Search

The 'politicisation of Europe' has mainly been discussed with reference to Eurosceptic parties in the 'conventional' political arena. From the perspective of the anti-Brexit campaign in the UK and Pulse of Europe in Germany, this article focuses on grassroots pro-European mobilisation to explore the potential of politicisation 'from below'. The two movements stood out in their ability to provoke considerable levels of grassroot mobilisation. We argue, however, that both movements reached a strategic impasse that was marked by a lack of clarity about their desired future of Europe, and which hampered their ability to generate political change. Our comparative analysis of campaign materials and interview data reveals that these movements struggled to articulate a) diagnostic frames that struck the right balance between problematising the current political situation whilst supporting the established order, and b) prognostic frames that extended much beyond the defence of the status quo (ante). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the countries under discussion in this symposium, the path to EU-membership is no longer topical, and the transformative power of "Europe" is no longer the dominant determinant of environmental policy and governance. Published not long after the 2004 and 2007 accessions, that volume focused on how environmental activism in the post-socialist states had been regulated and configured first by the "transition" from communism to liberal democracy, and then by the stipulations and choreography of the EU accession process. Impaling Dracula: how EU accession empowered civil society in Romania. Their actor-centred perspective highlights the importance of the strategic capacity of movement actors and contradicts those assumptions made in the Europeanization literature that overemphasized how EU accession and membership shapes social movements. [Extracted from the article]

The Don't let Belgrade D(r)own, protest movement against the city's controversial waterfront development, is one of the largest civil society campaigns in post-Milošević Serbia. Despite engaging an eclectic mix of activists, there has been no tangible participation by Belgrade's well-established environmental NGOs (ENGOs). The absence of ENGOs is all the more surprising given the project's well-documented threat to surface water, increased risk of flooding, and air pollution. The extant literature would suggest that EU enlargement, distancing of green organisations from domestic grassroots agendas as a consequence of external donor funding, and widespread NGO fatigue are to blame. In addition to these explanations, we contend that the limited participation of ENGOs was also due to ideological differences and initial framing of the activism by those who had emerged from, and become disenchanted with, the NGO sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a conceptual framework and introduction to the special section 'Mobilising around Europe: pro and anti-EU politics in an era of populism and nationalism'. By means of its four articles, the special section seeks to address the 'politicisation of Europe' outside of the conventional party-political arena. Whilst the future of European integration has become increasingly contested, not least due to the rise of Eurosceptic political parties of the populist radical right, we observe that politicisation has also occurred in the protest arena through grassroots activism. The contributions in this special section analyse these mobilisations, which have thus far received limited scholarly attention, and the positions and frames activists and various social movement organisations (SMOs) adopt concerning the future of European integration. By doing this, these articles reveal the often complex and context-dependent stances towards 'Europe' amongst actors across the ideological spectrum, which extend beyond dichotomous pro-/anti-EU positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the literature on fringe political parties in post-communist Europe focused on the relationship with mainstream parties. Little is known about what happens at the fringes, what are the features of politics at the fringes and when this type of politics becomes mainstream. This symposium moves beyond the notion of the fringe versus mainstream dichotomy: it is more 'granular' in its approach and seeks to differentiate between different forms of 'fringe' parties. The contributions aim to explore how and whether the fringe in post-communist countries changes in an age of populism and illiberalism. They represent an important attempt to take the fringe as a feature of politics that is not necessarily transient or a manifestation of the 'growing pains' of post-communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How successful is the EU at institutionalising judicial reforms in accession countries of the Western Balkans? Does its aid and assistance deliver formal compliance and sustainable institutionalisation of new rules and processes? Using a neo-institutionalist approach, we assess the extent to which new EU-supported measures introduced to improve the recruitment and training of judges and public prosecutors in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina are being implemented and institutionalised. We conclude that whilst there is clear evidence of implementation and a widely-held belief in both countries that judicial training and recruitment are improving as a consequence, the institutionalization of new rules and procedures is a far more complex process. It involves continual negotiation between different domestic actors against a backdrop of perpetual threats to undermine new formal rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the issue on topics related to activist citizenship in Southeast Europe including acts of citizenship and protest movements.

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusses the associations between Europeanization and the evolution of environmental governance in the Western Balkans and South East Europe.

