Search

Based on a state policy perspective, this paper seeks to present the path of Brazil’s participation in United Nations (UN) peace operations, from its genesis in 1947 to the present day, with the intent to comprehend whether there is a progressive and evolutionary pattern in these engagement efforts, and which would be the main challenges, contributions and future orientations to the country in this matter. To this end, in a first moment, the text will bring a conceptual discussion regarding the different definitions and understandings on peace operations. Subsequently, we will analyze the evolution of UN peace operations throughout its 70 years and the Brazilian positions during this period. In a third moment, we will present final considerations, identifying the upcoming challenges and the main possible perspectives for Brazil to engage in future peace operations. The intention, therefore, is to ascertain whether peacekeeping operations, as an instrument of international politics aligned to the guidelines of Brazilian defense and foreign policies, should continue to be supported by Brazil or if new reorientations are necessary as a national strategy.

COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR A literatura de prevenção de conflitos violentos que trata de eficácia da ação preventiva ressalta que as chances de sucesso tendem a aumentar quando a prevenção é estrutural e quando a abordagem é multissetorial. A pesquisa realizada indica que, antes de se falar na eficácia da ação preventiva, deve-se verificar a existência das condicionantes da ação preventiva, que limitam ou favorecem o envolvimento de atores internacionais. Argumenta-se que a ação preventiva internacional está condicionada a três elementos: (i) a construção de um conceito de prevenção; (ii) a criação de mecanismos que visem à implementação de tal conceito; e (iii) a interpretação do contexto local como sendo passível de interferência com objetivos preventivos. A pesquisa conclui que, nos casos do Kosovo e da ex-República Iugoslava da Macedônia, a promoção do discurso de prevenção por atores internacionais não leva necessariamente à sua adaptação institucional. Além disso, ainda que mecanismos estejam disponíveis aos potenciais preventores internacionais, só serão implementados se a situação concreta for interpretada como passível de prevenção. Destaca-se ainda que os casos em estudo reforçam o entendimento da literatura ao demonstrar que as chances de sucesso das medidas preventivas foram menores no Kosovo devido à inação e à ação superficial, tardia e descoordenada de alguns atores internacionais. A ação preventiva na Macedônia, por sua vez, teve maiores chances de sucesso porque teria sido estrutural e multissetorial - devido à interpretação que se fez do contexto local na época da iminência das crises. According to the literature of conflict prevention who deals with the effectiveness of preventive action, chances of success tend to rise when prevention is structural, and when it occurs within a multitrack framework. The results of this research indicate that, before dealing with the effectiveness of preventive action, one must verify the conditionalities of preventive action, which limit or encourage the involvement of international actors in the prevention of violent conflicts. It is argued that international preventive action is conditioned by three elements: (i) the construction of a concept of conflict prevention; (ii) the creation of mechanisms to implement the concept; and (iii) the interpretation of the local context as being preventable by international interference. In the cases of Kosovo and of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the promotion of a preventive discourse by international actors is not enough to induce to institutional changes. Besides, even when mechanisms are available to potential international preventors, they would only be implemented if the situation in loco is interpreted as being preventable. The cases under analysis reinforce the main argument of the literature and demonstrate that chances of success of preventive action were lower in Kosovo because of inaction and also superficial, late and uncoordinated action of the few relevant actors. In its turn, preventive action in Macedonia had higher chances of success because it was a structural and multitrack effort of different actors, thanks to the interpretation of the situation in loco on the very edge of the crises.

CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO Honduras e El Salvador, desde a época de suas independências, em 1821, têm uma relação bastante conflituosa. Após várias tentativas de resolução pacífica de suas disputas fronteiriças, alguns fatores demográficos, políticos e sócioeconômicos são agregados à natureza da relação desses dois Estados e dão origem, em julho de 1969, a um confronto armado conhecido por - Guerra do Futebol - ou - Guerra das Cem Horas -.A resolução imediata, ou administração, da Guerra do Futebol foi realizada pela Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), através da atuação coordenada de quatro de seus órgãos: a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, o Conselho Permanente, o Secretário Geral e a Reunião de Consulta dos Ministros das Relações Exteriores. A principal contribuição do presente trabalho, trazida à tona através da análise da ação coletiva da OEA no caso em estudo, permite concluir que esta organização exerceu três importantes papéis, que contribuíram para a resolução imediata da Guerra do Futebol, a saber: (i) ator autônomo; (ii) modificador do comportamento do Estado; e (iii) arena/espaço de discussão. Ademais, trata-se de um conflito que não conta com a participação, direta ou indireta, do membro mais poderoso da OEA, o que configura uma exceção à política intervencionista norteamericana para a América Latina na década de 1960. Honduras and El Salvador, since their independences in 1821, have a conflicting relationship. After countless attempts to achieve a peaceful resolution in their frontier disputes, new factors - demographic, political and socioeconomical - are added to the nature of the relationship between these two states and would give rise, in July 1969, to a armed conflict known as - Soccer War - or Hundred-years War -. The immediate resolution of the Soccer War was accomplished by the Organization of the American States (OAS), through a coordinated action of four of its main bodies, that is, of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, the Permanent Council, the Secretary-General and the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs.The main contribution of this study, brought up through the analysis of the OAS collective action in this case, leads to the conclusion that this organization has played three main roles, which have largely contributed to the immediate resolution of the Soccer War, namely (i) autonomous actor; (ii) modifier of state behavior; and (iii) forum/space for dialogue. Moreover, it is worth noting that the most powerful member of the OAS has not participated, nor direct or indirect, to the achievement of the immediate resolution of this conflict, which can be considered as an exception to the North-American interventionist politics towards Latin America in the 1960s.

