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This article aims to contribute to the understanding of the phenomenon of the 'humanitarian border' in its specific local context of Polish nationalism and the use of patriotic sentiments to justify violence at the border. The intensification of asylum-seeker migration from Asia and Africa on the EU's eastern border, triggered by the Lukashenka regime since the summer of 2021, was quickly dubbed as 'hybrid war', enabling the Polish government to take decisive military action against border crossers. The justification for this violence became both the patriotic duty, expressed in national idioms, and the discursively produced humanitarian concern for refugees whose lives and health were threatened precisely by the harshness of border controls. The labelling of repression and violence as the heroism and care of the Polish uniformed services, present both in the discursive framework of the description of the 'crisis' by the government media and in the cooperation of border guards with humanitarian actors, has become a specific form of 'epistemic borderwork'. The grassroots solidarity movement that opposes these hegemonic discourses seeks to create counter-narratives highlighting the state's illegal actions and the refugees' right to freedom of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth views and their engagement within practices of everyday peace(building) are paramount to fostering peace, despite the deadlocks at the elite level negotiations. This article provides a bottom-up approach that recognizes the agency and potency of youth in 'everyday peace' by providing a voice to marginalized Cypriot youth. The semi-structured interview findings highlight that the views that Cypriot youth harbour on peace diverge from elite views and focus on societal and practical needs. Accordingly, Cypriot youth's understanding of peace converges around three interrelated main themes – social cohesion, no discrimination and hatred, and unrestricted freedom of movement – based on frequency in expansive series of youth interviews. This article argues that youth's priorities and responses bespeak their meaningful contributions to peace through their everyday actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children's independent mobility (CIM) represents their freedom to travel in their neighborhood without adult supervision. Secular declines in CIM coincided with a major increase in mental health problems among children. We investigated relationships between two indicators of CIM and parent-perceived child distress in a national longitudinal study involving 2,291 Canadian parents of 7- to 12-year-olds at baseline (December 2020) with up to four follow-ups, every six months. We assessed mobility licenses (i.e. children's permission to do certain activities on their own) with 6 items, and home range (i.e. how far [in minutes] children can roam with friends and/or siblings) with a 4-point item. We used generalized estimating equations controlling for children's age and gender, household income, study wave, school attendance, and COVID-19 isolation in the week preceding the survey. At each successive time point, 51.8%, 44.0%, 43.2% and 42.4% of children experienced clinically elevated distress. Compared to children allowed to roam <5 min, children allowed to roam 5–15 min (OR = 0.76; 95% CI: 0.67–0.88) or >15-minutes (OR = 0.61; 95% CI: 0.51–0.72) had lower odds of elevated distress. However, CIM licenses were not associated with distress. Our findings underscore the need to support extending children's home range. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship has a significant impact on migrants' freedom to travel. While citizens of the Global North can travel without major problems, citizens of the Global South have to queue at consulates to obtain a visa before they can travel. They may have to wait in long queues at the border or at the airport, where they may be subjected to unpleasant interrogations. The aim of this article is to uncover how a passport becomes powerful or weak depending on the country that issues it, and what impact this has on the (geographical and professional) mobility of passport holders. We explore why some countries impose visa restrictions while others allow visa‐free travel. We interviewed 32 people who had travelled on a number of occasions for professional reasons or as tourists. The externalities created by visa regulations may lead to an increase in the number of alternative destinations in lockstep, even if countries' policies remain unchanged. This study has critical policy implications for both source and destination countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-Apartheid South Africa shifted to a culture of consumption, originating with a transition to a neoliberal society [Sana, V. (2022). Bits of bytes and bites of bits: Instagram and the gendered performance of food production in the South African Indian community. Agenda, 36(1), 100–108), alongside access to a globalized world. During apartheid, consumption was strictly regulated, and racialized. This culture of consumption has been prevalent since the mid-1990s. As apartheid regulations lifted, the freedom of movement, choice and the ability to consume unreservedly, opened possibilities previously unimagined for much of the population. Consumption in South Africa is largely characterized by the unique contextual and symbolic processes that inform it. Consumption practices have impacted performances of identity and anxieties of belonging in turn [Sana, V. (2022). Bits of bytes and bites of bits: Instagram and the gendered performance of food production in the South African Indian community. Agenda, 36(1), 100–108]. This paper examines the visual representations of consumption practices on Instagram. Using critical consumption studies, an analysis of various Instagram influencers' consumption uncovers how South Africans affirm their place in the neoliberal global stage through acts of consumption. The article considers the consumption of products as a product itself to be consumed, and how this links to debates around conspicuous consumption in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit created uncertainty for migrants living in the UK and a potential reason to leave the country. Some of the consequences of the Brexit referendum, such as the loss of skilled workers, may have been unintended. This article investigates the relevance of Brexit for German migrants who decided to return to Germany from the UK in the two years following the 2016 referendum. Our analysis relies