretical generalizations regarding rural development due to the extreme diversity of both rural areas (and their social/human capital) and interpretations/definitions of rural/agricultural development (for instance, deagrarianization and extractivism or rural-urban glocalization and optimistic “unorthodox” social-ecological model).

Critical development and food studies scholars argue that the current food security paradigm is emblematic of a 'New Green Revolution', characterized by agricultural intensification, increasing reliance on biotechnology, deepening global markets, and depeasantization. High-profile examples of this model are not hard to find. Less examined, however, are food-security programs that appear to work at cross-purposes with this model. Drawing on the case of Feed the Future in Guatemala, I show how USAID engages in activities that valorize ancestral crops, subsistence production, and agroecological practices. Rather than the result of macro-level planning—of either the New Green Revolution or a greener reform regime—I argue that nonconforming food security projects can be traced to individual actors and their interactions on the ground. I draw on an 'interface approach' (Long 1990), focusing on the lifeworlds of development workers, their interfaces with each other, and with the to-be-developed. Doing so reveals how food security projects are significantly shaped by the relationships and interests of development actors enmeshed in particular organizational and national settings. This research contributes a fresh perspective on the food security paradigm and its role within the 'corporate food regime'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(1) Background: This paper aims to assess the existence of significant differences between two dietary regimes (omnivorous vs. semi-vegetarian) with reference to some oxidative stress markers (SOD, GPx, TRxR, GR, AGEs, and AOPPs) using non-parametric combination methodology based on a permutation test. (2) Methods: At the endocrinology unit of Messina University Hospital, two hundred subjects were asked to fill out a questionnaire about their dietary habits. None were under any pharmacological treatment. Using the NPC test, all comparisons were performed stratifying patients according to gender, age (≤40 or >40 years), BMI (normal weight vs. overweight), physical activity (sedentary vs. active lifestyle), TSH, FT4 levels in quartiles, and diagnosis of Hashimoto's thyroiditis. We evaluated differences in oxidative stress parameters in relation to two examined dietary regimes (omnivorous vs. semi-vegetarian). (3) Results: The antioxidant parameters GPx and TRxR were significantly lower in subjects with an omnivorous diet than in semi-vegetarians, particularly in females, both age groups, subjects with normal weight, those not affected by Hashimoto's thyroiditis, and both the sedentary and active lifestyle groups. Finally, the AGE and AOPP markers were significantly lower in semi-vegetarians. (4) Conclusion: Thanks to the NPC methodology, we can state that dietary patterns exert a significant influence on some oxidative stress parameters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of literature acknowledges that the Gulf Cooperation Council's demand for food is met through a set of commodity chains that span the regional and global economy. But the development of national corporate food security strategies premised on the consolidation of logistical networks and food commodity chains has not been sufficiently explored. This paper is concerned with the United Arab Emirates' footprint on the regional and international food regime, and the state's production as a regional hub for agri-food trade. We trace the ways the UAE's corporate food security strategy utilises the private sector, agribusiness and logistics firms, alongside military power, to achieve so-called food security. We bring the literature on food regimes and logistics space into dialogue to explore the UAE's food security policy as a strategy to consolidate power over agro-commodity production and distribution networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Scholarship on global agri-food regulation would contribute much to new state capitalism debates, which to date largely ignore this field. Contradictions within the global arrangement of corporations, international agencies, national governments and trade architecture governing agriculture in the 1990s set the stage for more robust state roles post-2008. Food price volatility catalyzed neomercantilist policies while, paradoxically, deepening global market relations. States' on-going interventions to manage repriced food offer crucial windows into this paradox of new state capitalism, while centering socioecological dimensions that remain peripheral to new state capitalism debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies an anarchist lens to the food sovereignty movement. It analyzes food regimes as capitalist agriculture regimes which rely on the State's monopoly on hunger, wherein the State relies on the dispossession of people from their land and food systems, the protection of property, and the primacy of capital. The interdependence of this State-capital-property