The post-conflict case of Bosnia-Herzegovina provides a challenging case for the approaches employed by the European Union to bolster state and non-state actor capacities related to environmental governance in post-socialist states. This article examines four major consultative environmental impact assessment processes in Bosnia-Herzegovina in order to identify factors that either enable or impede the development of multi-level environmental governance at the state and sub-state entity levels. Larger environmental non-governmental organisations provide scientific opinions and smaller organisations lack capacity to participate at all. The complex configuration of state institutions, compounded by inadequate staffing and funding, creates impediments for effective governmental hierarchy during environmental impact assessments. However, international financial institutions and technical consultants involved in environmental impact assessments have taken a pivotal tutelage role to familiarise local stakeholders with best practice, which has led to some improvements in multi-level environmental governance during environmental impact assessments in Bosnia-Herzegovina, though the impact is dependent on staff retention in Bosnian public bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of Kosovo, this article contributes to a growing literature focusing on the substance of donor-driven democracy promotion. Drawing on extensive empirical research between 2010 and 2012, the research provides greater insights into which donors are providing what sort of assistance; how the content and focus of aid are decided and formulated; and the behaviour of the European Union (EU) and other large donors compared with small bilaterals and private foundations. By including the category of ‘governance-oriented’ assistance to classify donor initiatives, a more nuanced mapping of priorities and strategies is offered, which distinguishes between those measures designed to engage civil society (developmental), those focusing on institutions and elite level change (political), and interventions specifically designed to promote closer interaction between government and nongovernmental actors. The conclusion reached is that, although overall levels of aid to Kosovo have remained relatively stable since 2008, donor behaviour is in flux, with evidence of an emergent distinction between what larger donors offer and the provision of smaller bilaterals and private foundations. This, it is argued, has serious implications for the capacity of the EU to continue providing extensive aid across a wide range of issues and policy areas as part of its pre-accession assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With this paper I seek to identify the conditions under which a shift occurs from hierarchical decision making towards new modes of environmental governance in a case of weak statehood (Bosnia-Herzegovina), where an external agency (the EU) exerts significant influence alongside foreign consultants and international financial institutions (the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development--EBRD). The Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) undertaken as part of the development of the trans-European road network across the country are used here as case studies for examining emerging patterns of environmental governance in a state under the shadow of EU conditionality. The data suggest that whilst over a period of time the adoption of new EU-compliant formal procedures and frameworks (eg, EIA laws) does seem to be generating new modes of governance interaction and citizen involvement, the impact is contingent upon the critical didactic role played by (in this case) the EBRD in making the formal procedures effective and in building knowledge capacity within the state administration. Thus, a simple correlation between EU conditionality and substantive political change cannot be assumed, particularly where state agencies possess limited policy knowledge and nonstate actors (environmental NGOs) lack mobilisation capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the impact of European Union (EU) conditionality on environmental policy in Bosnia & Hercegovina (BiH). Particular focus is given to soft conditionality and compliance in environmental governance. According to the author, soft conditionality seems to be creating positive change, but networks of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) remain weak. Topics discussed include the trans-European road network, Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), and policy learning.

EU assistance for Kosovo is the most ambitious external relations venture embarked upon by the Commission to date. Not surprisingly, much of the aid is framed in terms of 'civil society' and channelled through a handful of local non-governmental organizations (NGOs). But attempts by foreign donors to promote civil society exogenously across post-socialist Eurasia are deemed to have achieved little in terms of stimulating individual participation and civic engagement. In response the EU appears to have refined its approach by combining the usual support for larger NGOs with more basic assistance for grassroots networks and community-based initiatives. Whilst such a twin-track strategy is arguably appropriate in the context of Kosovo where civil society participation is particularly low, in terms of maximizing the critical development of transactional capacity the approach may fail to target resources most effectively. It is argued here that there is a danger that normative concerns about liberal pluralism, enriching civil society and ensuring that assistance is widely dispersed may ultimately detract from the imperative of deploying limited resources first and foremost to secure a core of sustainable NGOs with developed capacity to engage government, the international community and other non-state actors in the process of policy reform. Indeed, drawing on the experience of civil society assistance in new member states of Central and Eastern Europe, it would seem that although NGOs are often criticized for their detachment from community organizations and campaigns, they perform a critical 'behind the scenes' role in policy change and state transformation. They can, if donor funding is appropriately targeted, facilitate the emergence of civil society networks through which small community organizations are then linked with larger, established and capacity-endowed organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How have environmental movements and organisations evolved in the two decades since the end of state socialism? Focusing upon how the impact of external forces, the core debates concern how changing political opportunities and access to resources as a consequence of European Union accession have impacted on environmental NGOs, as well as the effects more generally of contentious transnational assistance and tutelage offered to local activist networks by US and west European donors. Theoretical and conceptual debates regarding dependency and co-option, versus channelling and new governance, are examined. Have environmental actors and movements in these transitional states and new democracies aligned with the trajectory predicted by scholars 20 years ago? To what extent have longstanding environmental values, modes of political engagement and submerged networks buffered and even transmuted the impact? Why, and to what extent, do the movements and organisations of the region retain a distinctive character and profile? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental activism across the Western Balkan successor states of the former Yugoslavia, particularly in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia, remains in its infancy. Compared to the movements of central and Eastern Europe, the development of environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) in these states appears to be much slower. From the empirical perspective of non-governmental organisation activity concerning river basin management in Herzegovina, the factors that have determined the pace and nature of environmental politics in the region are explored. The most significant constraints on ENGO activity relate specifically to the political legacy of conflict and the turbulent recent history of this region. The ethnicisation of party politics, the weak regulatory capacity of state authorities and the obfuscation of power, the specific model of political economy and the absence of green politics at the time of the collapse of socialism coalesce to inhibit the emergence of politically engaged and professionalised green advocacy networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both qualitative and quantitative research suggests that foreign donors (particularly the European Commission) have exerted a positive impact on environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) across the post-socialist, new member states of Central and Eastern Europe. Green networks have been institutionalised and the foundations for multi-level environmental governance appear to be in place. But to what extent is a similar impact occurring in the so-called 'potential candidate countries' of the EU in the Western Balkans? From the perspective of environmental NGOs and their engagement in Environmental Impact Assessment processes in Bosnia-Herzegovina, it appears that the impact of donor-driven capacity building is exaggerated by assessments based on quantitative data. Formal compliance with EU procedures and the existence amongst NGOs of certain 'capacities' is not necessarily an indicator of environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that efforts by international donors, in particular the EU, to build the capacity of environmental NGOs in Bosnia-Herzegovina has less to do with fostering democratic stability and civil society, and more to do with establishing a new epistemic community. Among critics, the technocratic, apolitical and rather benign term ‘capacity building’ has become code for the transformation and undermining of ‘local’ knowledge, the disregard for existing ‘capacities’, the construction of new networks of experts and the importation of rationalities based on West European discourses and constructions of ecological risk, sustainable development and policy responses. Not surprisingly, the weaker the post-socialist state – legacies of ethnic conflict, the severity of economic collapse – the greater the extent to which capacity-building assistance seeks to transform policy communities, actors and networks. From the perspective of environmental mobilisations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, it is argued that the limitations of environmental capacity-building assistance are due in large part to the failure of donors to distinguish between different ‘capacities’, and their insistence on prioritising the development of project grant expertise and organisational management know-how over and above other developmental needs. The article illustrates the extent to which environmental movement organisations either require very basic developmental assistance or need more bespoke support that will enable them to engage effectively in political and legal contestation with the state. The article concludes that while aspects of environmental capacity-building assistance are clearly having a positive impact, the rigidity of donor aid and the framework of project grants as the mechanism for delivering assistance are limiting the impact to a narrow elite of organisations, of which some are neither non-governmental nor linked to indigenous local environmental networks within civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational aid and assistance for the environment and civil society development is underscored by assumptions that the transfer of expertise and technical assistance will ultimately make environmental movements in new democracies more like their Northern counterparts. However, recent research on green movements across post-socialist Europe has called into question the extent to which environmental non-governmental organisations in receipt of donor aid are actually on course to replicating west European modes of political interaction and civil society engagement. From the perspective of environmental politics in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article further challenges the embedded assumptions about the impact of transnational donor assistance and, through empirical analysis, asserts that structural contexts continue to exert a profound impact on movement behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A core element of the international community's state-building efforts in Bosnia has been the development and strengthening of civil society. Since Dayton, the imperative to rebuild and refashion civil society has been identified as critical for the emergence of a democratic state. It has also been viewed as being instrumental in weakening the grip of nationalist political parties. In addition to the perceived political dividend, the development of civil society is seen as fundamental for stimulating the development of the economy and for entrenching the rule of law. Yet to place such enormous and onerous responsibilities on NGOs and civic organizations stretches the conceptual boundaries of an already contested and elastic concept. This essay assesses what has emerged under the banner of ‘civil society’, considers the roles and functions of the various local and international NGOs, and assesses their relationship and contribution to the overall project of state-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to a growing literature critiquing non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as civil society in post-communist Europe. From the perspective of the Czech environmental movement, although over a decade of foreign assistance and know-how transfer has resulted in a tier of professional NGOs that have obtained political influence at the elite level, these organizations have made little progress in rooting themselves in society at large. This gives rise to the claim that what exists today are NGOs without civil society. It is argued that, in light of the withdrawal of large American donors since May 2004 and EU accession, NGOs need to make links with the enmeshed community-based organizations that have emerged in recent years and focus much more on fund-raising and developing sustainable strategies for their future development. Fifteen years after communism collapsed, it is time to take stock of what has evolved under the banner of civil society, particularly in a state where the concept has been fiercely debated. At a theoretical level, it is argued that, in order to assess the capacity of NGOs to fulfil the democratic functions of civil society, we need first to acknowledge the ideological rationale that has dictated their development. It is only by returning to a more normative understanding of the concept of civil society that we gain a critical insight into the apparent disconnection between NGOs and society and their limited capacity to mobilize popular support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Challenges the depiction of generalized trends within the Czech environmental movement by considering the extent to which professionalism and 'Europeanization' have become endemic features of environmental movement organizations (EMO). Types of EMO; Factors that have influenced the theory and practice of environmental politics in the Czech Republic; Analysis of the evolution of environmental movement in the Czech Republic; Discussion on the political role, function and strategies of EMO; Problems associated with the application of the political process approach to the study of EMO activity.