on a register-based probability sample of German migrants. We find that more than half of German migrants from the UK assert that their decision to return was strongly affected by Brexit. Furthermore, Brexit as a motive for returning positively correlates to dissatisfaction with the political situation, the lack of social security, and dissatisfaction with life in the country as other reasons for their return. Our results indicate that skills and the Brexit return motive are positively related. Whereas attachment to the UK does not affect whether German migrants blame Brexit for their return, those with better English skills and longer durations of stay are more likely to mention Brexit as a return motive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many popular tourist destinations across the world are experiencing overtourism, which can cause a variety of negative environmental and socio-cultural impacts. As a result, an increasing number of governments are searching for solutions to overtourism. In the United States, Hawai'i needs such solutions. Until recently, many legal scholars and other observers believed that restricting tourism may be unconstitutional. However, a careful examination of the United States Supreme Court's decisions on the Dormant Commerce Clause and the interstate right to travel show that certain restrictions on tourism may be constitutionally permissible. Indeed, recent federal court rulings support state action designed to limit tourism in the interest of sustainability, although sustainability is often a vague concept. Hawai'i's public trust doctrine, which is embedded in the state constitution, establishes that natural and native Hawaiian cultural resources should be conserved and protected for public use. This article presents a variety of policy instruments that could be used individually or in concert to lower tourism levels to conserve and protect the natural and cultural resources and natural beauty that are held in trust by the State of Hawai'i for the benefit of its people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is indicated that the Basic Law of Ukraine enshrines the provision that everyone who is legally present in the territory of Ukraine is guaranteed the right to freely leave the territory of Ukraine, with the exception of restrictions established by law. The state has assumed the duty to affirm and ensure human rights, to guarantee the safety of life, including in conditions of martial law. The article examines certain aspects of the implementation of the right to freely leave the territory of Ukraine under martial law. The right to freedom of movement, in particular the right to leave the territory of the country, is an important element of constitutional human rights guaranteed by the Basic Law of Ukraine. Under martial law, this right becomes especially relevant, as national security and public order require special legal measures and restrictions. The legal norms regulating this issue are analyzed, in particular the Constitution of Ukraine and the domestic legal framework. The possibilities and limits of restrictions that may be imposed on the right to freely leave the territory of Ukraine during martial law are considered. The practice of applying these norms is being studied, in particular the procedures for obtaining travel permits, restrictions on certain categories of citizens, as well as the legal consequences of violating the established restrictions. Special attention is paid to the analysis of national legislation and law enforcement practices related to the restriction of the right to freedom of movement under martial law. Issues of ensuring a balance between national security and observance of the rights and freedoms of citizens, as well as legal mechanisms for protecting the rights of citizens in case of their violation, are considered. In the final part of the scientific article, it is emphasized that the right to freely leave the territory of Ukraine, guaranteed by the Constitution, must be ensured by the state authorities even in the conditions of martial law. Any restrictions on this right must be lawful, temporary, proportionate and aimed at ensuring the common good. Unlawful restrictions should be punished according to law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the legitimate conditions for limiting the right to freedom of movement as established by international standards. It was determined that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights contains universal conditions for limiting all rights, without singling out freedom of movement. However, the act establishes general principles such as the exclusivity of restriction terms, formal certainty, and completeness of the list of restriction goals. Later documents supplemented these conditions with the social necessity of the restriction and the proportionality of the means of restriction with their legitimate goals. In the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and in Protocol No. 4 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the legitimate purposes of restricting freedom of movement were separately defined. These include the protection of national security, public order, the health or morals of the population, the rights and freedoms of other persons, and the prevention of crimes. These limitations are exhaustive, and national legislation should not go beyond them. The author analyzed the conditions for admissibility of restricting the right to freedom of movement under normal and emergency conditions. It was concluded that general requirements apply to the restriction of the right to freedom of movement during a state of emergency (armed conflict), as well as to restrictions under normal conditions. These requirements include prohibitions of destruction and excessive restriction that would be contrary to international human rights standards, as well as encroachment on the essential content of the right to freedom of movement. The criteria for the admissibility of restrictions on the right to freedom of movement, such as legality, necessity, and legitimacy of the purpose of the restriction, should also be applied. However, under extraordinary conditions, such as a state of emergency, there are increased demands. The right to derogate from international human rights obligations is possible in the presence or imminence of public danger within the limits corresponding to the severity of the situation and according to the procedure of official and public notification. Characteristic signs of restriction of the right to freedom of movement in the conditions of an emergency