trinity is violently enforced, and manufactures compliance through counterinsurgent strategies of social war. The State monopoly on hunger justifies a new offshoot of the larger food sovereignty movement, a prefigurative praxis which dismantles all food regimes to build new counter-worlds: food anarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia e Sociologia Rural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to review three books that inform us about the diverse relations of power and power asymmetries in the entry of genetically engineered organisms (GEOs) in countries like Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Canada. From a political economy and an agrarian and peasant studies perspective, the authors show that not only the set of rules of national institutions, global corporations, and the global market establish the basis that favor the entry of GEOs. Instead, the conjugation of power asymmetries performed by different actors in power, historical processes, and gender and race inequalities are the ones that trace the path for a realignment of the agrarian system supported by science and based on the stigmatization of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Instability is a condition for capital accumulation in conflict zones in the Corporate Food Regime. • Violence undermines campesino agriculture, facilitating new market frontiers and dependencies on corporate technologies. • The Corporate Food Regime profits from conflict and drives it, both directly and indirectly. Conflict is the number one driver of hunger globally but few studies reflect on the role of global agribusiness in the proliferation of conflictive dynamics. This article explores the Corporate Food Regime in a local conflict setting in Colombia, arguing that instability is a condition for capital accumulation in conflict zones. It offers a novel methodological and conceptual approach to traditional food regime studies that are global historical and based on periods of stable capital accumulation, with tensions pushing for regime change. Contrarily, in the Zona de Reserva Campesina-Valle del Río Cimitarra (ZRC-VRC) case study, violence and instability are central mechanisms for undermining campesino (peasant) agriculture and opening new market frontiers, therefore, central to solidifying the Corporate Food Regime. Here, corporations are both directly (through land purchase and cultivation of cash crops) and indirectly (through the intensive production model used in both illicit and licit crops by campesinos and the eradication of coca by the military) involved in violent dynamics, which ultimately supports corporate profiteering. The Corporate Food Regime not only profits from conflict but drives it, as wider macro-economic policies undermine campesino farming, incentivise coca cultivation and violent socio-ecological dynamics. This paper uses a data set of 47 semi-structured interviews, observation, and field notes from the ZRC-VRC, to underline the different routes through which corporate power is articulated at a local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the impact of finance's penetration into agriculture and the global food system. The authors analyse the causes of the recent global food crises, unveiling the key role played by financial speculation and explaining why this phenomenon is likely to affect food security much more than the problems related to the supply and demand dynamics taking place in the “real economy”. Financial markets, it is argued, are engendering pricing mechanisms and dynamics of wealth distribution that have consequences on agrarian structures, but also on our daily life. While creating new profit opportunities for speculators and the agribusiness, the penetration of finance into food systems increase uncertainty and imply new risks for local actors, to the point of compromising their capability to respond to exogenous shocks, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. To make sense of these phenomena, they must be linked to the broader transformation of our global system and to the long-term trajectories of capitalist development. This operation is here made with the support of the analytical tools provided by some approaches inspired by the world-system analysis, bringing to light the roots of what can be defined as a “financialized food regime” and discussing some of its important ecological and socio-economic contradictions.

This paper aims to review three books that inform us about the diverse relations of power and power asymmetries in the entry of genetically engineered organisms (GEOs) in countries like Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Canada. From a political economy and an agrarian and peasant studies perspective, the authors show that not only the set of rules of national institutions, global corporations, and the global market establish the basis that favor the entry of GEOs. Instead, the conjugation of power asymmetries performed by different actors in power, historical processes, and gender and race inequalities are the ones that trace the path for a realignment of the agrarian system supported by science and based on the stigmatization of social movements.