In this thematic cluster, we explore why and how democratic erosion in post-Communist Europe has led to widespread civic mobilization. We set out the goals and motivations of citizens who choose to protest in defense of liberal democracy. We also compare across cases what pro-democracy protestors believe they have achieved by protesting—and what kinds of changes they believe are needed to end or attenuate the democratic erosion that sent them into the streets. The different contributions to this special section highlight variation in the role of elections: while protestors in some countries expect electing a new government to bring substantial, positive change, protestors in other countries consider that long-term structural reforms are needed. Still other protestors choose to back an electoral boycott as a way to express their opposition to the regime. Even when protests do not achieve short-term goals, such as spurring policy reversals, policy reforms, or changes in government, protestors believe that they raise awareness in society about democratic processes and the role of citizens in them. We also explore how democratic backsliding has impacted the rights of the LGBTQ+ community, which has generally benefited from democratization over the last three decades in post-Communist Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction argues that the East-West divide in Europe continues to be politically salient since the fall of the Berlin Wall and two decades since the accession of most East Central European (ECE) countries to the European Union. We re-evaluate the nature of the East-West divide in the EU, consider its sources, and examine the interplay between political variation and cross-border economic inequalities. The fundamental question posed here is whether such divisions are persistent, intractable, or transitional. We note that earlier scholarship on the East-West divide emphasised economic divergence as a primary explanatory factor. As relevant as the economy still is, our contribution is to argue that the divide also needs to be assessed against the broader political backdrop of democratic backsliding and new geopolitical developments. Although we find that the East-West divide is still highly salient, the articles here specify how fluid categories are and how variation has emerged – both between and within countries in the ECE region. Finally, the very perception of an East-West divide is politically consequential. If unaddressed, East-West divisions and tensions will impede future reforms of the EU's internal governance processes and limit its power on the global stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we extend our understanding of fringe politics to include relational and thematic elements, namely, the relationship of far-right collective actors with their broader network and the claims made within it. Locating our analysis at the intersection of protest event and social network analysis, we focus on the far-right Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) which, since late 2013, has committed to moderation. Analysing the protest events in which Jobbik took part and the types of claims upon which it mobilized between 2009 and 2017, we examine whether there has been a corresponding distancing from extremist groups and radical claims – a finding that would indeed validate the substantive transformation of Jobbik. By focusing on often neglected relational and thematic aspects, the study provides new ways to analyse fringe collective actors, the relationship with their environment and the evolution of such a relationship over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the California Current Ecosystem, El Niño acts as a natural phenomenon that is partially representative of climate change impacts on marine bacteria at timescales relevant to microbial communities. Between 2014–2016, the North Pacific warm anomaly (a.k.a., the "blob") and an El Niño event resulted in prolonged ocean warming in the Southern California Bight (SCB). To determine whether this "marine heatwave" resulted in shifts in microbial populations, we sequenced the rpoC1 gene from the biogeochemically important picocyanobacteria Prochlorococcus and Synechococcus at 434 time points from 2009–2018 in the MICRO time series at Newport Beach, CA. Across the time series, we observed an increase in the abundance of Prochlorococcus relative to Synechococcus as well as elevated frequencies of ecotypes commonly associated with low-nutrient and high-temperature conditions. The relationships between environmental and ecotype trends appeared to operate on differing temporal scales. In contrast to ecotype trends, most microdiverse populations were static and possibly reflect local habitat conditions. The only exceptions were microdiversity from Prochlorococcous HLI and Synechococcus Clade II that shifted in response to the 2015 El Niño event. Overall, Prochlorococcus and Synechococcus populations did not return to their pre-heatwave composition by the end of this study. This research demonstrates that extended warming in the SCB can result in persistent changes in key microbial populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]