are their massive but temporary nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study is centred on harmonising Ukraine's legislation with European human rights and justice standards. Through rigorous content analysis, formal legal and comparative methods, analysis of legal acts, and the abstract logical method, the study uncovers a comprehensive range of problems that hinder the harmonisation process's efficiency. As a culmination of the study, a significant proposal is put forth: the enshrinement in the Constitution of Ukraine of the fundamental economic freedoms of free movement of goods, services, and capital. This proposal, along with creating a dedicated body for harmonising Ukrainian legislation with the EU acquis communautaire and the strategic focus on the slowest areas of harmonisation, is crucial for the future of Ukraine's legal system and its alignment with EU standards. An alternative method of conflict resolution in criminal justice - mediation - is proposed as a potentially effective tool for reducing the courts' workload and increasing the efficiency of case consideration. Prospects for future research may include harmonising certain branches of Ukrainian legislation where the process of harmonisation is the slowest, namely, "Freedom of Movement of Goods", "Freedom of Entrepreneurship and Provision of Services". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Granted automatically to anyone who holds the nationality of any EU country, European citizenship generates a variety of rights and benefits derived both from domestic and EU law. If the first ones may differ from country to country, the others are the same all over the EU countries, being enshrined in The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. It is exactly this multitude of rights that makes third States’ citizens to aspire to EU citizenship and there are legal procedures that regulate such a demarch. Nevertheless, some problematic issues could occur on these occasions and sometimes the Court of Justice of the European Union is requested to intervene in order to solve these kind of situations, on the basis of preliminary rulings. The present paper intends to depict and analyse relevant case-law of the CJEU in this field, dealing, for instance, with topics like discrimination on grounds of nationality, derived right of residence of thirdcountry nationals who are family members of a Union citizen or loss of citizenship of the Union on account of loss of nationality of a Member State.

This article examines the Brexit-driven remaking of some EU families into mixed-status families. Drawing on original research conducted in 2021–2022 with British, EU/EEA and non-EU/EEA citizens living in the UK or the EU/EEA, it shows how families whose members have previously enjoyed equal rights to freedom of movement across the EU/EEA variously negotiate the consequences of Brexit on their lives. Central to our analysis is the interplay between hardening borders and the stickiness of family relations, and its effects on families' migration and settlement projects. The article brings to the fore these emerging entanglements offering a much-needed relational analysis of the impact of Brexit on the directly affected populations, while contributing more widely to expanding the existing scholarship on mixed-status families, by attending to the peculiar ways in which families whose members previously enjoyed equal status under EU law have experienced their transformation into subjects with unequal rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free movement is simultaneously widely acclaimed and strongly contested in the European Union. To address this apparent contradiction, we unpack European Union freedom of movement into its different transnational rights and argue that opposition is unequal across entitlements. Using evidence from a unique survey conducted in the United Kingdom in 2017, we show that citizens mainly contest welfare access. This transnational right implies costs for the host country and taps into perceptions of belonging and deservingness. Due to its association with ideas of national community and solidarity, access to welfare is more contested even among those who, in principle, should be favourable to such entitlements: inclusive national identifiers and European integration supporters. Our findings underscore the challenge of creating a sense of European community that could underpin all transnational rights implied by the Union's principle of freedom of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an ethnographic study in a German prison, this article explores the question of what meaning incarcerated men attach to sport in light of the loss of freedom and autonomy which according to Sykes are particular 'pains of imprisonment'. The material shows the following: (1) Incarceration is perceived by imprisoned men as a life under duress and proves to be a stark contrast to life outside prison due to the limited freedom of movement, action and decision making. (2) Sport is a means for incarcerated men to bring back memories of being free and to mentally escape into the time before imprisonment. (3) Sport is one of the few opportunities for imprisoned men to spend time in fresh air, which results in a physically–sensually experienced liberation. (4) Participation in sports enables the incarcerated to temporarily regain freedom of action and decision making. Overall, the findings indicate that sport can best be understood as a help in coping with incarceration. It is concluded from the findings that imprisoned men attach their own meanings to sport, largely detached from the function of sport ascribed by the institution (such as rehabilitation and health promotion). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vaccine passport is a new term that has recently entered the vocabulary of nation-states and those involved in the travel industry. A passport is a tool through which individuals can be mobile internationally and by which they can be identified, tracked, and regulated. Although the introduction of vaccine passports has facilitated the reopening of borders and air travel and assists with reviving economic situations of nation-states, it also means that those who carry proof of immunization are the only ones who may be able to travel freely. The citizens of many countries will not have access to vaccines nor vaccine passports in the near future. As such, the biopolitics of vaccination passports become entangled with preexisting global and domestic inequalities and risk further entrenching the immobilities of people in the periphery. In this article, we discuss the ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic has changed the meaning of freedom of movement globally and how the introduction of vaccine passports perpetuates and exacerbates existing inequalities in terms of unequal access to international travel and freedom of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We describe the design and performance of a multi‐view 3D display system displaying an adjustable number of views. This uses an 8K panel and a simple eye tracking method to extend the viewing zones over a very large range and provides a multi‐view 3D display with high resolution and smooth motion parallax that gives the viewer good freedom of movement. The results are obtained from a system built around a 32" 8k monitor with a 45 lpi lenticular screen; it gives good image depth with motion parallax to a single user, with a viewing angle more than 60. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is devoted to the study of the principle of the right to freedom of movement, as a concept of human rights that includes the right of people to move from one place to another on the territory of a country and to leave the country, including the possibility of returning, including change of place where the individual lives. This analysis required the study of the national jurisprudence and EEC, member states of the European Union of third countries, because this fundamental principle is one of the scientific freedoms that the European institutions are investigating, considering that visa restrictions may affect these freedoms. The author identified what implies the application of this principle in all the procedures regarding minors in close connection with respecting the principle of the best interest of the child. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qualitative research about women and birthing people's experiences of fetal monitoring during labour and birth is scant. Labour and birth is often impacted by wearable or invasive monitoring devices, however, most published research about fetal monitoring is focused on the wellbeing of the fetus. This manuscript is derived from a larger mixed methods study, 'WOmen's Experiences of Monitoring Baby (The WOMB Study)', aiming to increase understanding of the experiences of women and birthing people in Australia, of being monitored; and about the information they received about fetal monitoring devices during pregnancy. We constructed a national cross-sectional survey that was distributed via social media in May and June, 2022. Responses were received from 861 participants. As far as we are aware, this is the first survey of the experiences of women and birthing people of intrapartum fetal monitoring conducted in Australia. This paper comprises the analysis of the free text survey responses, using qualitative and inductive content analysis. Two categories were constructed, Tending to the machine, which explores participants' perceptions of the way in which clinicians interacted with fetal monitoring technologies; and Impressions of the machine, which explores the direct impact of fetal monitoring devices upon the labour and birth experience of women and birthing people. The findings suggest that some clinicians need to reflect upon the information they provide to women and birthing people about monitoring. For example, freedom of movement is an important aspect of supporting the physiology of labour and managing pain. If freedom of movement is important, the physical restriction created by a wired cardiotocograph is inappropriate. Many participants noticed that clinicians focused their attention primarily on the technology. Prioritising the individual needs of the woman or birthing person is key to providing high quality woman-centred intrapartum care. Women should be provided with adequate information regarding the risks and benefits of different forms of fetal monitoring including how the form of monitoring might impact her labour experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The right to freedom of movement is a fundamental human right, which is accepted as the ability of everyone to move and freely choose their place of residence, freely leave any country, including their own. In the conditions of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation, there is a need to reconsider the permanent approaches to understanding the essence of this right and its key aspects. It was determined that the consequences of the full-scale invasion became a trigger for one of the most massive migration flows from Ukraine to other states, in particular to the countries of the European Union. This has caused a certain easing in the aspect of the procedure for traveling abroad and has permitted people to leave Ukraine without documents for traveling abroad. It is justified that the right to freedom of movement is not absolute and, accordingly, may be subject to restrictions, which, nevertheless, must meet the requirements of legality, proportionality of such restrictions, and the legitimacy of their purpose. Thus, freedom of movement may be restricted, in particular, in territories where a state of war or emergency has been imposed, as well as in temporarily occupied territories. It was established that in order to prevent the violation of the right to freedom of movement, a number of measures are taken, including, in particular, the inspection of regulatory legal acts for the presence of corruption risks, which is carried out by the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption. It has been analyzed that possible violations of the right to freedom of movement, in particular cases of forced relocation of Ukrainian citizens to the territory of the aggressor state, may constitute crimes punishable by the International Criminal Court. It was determined that there is a need to reclassify such acts from a crime against humanity to a crime of genocide in view of the focus of the aggressor state on the concrete and intentional destruction of the Ukrainian national group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focused on designing and evaluating a bilateral semi-rigid hip exoskeleton. The exoskeleton assisted the hip joint, capitalizing on its proximity to the body's center of mass. Unlike its rigid counterparts, the semi-rigid design permitted greater freedom of movement. A temporal force-tracking controller allowed us to prescribe torque profiles during walking. We ensured high accuracy by tuning control parameters and series elasticity. The evaluation involved experiments with ten participants across ten