Food security and virtual water considerations interact in a corporatized third food regime, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), the world's largest grain importing region. Globalization has created asymmetric trade interdependence that can be weaponized by states that control global economic hubs, yet countries in the Global South have actively exploited the rivalries of big powers, temporarily capturing chokepoints and entering new alignments. The virtual water paradigm that Tony Allan first coined can be applied creatively to international relations that are increasingly characterized by 'weaponized interdependence'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food regime theory provides a framework of continued and recurring interest to geographical perspectives in charting the contours connecting agri‐food and capitalist political economy. Drawing principally on Marxian regulation theory, the analytical framework of food regime theory outlines three periodised regimes from the starting point of 1870 to the present day. Yet there remains ongoing and unresolved debate as to how we characterise the contemporary third regime – and whether it is a regime on its own specific terms or merely an enduring hangover from the second. I argue that an underacknowledged dimension of attempts to characterise the third regime lies in the conjoined relationship between human and planetary health, which the diagnosis of the Anthropocene encourages us to recognise amid tumultuous global environmental change. Given food regime theory's evasive relationship with ecological dynamics within its explanatory framework, I suggest that a "planetary" retheorisation of its central contributions is increasingly prescient. In considering the growing tensions and contradictions afflicting the contemporary regime, and using soy as a working example, I work through three central arguments. First, that a planetary retheorisation serves to reveal the way in which planetary dynamics shape social life, enabling – albeit never wholly determining – food regimes. Second, that what and how people eat in their dietary practices are of planetary significance, which has been to some degree marginalised within the production‐centric analyses of food regime theory. Third, that the conceptual Anthropocene highlights how planetary and human health are intricately and inextricably connected, which food regime theory must better account for. I conclude by proposing that the explanatory potential of the contemporary third regime is being stretched, with contested trajectories and nascent contours raising questions around how we might understand quite what we are living through today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(1) Background: This paper aims to assess the existence of significant differences between two dietary regimes (omnivorous vs. semi-vegetarian) with reference to some oxidative stress markers (SOD, GPx, TRxR, GR, AGEs, and AOPPs) using non-parametric combination methodology based on a permutation test. (2) Methods: At the endocrinology unit of Messina University Hospital, two hundred subjects were asked to fill out a questionnaire about their dietary habits. None were under any pharmacological treatment. Using the NPC test, all comparisons were performed stratifying patients according to gender, age (≤40 or >40 years), BMI (normal weight vs. overweight), physical activity (sedentary vs. active lifestyle), TSH, FT4 levels in quartiles, and diagnosis of Hashimoto’s thyroiditis. We evaluated differences in oxidative stress parameters in relation to two examined dietary regimes (omnivorous vs. semi-vegetarian). (3) Results: The antioxidant parameters GPx and TRxR were significantly lower in subjects with an omnivorous diet than in semi-vegetarians, particularly in females, both age groups, subjects with normal weight, those not affected by Hashimoto’s thyroiditis, and both the sedentary and active lifestyle groups. Finally, the AGE and AOPP markers were significantly lower in semi-vegetarians. (4) Conclusion: Thanks to the NPC methodology, we can state that dietary patterns exert a significant influence on some oxidative stress parameters.

The paper explores the impact of finance's penetration into agriculture and the global food system. The authors analyze the causes of the recent global food crises, unveiling the key role played by financial speculation and explaining why this phenomenon is likely to affect food security more than the problems related to the supply and demand dynamics taking place in the "real economy". Financial markets, the authors argue, are engendering pricing mechanisms and dynamics of wealth distribution that have consequences on the agrarian structures, but also on everyday life of both producers and consumers. While creating new profit opportunities for speculators and the agribusiness, the penetration of finance into food systems increase uncertainty and imply new risks for local actors, to the point of compromising their capability to respond to exogenous shocks, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. In any case, to make sense of these phenomena they must be linked to the broader transformation of the global food system and to the longterm trajectories of capitalist development. This operation is here made with the support of the analytical tools provided by some approaches inspired by the worldsystem analysis, bringing to light the roots of what can be defined as a "financialized food regime" and discussing some of its important ecological and socio-economic contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to advance understandings of food systems functioning at a national level and explore ways for its transformation towards sustainability and social justice. Integrating food regime theory from political economy with social metabolism from ecological economics, and surplus/reproduction from feminist economics, we develop a novel research framework which combines six dimensions—food systems governance, monetary agrifood chain, socio-metabolic agrifood chain, surplus/reproduction, socioecological impacts, and conflicts & levers of change—encompassing 34 elements linked through six key connections. The research framework highlights the role of cheap food for the social reproduction of the labouring population in capitalism. Since national states play important roles in maintaining food regimes, we conducted a critical literature review through which we identified the main contributions and limitations of studies of food regimes at the national level aimed at foreseeing exit ways beyond the current corporate food regime. This regime is one of the main drives of the overcoming of planetary boundaries. An agroecological transition and food system change is needed to address this socio-ecological crisis, and this requires new food polices at a national level as well. This is why we consider it essential to integrate social metabolism with the approaches of food regimes and surplus/reproduction. • We integrate food regimes with social metabolism and reproduction in food research. • A critical literature review on national food regimes identifies key knowledge gaps. • A research framework with six dimensions, 34 elements and six connections. • A proposal relevant for agroecology transitions towards food systems transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First paragraphs: Candan Turkkan’s Feeding Istanbul: The Political Economy of Urban Provisioning begins with an intimate anecdote about her grandmother’s experi­ences of hunger during the Second World War and the centrality of bread in her family. She reflects on the fragility of food systems that belie appearances of food abundance in urban areas and the lasting psychological impacts of hunger. This personal story introduces the focus of the book: the political economies of urban food provisioning in Istanbul. Feeding Istanbul chronologically discusses food provisioning in Istanbul from the 16th century to the present. Turkkan uses an impressive range of sources, including secondary historical materials, archival documents and collections, and ethno­graphic research, to suggest that Istanbul has experienced three food regimes, each with unique relationships between the central authority, economics, and food supplies. . . .