Este estudo analisa as oportunidades de uma acrescida participação de policiais brasileiros nas operações de paz (OPs) da ONU, oferecendo subsídios para facilitar tais contribuições e maximizar seu impacto na inserção internacional do país. Após a apresentação da evolução geral das OPs, com ênfase em seu componente de rule of law, o texto se debruça sobre as tarefas, a doutrina e os desafios da atuação histórica de policiais em operações de paz, oferecendo exemplos concretos, e discute os arranjos institucionais que governam os componentes policiais, inclusive seu recrutamento e treinamento. Na terceira parte, faz-se o mapeamento dos processos internos ao Brasil, com destaque a três fases: antes, durante e depois do desdobramento. Inicia-se a apresentação com os processos de seleção (concurso). Discutem-se ainda os procedimentos imediatamente anteriores ao desdobramento, relacionados ao treinamento dos selecionados, à provisão de documentos e ao preparo pelos serviços de saúde. Em seguida, analisa-se detalhadamente o próprio desdobramento, com ênfase no contato com o Brasil e nas questões legais e financeiras. Na quarta e última parte do texto são oferecidos subsídios concretos para o contínuo aproveitamento desta participação como oportunidade para assegurar o crescente perfil do Brasil nesta atividade de destaque da política internacional. Estes se dividem em algumas recomendações para os níveis internacional, federal (brasileiro) e estadual/distrital. This paper analyzes the opportunities for greater participation of Brazilian police officers in United Nations peace operations, offering recommendations for facilitating such contributions and maximizing their impact with a view to Brazil’s international profile. Following a presentation of the general evolution of peace operations with an emphasis on the rule of law component, the text introduces the tasks, doctrine and challenges of past police participation in these operations, using concrete examples, and discusses the national institutional arrangements that govern police components, including recruitment and training. The text’s third section maps Brazilian internal processes, essentially in three phases: before, during and after deployment. The analysis begins with the selection process and training. Still before deployment, there is discussion of the provision of documents and health services to those deployed. Deployment itself is treated in some detail, with emphasis on officers’ communication with Brazil and on legal and financial questions. The fourth and final section offers concrete policy recommendations for the continued utility of these contributions as an opportunity to strengthen Brazil’s profile in an important international activity. The policy inputs are divided between the international, (Brazilian) federal and state levels.

Featuring a stable democracy and dizzying economic growth, Brazil is fast on the way to acquiring global power status. The country is investing in enhanced multilateral and bilateral relationships as a means of leveraging trade and reducing vulnerability abroad and on the domestic front. This chapter demonstrates how Brazil has increasingly aligned its foreign policy with a ‘South–South Cooperation’ (SSC) agenda as a means of achieving these parallel objectives. But while Brazil’s trade activities have received attention, there has been comparatively less focus on the country’s aid policy and practice. Moreover, there is surprisingly little discussion of how the country’s foreign policy pillars – trade and aid – are explicitly linked. The chapter demonstrates how Brazil’s emerging aid agenda is fundamentally informed by trade considerations. Over the past decade Brazil has positioned its foreign policy agenda in such a way as to re-shape the global terms of trade in its favour and decrease its dependency both internationally and domestically. Brazil’s relatively modest development aid allocations are amplified by a wider effort to advance trade, foreign direct investment and technology transfer. Brazil seeks to expand to new markets for its products, services and investment, it anticipates that its South–South Development Cooperation (SSDC) stance will facilitate the extension of its influence in bilateral and multilateral arrangements, including the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the United Nations Security Council.

Jouissant d’une democratie stable et d’une croissance economique vertigineuse, le Bresil est en passe de devenir une puissance mondiale. Le pays s’attelle aujourd’hui a renforcer ses relations multilaterales et bilaterales en vue de promouvoir le commerce et de reduire sa vulnerabilite a l’etranger et au niveau national. Cet article montre comment le Bresil a progressivement aligne sa politique etrangere sur la cooperation Sud-Sud (CSS) dans le but d’atteindre ces objectifs paralleles. Si les priorites politiques du Bresil en matiere de commerce ont retenu l’attention, il en est tout autrement de ses politiques et de ses pratiques en matiere d’aide au developpement. En outre, il est surprenant de constater que le lien explicite entre ces deux piliers de la politique etrangere bresilienne que sont le commerce et l’aide ne suscite guere de debat. Le present article cherche a demontrer que le nouveau programme d’aide du Bresil repose fondamentalement sur des considerations commerciales. Au cours des dix dernieres annees, le Bresil s’est en effet attache a positionner son programme de politique etrangere de maniere a remodeler les termes mondiaux de l’echange en sa faveur et a diminuer sa dependance aux niveaux international et national. Les attributions relativement modestes de l’aide au developpement du Bresil augmentent avec l’effort plus general de faire progresser le commerce, l’investissement etranger direct et le transfert technologique. En cherchant de nouveaux marches pour ses produits, services et investissements, le Bresil escompte que sa position en faveur de la cooperation pour le developpement Sud-Sud (CDSS) l’aidera a renforcer son influence dans les organisations bilaterales et multilaterales, y compris au sein de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) et du Conseil de securite de l’ONU.