force profile conditions with different end-timings and peak magnitudes. Our findings revealed a trend of greater reductions in metabolic cost with assistance provided at later timings in stride and at greater magnitudes. Compared to walking with the exoskeleton powered off, the largest reduction in metabolic cost was 9.1%. This was achieved when providing assistance using an end-timing at 44.6% of the stride cycle and a peak magnitude of 0.11 Nm kg−1. None of the tested conditions reduced the metabolic cost compared to walking without the exoskeleton, highlighting the necessity for further enhancements, such as a lighter and more form-fitting design. The optimal end-timing aligns with findings from other soft hip exosuit devices, indicating a comparable interaction with this prototype to that observed in entirely soft exosuit prototypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions are radical alternatives to state-led diplomacy feasible? Diplomatic studies have so far denied attention to those diplomatic practices taking place without national mediation. Building on the concept of diplomacy from below (DFB), the article aims to understand under what conditions this newly theorised form of alternative diplomacy is possible in contexts of armed violence. To do so, we present the case of the diplomatic action of the (post)autonomist Association Ya Basta! between 1997 and 2004. The study adopts an interpretivist approach, reconstructing activists' stories along four conflict scenarios (Mexico, Palestine, Colombia, and Iraq). The empirical analysis allowed for formulating a "working hypothesis" according to which DFB is feasible only among groups sharing an ideological background and under minimum-security conditions for freedom of movement and physical integrity. The paper innovates debates on (para)diplomacy and opens a new research agenda on diplomatic interactions between subaltern groups in (post)conflict scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spurred by international commitments to address age- and gender-based violence, this article uses a capabilities framework to address an important data gap on violence against adolescents in Ethiopia. It draws on mixed-methods data collected in 2019/2020 in three diverse rural regions. This includes surveys completed by 5539 girls and boys as well as 819 qualitative interviews with adolescents, caregivers, community members, and service providers. We find that threats to adolescents' bodily integrity are shaped by a complex interplay of age, gender, and socio-cultural environment. Girls are less able than boys to enjoy freedom of movement and control over their bodies, and age-related violence is often deeply gendered in ways that are context specific. Differences in service provisioning augment already large gaps between adolescents in different regions. To tackle threats to adolescents' bodily integrity, awareness-raising efforts need to be twinned with improved access to education, health, social protection, and justice services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of diplomatic practice is very often used in many works, but typically without a definition. Firstly, this article brings considerations leading both to the definition of diplomatic practice as well as to its comparison with the notion of practice of diplomacy. The second part of the present article deals with application of diplomatic practice with respect to the prospective creation of legal and non-legal norms governing diplomatic relations, and explains how established patterns of behaviour can evolve into rules of conduct. The article classifies four fields of diplomatic practice with different legal effects: (i) one-time practices and repeated practices of one or more States; (ii) general practice; (iii) international courtesy; (iv) international custom; and identifies examples in each normative level of diplomatic practice in order to demonstrate its scope and content, which goes far beyond the regulation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations as a written law. Finally, in conclusion and as practical implication, it provides an analysis of the normative potential of new diplomatic practice emerging during COVID-19 restrictions in many States, which rests in lockdown and curfew restricting the freedom of movement of diplomatic missions' members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BackgroundIn South Asia, roughly half of women attend at least four antenatal care visits with skilled health personnel, the minimum number recommended by the World Health Organization for optimal birth outcomes. A much greater proportion of women attend at least one antenatal care visit, suggesting that a key challenge is ensuring that women initiate antenatal care early in pregnancy and continue to attend after their first visit. One critical barrier to antenatal care attendance may be that women do not have sufficient power in their relationships, households, or communities to attend antenatal care when they want to. The main goals of this paper were to 1) understand the potential effects of intervening on direct measures of women's empowerment-including household decision making, freedom of movement, and control over assets-on antenatal care attendance in a rural population of women in Bangladesh, and 2) examine whether differential associations exist across strata of socioeconomic status.MethodsWe analyzed data on 1609 mothers with children under 24 months old in rural Bangladesh and employed targeted maximum likelihood estimation with ensemble machine learning to estimate population average treatment effects.ResultsGreater women's empowerment was associated with an increased number of antenatal care visits. Specifically, among women who attended at least one antenatal care visit, having high empowerment was associated with a greater probability of ≥ 4 antenatal care visits, both in comparison to low empowerment (15.2 pp, 95% CI: 6.0, 24.4) and medium empowerment (9.1 pp, 95% CI: 2.5, 15.7). The subscales of women's empowerment driving the associations were women's decision-making power and control over assets. We found that greater women's empowerment is associated with more antenatal care visits regardless of socioeconomic status.ConclusionsEmpowerment-based interventions, particularly those targeting women's involvement in household decisions and/or facilitating greater control over assets, may be a valuable strategy for increasing antenatal care attendance.Trial registrationClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT04111016, Date First Registered: 01/10/2019.