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Understanding the complexities of global food trade requires an overarching framework with which to address its network and territorial topologies, while avoiding the duality. In this paper, I propose the framework of "border assemblages" to supplement and rework existing approaches to food regimes and global networks, focusing on the extraterritorial reach of the global food trade. Specifically, this paper highlights the (de‐/re‐) territorialization processes of the border assemblages involved in the formation of food geopolitics and geoeconomics in the global food trade amidst biosecurity and food safety crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The industrial agro-export model in Latin America not only determines the technological matrix, the specialization patterns, and the financialization of agriculture, as it also exacerbates the sexual division of labor, as part of the capital disposal strategy. Through a neo-Marxist theoretical framework (namely, food regimes, social reproduction, and the ecoterritorial turn), we compare the floriculture agrobusiness in Colombia and the soybean agribusiness in Brazil. These case studies reveal the processes of commodification within the corporate food regime and introduce important reflections on the dimensions of capital accumulation, food sovereignty, and gender.

Il dibattito sull’impatto che la pandemia da COVID-19 ha avuto sul sistema agroalimentare è animato da posizioni molto contrastanti. Mentre alcuni autori tendono a sottolineare la grande capacità di resilienza mostrata dalle catene del cibo a livello globale, altri sostengono che la pandemia stia acuendo le contraddizioni che caratterizzano il sistema agroalimentare industriale. L'articolo intende contribuire a questo dibattito analizzando gli effetti della pandemia sul sistema agroalimentare italiano. Gli autori analizzano il modo in cui la crisi pandemica ha colpito le diverse filiere agroalimentari, concentrandosi in particolare sulle filiere corte. Queste ultime vengono solitamente descritte come una valida alternativa al modello agro-industriale dominante, ma vi sono ancora posizioni molto divergenti riguardo a quelli che sono i loro effettivi punti di forza e di debolezza. La pandemia rappresenta un'opportunità per testare se le filiere corte sono in grado di reagire a uno shock di portata globale e per far luce sui fattori che ne possono influenzare, sia positivamente che negativamente, le potenzialità e la loro capacita di rispondere ai bisogni sociali che emergono nell’attuale fase di trasformazione del regime alimentare “ambientale e delle corporation”. Partendo da questo assunto, l’articolo presenta i risultati di una ricerca qualitativa volta ad esplorare le risposte che le filiere corte hanno adottato per far fronte alle problematiche emerse all'indomani dell'esplosione dell’emergenza sanitaria. Come viene mostrato, la crisi pandemica ha messo in luce una serie di criticità delle filiere corte, ma ne ha anche evidenziato delle notevoli capacità di resilienza e di innovazione, fornendo delle importanti indicazioni al livello delle politche pubbliche.