Abstract Background Locked doors remain a common feature of dementia units in nursing homes (NHs) worldwide, despite the growing body of knowledge on the negative effects of restricted freedom on residents. To date, no previous studies have explored the health effects of opening locked NH units, which would allow residents to move freely within the building and enclosed garden. This study examines the association between increased freedom of movement and the health of NH residents with dementia. Methods This longitudinal, pre-post study involved a natural experiment in which NH residents with dementia (N = 46) moved from a closed to a semi-open location. Data on dimensions of positive health were collected at baseline (T0; one month before the relocation), at one (T1), four (T2) and nine (T3) months after the relocation. Linear mixed models were used to examine changes in positive health over time. Results Cognition, quality of life and agitation scores improved significantly at T1 and T2 compared to the baseline, while mobility scores decreased. At T3, improvements in agitation and quality of life remained significant compared to the baseline. Activities of daily living (ADL) and depression scores were stable over time. Conclusions Increasing freedom of movement for NH residents with dementia is associated with improved health outcomes, both immediately and over time. These findings add to the growing evidence supporting the benefits of freedom of movement for the overall health of NH residents with dementia.

Throughout history, the fate of the countries of the Western Balkans was mainly determined by political factors, and their inclusion in the integration processes represents an attempt to give primacy to economic factors and sustainable development, in relation to political factors. Today, we encounter a large number of comments, statements by experts and representatives of political organizations about the potential effects of the "Open Balkans" initiative, but also the lack of serious theoretical and empirical research on its progress and potential effects on the sustainable development of the region. Precisely because of the above, the authors of this paper devote their attention to finding an answer to the question of how this initiative developed and what are its potential effects on sustainable development, i.e. to what extent it contributes to increasing the well-being of the members and neighboring countries. Empirical evidence for the acceptability of the most important views and conclusions presented in the paper was provided through research in which the first author of this paper participated, and based on data collected by the Faktor Plus Agency in all countries that signed the initiative.

ABSTRACTThere is a broad consensus on the legitimacy of states to control immigration. However, this belief has recently been questioned, among other reasons, due to the contradiction with current practices in emigration and internal mobility. The principle of symmetry states that any restriction on immigration should also apply to emigration; or that, to the contrary, if there is a right to emigrate, there should be a corresponding right to immigrate. The principle of coherence posits that every reason one might have for moving within a country also counts for moving between countries. This article proposes to extend the coherence principle from external to internal migration, arguing that the same reasons that justify restrictions on mobility across borders justify restrictions on mobility within borders too. Therefore, either freedom of movement is a fundamental right or the right of the political community to control mobility prevails. The interests at stake are in both cases the same, so asymmetry is not warranted. This leads us to an apagogical argument for open borders.

Does political security influence the life satisfaction of indigenous peoples of Bangladesh? This study has addressed this research question using a survey dataset (N = 384) that contains a set of variables about the political security and life satisfaction of indigenous peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. This study offers fresh insights into how political insecurity, which has resulted from government repression and systematic violation of human rights, decreases the life satisfaction of indigenous peoples of the CHT. More precisely, indigenous peoples who feel they do not have their right to liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of speech, and the right to participation are more likely to be dissatisfied with their lives than those who report they enjoy these political rights. Overall, the findings of this research suggest that a negative relationship exists between the denial of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties and life satisfaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uganda is home to some 1.5 million refugees. Its self-reliance policy welcomes refugees with freedom of movement and work; a piece of land for building a house and home-gardening; and social protection (food and cash transfers). While a progressive refugee policy, the onset of COVID-19 may complicate its effectiveness. This paper investigates the role of food and cash transfers in meeting negative consequences of the pandemic for both host and refugee communities. We do so by using a unique panel dataset covering the period from 2019 to 2021. Our evidence suggests that although transfers were widely used in refugee settlements prior to COVID-19, their use did not expand within the refugee nor host communities at the onset of the pandemic and, in fact, the transfer amounts declined. The evidence does not suggest that either form of transfer has a strong effect on food security or resilience although there is some evidence that cash transfers facilitate resilience. However, food transfers are associated with maintaining or increasing food security while cash transfers are more closely associated with resilience. Furthermore, food transfer seem to outperform cash transfers in responding to COVID-19 particularly when income loss due to COVID-19 is reported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a broad consensus on the legitimacy of states to control immigration. However, this belief has recently been questioned, among other reasons, due to the contradiction with current practices in emigration and internal mobility. The principle of symmetry states that any restriction on immigration should also apply to emigration; or that, to the contrary, if there is a right to emigrate, there should be a corresponding right to immigrate. The principle of coherence posits that every reason one might have for moving within a country also counts for moving between countries. This article proposes to extend the coherence principle from external to internal migration, arguing that the same reasons that justify restrictions on mobility across borders justify restrictions on mobility within borders too. Therefore, either freedom of movement is a fundamental right or the right of the political community to control mobility prevails. The interests at stake are in both cases the same, so asymmetry is not warranted. This leads us to an apagogical argument for open borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author of the article examines the essence and nature of freedom of movement as an institution that embodies the idea of freedom in law. She proves that in the Constitution of Ukraine and in the norms of public law in general, freedom of movement is declared as a fundamental freedom of a person and a citizen. The specific content of freedom of movement is revealed through a number of subjective rights, which are defined in the norms of public law. These are the following rights: the right of a person to free and unhindered movement within the territory of Ukraine; the right to leave Ukraine; the right to unimpeded return of a citizen of Ukraine to Ukraine; the right to freely choose the place of residence/stay. At the same time, the Constitution of Ukraine declares the right to freely leave the territory of Ukraine, but the provisions of the special law do not mention "free" departure from the territory of Ukraine, and therefore the special law somewhat narrows the limits of freedom of movement. In contrast to public law, in the norms of private law (in the Civil Code of Ukraine), the right to freedom of movement is enshrined as a subjective civil right, but not a fundamental freedom. The content of this right includes the possibility of free movement on the territory of Ukraine and the right to leave the territory of Ukraine and return (citizens of Ukraine) to Ukraine without hindrance. According to the norms of civil legislation, the right to freedom of movement also includes the ability to freely choose a place of residence, but this applies only to a minor. The author proves the fallacy of this approach and substantiates the conclusions that, firstly, the right to freely choose a place of residence cannot exist without the right to a place of residence; secondly, the possibility to freely choose the place of residence/residence should be included in the content of the right to freedom of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Locked doors remain a common feature of dementia units in nursing homes (NHs) worldwide, despite the growing body of knowledge on the negative effects of restricted freedom on residents. To date, no previous studies have explored the health effects of opening locked NH units, which would allow residents to move freely within the building and enclosed garden. This study examines the association between increased freedom of movement and the health of NH residents with dementia. Methods: This longitudinal, pre-post study involved a natural experiment in which NH residents with dementia (N = 46) moved from a closed to a semi-open location. Data on dimensions of positive health were collected at baseline (T0; one month before the relocation), at one (T1), four (T2) and nine (T3) months after the relocation. Linear mixed models were used to examine changes in positive health over time. Results: Cognition, quality of life and agitation scores improved significantly at T1 and T2 compared to the baseline, while mobility scores decreased. At T3, improvements in agitation and quality of life remained significant compared to the baseline. Activities of daily living (ADL) and depression scores were stable over time. Conclusions: Increasing freedom of movement for NH residents with dementia is associated with improved health outcomes, both immediately and over time. These findings add to the growing evidence supporting the benefits of freedom of movement for the overall health of NH residents with dementia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As virtual worlds continue to rise in popularity, so do the expectations of users for the content of virtual scenes. Virtual worlds must be large in scope and offer enough freedom of movement to keep the audience occupied at all times. For content creators, it is difficult to keep up by manually producing the surrounding content. Therefore, the application of procedural modelling techniques is required. Virtual worlds often mimic the real world, which is composed of organized and connected outdoor and indoor layouts. It is expected that all content is present on the virtual scene and that a user can navigate streets, enter buildings, and interact with furniture within a single virtual world. While there are many procedural methods for generating different layout types, they mostly focus only on one layout type, whereas complete scene generation is greatly underrepresented. This paper aims to identify the coverage of layout types by different methods because similar issues exist for the generation of content of different layout types. When creating a new method for layout generation, it is important to know if the results of existing methods can be appended to other methods. This paper presents a survey of existing procedural modelling methods, which were organized into five categories based on the core approach: pure subdivision, grammar‐based, data‐driven, optimization, and simulation. Information about the covered layout types, the possibility of user interaction during the generation process, and the input and output shape types of the generated content is provided for each surveyed method. The input and output shape types of the generated content can be useful to identify which methods can continue the generation by using the output of other methods as their input. It was concluded that all surveyed methods work for only a few different layout types simultaneously. Moreover, only 35% of the surveyed methods offer interaction with the user after completing the initial process of space generation. Most existing approaches do not perform transformations of shape types. A significant number of methods use the irregular shape type as input and generate the same shape type as the output, which is sufficient for coverage of all layout types when generating a complete virtual world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1860s, legislators and bureaucrats in the Alps crafted laws to govern the migrations of the so-called Swabian Children, requiring them to meet specific obligations for