The New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition (NAFSN) was launched in 2012 by the G7 countries as a major initiative to fight hunger in Africa. It promised to raise 50 million people out of poverty over the next 10 years by brokering pro-market reforms and flows of private capital to African agriculture. However, it failed to fulfil its promises and disappeared quietly from the public arena before the end of the 10-year period. This article applies critical discourse analysis to official US and French documents to examine the rise and fall of the initiative by confronting the discourses of the NAFSN and food security in the official US and French documents. The USA was the leading country, whereas France was a reluctant supporter and withdrew in 2018. The US discourse strongly promoted the neo-productivist food security paradigm embedded in techno-optimist and neoliberal solutions. By contrast, French framing leaned towards the agroecology paradigm, admittedly combined with the smallholder commercialisation perspective, which is itself remarkable for discourse at such a high policy level. We relate these divergences to the dialectical contradictions in the current global food system in terms of the tensions within the corporate/neoliberal food regime. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1917355. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent strategies to address rural poverty and food insecurity in Myanmar's Ayeyarwady Delta emphasize the scope for market‐based and smallholder‐led agricultural development to catalyze broader positive change for rural populations. This paper challenges the appropriateness of this development model for the Ayeyarwady Delta. Assumptions of latent growth potential among an emerging smallholder capitalist agricultural class fundamentally misinterpret how farming is embedded within the Delta's regional economy. Using a long historical perspective informed by the food regimes approach, as well as household‐level data from a recently completed livelihoods survey in two townships, we reveal a contemporary situation in which medium‐sized and large landholders control most agricultural production. We argue that this is a path‐dependent legacy from how the Delta has been successively incorporated into the politics of food production and trade at global and national scales. These arrangements have left the Delta without a broad smallholder base, meaning that policies that prioritize smallholder‐led market development will not generate the type of pro‐poor outcomes required to address the Delta's pervasive rates of food insecurity and poverty. Instead, a rural development agenda for the Delta should focus on its actually existing social and economic dynamics that are a legacy of its history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has sparked debates on the possibility of a 'great transformation' in the course of neoliberal capitalism and the global agrifood system. This paper seeks to contribute to these debates by providing a comparative institutional analysis of the BRIC(S) 'varieties of capitalism' in the current 'food regime' international reordering. Capital accumulation, social reproduction and politics are key problems of the 'agrifood question' in the BRIC(S) varieties of capitalism. My argumentation is that capitalist diversity stems largely from the historically embedded legacy of the agrarian question in each country, that the dynamics of the agrifood system influence their development trajectories in decisive ways, and that the BRIC(S)‐driven polycentric shifts in the contemporary food regime are crucial to the destiny of global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The industrial agro-export model in Latin America not only determines the technological matrix, the specialization patterns, and the financialization of agriculture, as it also exacerbates the sexual division of labor, as part of the capital disposal strategy. Through a neo-Marxist theoretical framework (namely, food regimes, social reproduction, and the ecoterritorial turn), we compare the floriculture agrobusiness in Colombia and the soybean agribusiness in Brazil. These case studies reveal the processes of commodification within the corporate food regime and introduce important reflections on the dimensions of capital accumulation, food sovereignty, and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Políticas Públicas is the property of Revista Brasileira de Politicas Publicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Until the advent and spread of supermarkets, the markets that we now call farmers, public, open-air, or traditional markets needed no adjectives. They were simply markets. Currently, the bodies of research about traditional markets common in the Global South and about farmers markets resurging in the Global North tend to be separate. However, viewed through the lens of food regime frame­works, together these markets come more clearly into focus as globally local alternatives to a corpo­rate regime of supermarkets. As microcases within this macrosociological framework, this paper examines two urban markets—one traditional daily market in Suva, Fiji, and one seasonal Saturday farmers market in East New York, Brooklyn, in the United States. We analyze interviews and surveys with vendors and market-related documents. As we illustrate with brief case descriptions, other than both being urban, the individual markets and their contexts could hardly be more different. One market was formalized early in the colonial food regime, and the other was founded more recently as an alternative to the current neoliberal corporate regime. However, vendors in both reported that selling at the market generates income, autonomy, respect, and social connectedness for them. These commonalities suggest that examining lessons from such markets across communities globally, South or North, traditional or farmers, may offer new insights into how to sustain and expand such mar­kets even in the face of supermarket domination. In addition, doing so with a food regime lens may make that work more useful for informing how to support traditional and farmers market develop­ment in ways that help keep aspirations and needs of those who produce, distribute, and consume food at the heart of their work, as real alternatives to neoliberal frameworks.

Until the advent and spread of supermarkets, the markets that we now call farmers, public, open-air, or traditional markets needed no adjectives. They were simply markets. Currently, the bodies of research about traditional markets common in the Global South and about farmers markets resurging in the Global North tend to be separate. However, viewed through the lens of food regime frameworks, together these markets come more clearly into focus as globally local alternatives to a corporate regime of supermarkets. As microcases within this macrosociological framework, this paper examines two urban markets--one traditional daily market in Suva, Fiji, and one seasonal Saturday farmers market in East New York, Brooklyn, in the United States. We analyze interviews and surveys with vendors and market-related documents. As we illustrate with brief case descriptions, other than both being urban, the individual markets and their contexts could hardly be more different. One market was formalized early in the colonial food regime, and the other was founded more recently as an alternative to the current neoliberal corporate regime. However, vendors in both reported that selling at the market generates income, autonomy, respect, and social connectedness for them. These commonalities suggest that examining lessons from such markets across communities globally, South or North, traditional or farmers, may offer new insights into how to sustain and expand such markets even in the face of supermarket domination. In addition, doing so with a food regime lens may make that work more useful for informing how to support traditional and farmers market development in ways that help keep aspirations and needs of those who produce, distribute, and consume food at the heart of their work, as real alternatives to neoliberal frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'meatification' of human diets has been subject to increasing scholarly attention in recent years, along with its many impacts. While the rapidly expanding meatification in many Asian countries has been noted, the geographies of these processes have been left largely unexplored. This paper maps the changing geographies of meat with special focus on Southeast Asia. We use Tony Weis' concept of 'the industrial grain-oilseed-livestock complex' to analyse how forms of systemic meatification are taking place in Asia. We map and analyse regional trends in meat production and consumption, as well as trade patterns in meat products and dominant feed crops. We argue that the regional meat complex emerges through increasingly regional development processes and capital, as well as through new South-South connections. The geographies of meatification in Southeast Asia thus constitute an empirical manifestation of the emerging multipolarity of the global food regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Conventional wisdom has it that the food economy has transitioned from organized to disorganized capitalism. An era of extensive state intervention between around 1930 and 1980 would have been followed by an era of deregulation and increasing coordination through markets after around 1980. This article uses the case of Spain's dairy chain to propose an alternative view. In the case under study, there certainly were elements of state‐coordinated capitalism between 1952 and 1986, as well as elements of deregulation and liberalization from 1986 onwards. However, the structure of economic coordination involved some combination of market and nonmarket mechanisms all the way through. The organized capitalism of the first period was not really so tightly organized, whereas much of its later "disorganization" was in fact a transition towards a different mode of "organization": one in which the control of nonmarket coordination shifted from political to corporate hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to understand the effect of global change on marine fishes, it is imperative to quantify the effects on fundamental parameters such as survival and growth. Larval survival and recruitment of the Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua) were found to be heavily impaired by end‐of‐century levels of ocean acidification. Here, we analysed larval growth among 35–36 days old surviving larvae, along with organ development and ossification of the skeleton. We combined CO2 treatments (ambient: 503 µatm, elevated: 1,179 µatm) with food availability in order to evaluate the effect of energy limitation in addition to the ocean acidification stressor. As expected, larval size (as a proxy for growth) and skeletogenesis were positively affected by high food availability. We found significant interactions between acidification and food availability. Larvae fed ad libitum showed little difference in growth and skeletogenesis due to the CO2 treatment. Larvae under energy limitation were significantly larger and had further developed skeletal structures in the elevated CO2 treatment compared to the ambient CO2 treatment. However, the elevated CO2 group revealed impairments in critically important organs, such as the liver, and had comparatively smaller functional gills indicating a mismatch between size and function. It is therefore likely that individual larvae that had survived acidification treatments will suffer from impairments later during ontogeny. Our study highlights important allocation trade‐off between growth and organ development, which is critically important to interpret acidification effects on early life stages of fish. Effects of elevated CO2 treatments (ambient: 503 µatm, elevated: 1,179 µatm) and differences in food availability on cod larval growth, skeletogenesis (vertebrate ossification) and gill development were analysed. Larvae fed ad libitum showed little difference in growth and skeletogenesis due to the CO2 treatment, but larvae under energy limitation were significantly larger and had further developed skeletal structures in the elevated CO2 treatment. However, the elevated CO2 group had comparatively smaller functional gills indicating a mismatch between size and function and a trade‐off between growth and organ development, which is critically important to interpret acidification effects on early life stages of fish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that food regimes need to take into account the production relations of paid and unpaid work. As an angle of vision, I use the historical geography of late colonial Philippines (1901–1941) to show how paid and unpaid work in food production was not discrete and separated processes but rather conjoined moments of capital accumulation. The colonial regime—in this context, American colonial government, U.S. agribusinesses, and Filipino landed elites—utilized state power, customary land relations, and commodity‐specific characteristics to appropriate vast amounts of unpaid work from agrarian classes of Philippine labour and draft animals towards the exploitation of commodified labour power. These processes not only produced considerable quantities of coconut and sugar products that were exported to the American consumer market, sold at cheaper prices, and contributed to the profitability of U.S. agribusiness elites but also allowed the colonial regime to efficiently expand commodity production across the islands. The more the American capitalists and Philippine elites invested in Philippine agriculture, the more they appropriated unpaid work from the agrarian classes of labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade civil society organizations and activist-scholars have pointed to “land grabbing” as one of the central issues to have emerged in the world food system. In particular, land grabbing was identified as a new and immediate international development issue by the non-governmental organization GRAIN in 2008 (www.farmlandgrab.org). Since that time land grabbing has generated a voluminous literature of a highly variable quality—some scholarship is outstanding and some is shoddy (Oya, 2013). This contribution seeks to clarify what constitutes land grabbing and why it takes place, as well as the key challenge that scholars and civil society activists face in confronting land grabbing in the context of the question of feeding the world. The central argument is that when a structuralist political economy is used to interpret the land grab phenomenon, it becomes analytically clear that contemporary land deals demonstrate that dispossession by displacement, or what has historically been known as the “so-called primitive accumulation”, has been resurrected as an accumulation strategy of global capitalism witnessing, for the first time in decades, the limits to the market. It is an accumulation strategy that cannot, however, deliver food justice or deal with the climate emergency.