the right to travel abroad. At the time of passage, these laws had a facilitative purpose. They were intended to funnel children abroad so they could avoid the degrading effects of begging and factory work. Decades later and inspired by growing moral outrage, regional school authorities repurposed these legal norms to inhibit the numbers of children heading abroad. This article analyzes the shifting sensibilities about territorial sovereignty and childhood to show how these norms were transformed via a dialogue between text and application, laws and their enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the constitutional adjustments Kosovo should make in the EU accession process. Because European integration may necessitate fundamental changes in the constitutional principles, the paper will address them by offering concrete solutions to issues such as the primacy of EU law and the transfer of sovereignty. Issues related to human rights, such as the right to vote and to stand as a candidate at municipal elections and the right to freedom of movement. The path followed by other countries in the process of adapting their constitutions to EU law represents a very rich constitutional experience; therefore, this article clarifies concrete issues presented by the Kosovo Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates why anti-democratic laws persist in democratic societies, focusing on South Korea's National Security Act (NSA). Enacted in 1948, the NSA restricts freedom of expression and movement to deter pro-North Korea behaviour. Despite being at odds with the tenets of liberal democracy, the act remains in place. Existing public opinion data indicates modest to strong support for the law, but measurement concerns leave much to be desired. Using a choice-based conjoint, we test the impact of democratic norms and national security rationales on various policy propositions related to the NSA, including its abolition. Results show widespread support for the Act, driven by both democratic norms and security concerns. Progressives are more likely to support revisions limiting the scope of the Act on the basis that it safeguards democracy, but they agree with conservatives that it should not be abolished. This research contributes to understanding South Korea's post-democratic transition and the balance between national security and democracy more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the protection of victims of forced migration from the perspective of the philosophy of law and international human rights law. On the one hand, it focuses on the origin and philosophical-legal foundations of human dignity and its practical requirements as a legal principle. Understood in this sense, dignity is considered as the foundation of the most basic human rights; and implies universally enforceable legal prerogatives in favor of all persons, by the mere fact of their human nature; and without considering exogenous factors, such as origin or nationality. Within this context, fundamental notions such as ius communcationis, or the right of sociability of human beings and hospitality, which entail a common use of the universal land within the comunitas orbis or universal community, are recovered. It is concluded that, despite the efforts and the many legal instruments that exist in this regard, and which are based on the dignity of the individual, the protection afforded to them in practice is not sufficient. The reason for this lies in several factors, in particular, in the fact that although human dignity can be considered as the basis for the recognition of human rights on equal terms, its scope is limited to the most fundamental rights, such as life or the prohibition of torture and inhuman and degrading treatment, but does not imply more specific rights such as freedom of movement or residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Nisu is the property of Law Faculty in Nis and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of KUL Journal of Legal Studies / Studia Prawnicze KUL is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lubin / Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nuevo Foro Penal is the property of Universidad EAFIT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper considers the usefulness of tragedy as a historical source, specifically on the question of personal freedoms in fifth-century Athens. The underlying methodological principle is that we must consider tragedy as drama before we consider it as evidence. The paper looks first briefly at free speech and then, at greater length, at freedom of movement, with a specific focus on the movement of female characters. Through an examination of first entrances in the extant plays, I try to uncover what assumptions were shared between poet and audience about a woman’s ability to leave the house and enter the public spaces of the city. Within the limitations of the evidence, it appears that (1) tragic women almost always make their first entrance from the stage building in plays where that building represents a house or palace, and (2) there are social constraints on the freedom of unmarried women in tragedy. However, there are frequent variations from this pattern. Tragic freedoms and unfreedoms emerge as contestable and subject to perceived social status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a systematic literature review of 84 English-language publications which analysed findings concerning how institutions addressed and moderated different patterns and challenges of migration and mobility within the European right of free movement zone. The synopsis of the publications shows the ignorance of many institutions towards migrating and mobile EU citizens, due to conflicts of interest and the dismissal of responsibilities. The lack of coordination between political levels and the missing implementation of equal rights have exclusionary effects for vulnerable groups and show ambivalences of the European integration process.

The international system of obligatory passports, as it exists today, was established at the beginning of the First World War. After the Armistice, the League of Nations tried to abolish it, but several governments delayed it. This article analyzes how the French press of the interwar period called for the abolition of passports. Seen as a "vexation", the passport was deemed "useless" after the war. So why wasn’t it abolished? Among the reasons for maintaining passports, we explore the hypothesis of political “utility”: the regime of obligatory passports enabled governments to refuse passports and thus to control the transnational activity of political opponents.