Agriculture as a central focus of study featured prominently at several different times in the historical development of human geography, but it has also been an important contributor to the disciplinary transformation that has occurred since 1970. This essay outlines this more recent history, arguing that agricultural geography developed its own concepts and concerns, paralleling some of those within the wider discipline. It illustrates how in the past two decades attempts to examine changes occurring across the breadth of the agri-food system (from supply, to production, to consumption) have brought about a more issues-focused agricultural geography. There is discussion of the use of broad overarching concepts, which have conceived of changes to agriculture and the agri-food system in terms of episodic developments. This has seen recognition of different food regimes, acknowledging possible transitions from productivism to post-productivism to multifunctionality and perhaps neoproductivism. Having discussed these concepts, drawing extensively upon literature written in English, the essay then focuses on selected major problems or key issues to which agricultural geographers are currently contributing new insights, namely the closely related topics of food security, land grabs and adaptations to climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food regime analysis is concerned with interpreting possibilities and conflicts inherent to the 21st-century food system in historical terms. This paper summarizes the theoretical discussion of the food regime method, and of the identification of different 'food regime periods' throughout modern history. While it is widely accepted that the so-called 'second food regime' has already ended, there is much discussion on whether or not it is possible to talk about a more recent third food regime. This paper traces the evolution of the 'wheat complex' over the 'second food regime' (1947-1973) and over the next 45 years, and offers an explanation for the evolution of world wheat trade distribution, based on food regime analysis. Certain authors have claimed that the collapse of the WTO Doha round of negotiations may be understood as a 'hangover' from the second food regime. Similarly, this paper argues that the increasing wheat dependence of poor and insecure countries over the past 40 years may be considered as a path dependence outcome of a process initiated during the second food regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Food sovereignty policy implementation is conflictive due to social actors' adherence to diverse institutional logics. • The state's choice of policy design reflects whether food sovereignty policy is only symbolic or real transformation is sought. • Local reproduction of corporate food regime logics can subvert food sovereignty and smallholder inclusion policy goals. • Policy design for smallholders' market inclusion may negatively affect their individual and collective sense of identity. • Food sovereignty policy is embedded in adjacent field level institutions, which may adversely affect implementation goals. The food sovereignty concept has gained prominence in public policy discourses in the global South during the last decades. However, food sovereignty has contested definitions and is interpreted differently by conflicting societal interests. Consequentially, the translation of food sovereignty concepts into concrete policies and practices is often characterized by conflicts and controversies rooted in different institutional logics guiding the involved actors. In this article, we analyse how the logics of the corporatized agro-food system affected the local implementation of top-down state-induced public food sovereignty-based policies in Bolivia. We conducted a multiple-case study of public food procurement markets for school feeding programs involving three rural municipalities and small-scale producers in the Altiplano region. The data consists of 53 interviews conducted during 2011–2015. We found that corporate food regime logics influence the local policy implementation process in three ways. First, by framing the chosen policy design as neoliberal individualistic and transaction-based market-orientated. Second, by envisioning for the Aymara subsistence peasants a socially and culturally undesirable identity and class transformation; and thirdly, indirectly through the dependency of the school feed program on adjacent field-level institutions shaped by the corporate food regime logics. We conclude that the corporate food regime logics shaped the notion of what was considered legitimate practices and processes required for smallholders to access the public food procurement market, whereas their own conceptions aligned with food sovereignty principles were disregarded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]