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For Dewey education is the growth of mental powers, where 'growth' has no fixed content but involves the increasing harmonization of individuals with society. That harmonization must respect the uniqueness of each person and his capacity for intelligence. Education aims to develop a model democratic society, which Dewey sees as similar to an ideal community of scientific inquirers. That comparison is highly questionable, however. Dewey's curricular emphases include science, geography, history, literature, and fine arts, the last two of which promote a greater appreciation for all of human life--provided society is not too separated into classes. Related to social division is what he considers the false problems of epistemology, with its separation between mind and world. But Dewey's failure to think more rigorously about the relation of philosophy to science makes his philosophy a poor bulwark against postmodernism.

Recent models on the relationship between corruption and democracy suggest an inverted U relationship, wherein corruption rises with democracy but declines over time. The study tests this model and shows that corruption's turning point happens between 10-12 years of new democracies and that democracy's durability increases with income per capita.

Drawing upon Karl Polanyi's journalistic writings and unpublished lectures from the 1920s and 1930s, this article reconstructs the lineaments of his research programme that was to assume its finished form in The Great Transformation. It identifies and corrects a common misinterpretation of the thesis of that book, and argues that Polanyi's basic theoretical framework is best conceived as Tonniesian: market society is Gesellschaft, while the 'protective counter-movement' of The Great Transformation is Gemeinschaft, understood dynamically. It examines the two central mechanisms by which, in Polanyi's understanding, Gesellschaft broke down in the mid-twentieth century: the 'clash between democracy and capitalism' and the 'perverse effects' whereby political intervention in markets impairs profitability and saps the vitality of the market system. Keywords: Karl Polanyi; Ferdinand Tonnies; perverse effects doctrine; Great Depression; capitalism; democracy.

The politics of innovation involves displacements between various interrelated settings ranging from the context of design to the context of use. This variety of settings and their particular qualities raise questions about the democratic implications of displacements, which have been addressed within science and technology studies for decades from different perspectives and along various theoretical strands. This article distinguishes five different traditions of conceptualizing the relation between technological innovation and democracy: an intentionalist, a proceduralist, an actor-network, an interpretivist, and a performative perspective. They differ in their concepts of 'technology' 'politics,' and 'democracy'; they imply different roles for the analyst and they suggest or urge other political means. It is suggested that spelling out the differences and similarities between the five perspectives creates the possibility to overcome the limitations of any particular perspective of technology and democracy. Keywords: technology; innovation; displaced politics; democracy

In this article the positive correlations that exist between cognitive ability, education, and positively valued political conditions are described. Higher stages of moral judgment fostered by cognitive ability that is needed for the function of democratic rules in society were the mediator of the relationships.

The World Bank has been increasingly involved in reforming Latin America's education systems. However, compliance with World Bank directives varies greatly. Recent scholarship has made significant progress in fashioning an explanation for this variation by focusing on the presence of democracy. This article takes the literature a step further by identifying the mechanism by which democracy matters. Specifically, variations in executive authority are key factors in explaining the adoption of controversial World Bank directives. The authors argue that a government's ability to implement World Bank reforms and overcome popular dissent, if present, is a function of executive authority. They examine executive authority using several measures to test their hypotheses on a 20-year panel of 17 American states from 1980 to 2000. Results indicate that newly democratized governments and strong executives are indeed more successful in passing World Bank reforms. Keywords: World Bank; education; Latin America; democracy

Despite many trends that have been commonly assumed to enrich societal well-being, this article posits that in addition to benefits there are also costs associated with democratization. This article comparatively analyzes the effects of democratic transition on women's health in democratizing well-developed as compared with developing countries across the world. Considering the junction of positive and negative outcomes of democratization, the author argues that to women the costs of democratization are much more substantial than to men because their societal roles are less valued and life for most women is centered at home and, hence, is not considered to be of public concern. Thus far, democratization's costs to women have been largely overlooked, not only in terms of economic opportunities but also in terms of their impact on women's health. These costs cannot be ignored as they limit women's empowerment and endanger national health. KEYWORDS. Democracy and motherhood, gender equality and democracy, reproductive health

The development of democracy in Korea since 1987 and its implications for critical analyses of Third World democratization is described. The relationship between the Korean Democratic Labour Party and the mass labour movement when examined shows that the development of such mass movements has been limited.

Through a systematic foregrounding of temporality as a framework of analysis, the dynamics of nee-liberal globalization and the revolution in ICTs constitute a new epistemological context. From this perspective the world as an economic, social, cultural, and political postmodernity becomes apparent. The article argues that liberal democracy was created and evolved in a specific context too. It was one formed through the interactions of Enlightenment thought and capitalist action-both of which were suffused by the temporality of the clock. For nearly three-hundred years we have taken for granted its meter of the clock as the measure of temporal reality, and have similarly accepted that liberal democracy functions on the same temporal basis. This has blinded us to a 'social acceleration' that has developed through the convergence of nee-liberal economics and ICTs to the point where liberal democracy and its clock time functioning simply cannot synchronize with the times of the network society. Classical liberal democracy has been rendered ineffectual as a means of democratic action, and nee-liberal globalization offers nothing to replace it. KEYWORDS: Acceleration, digitalization, neo-liberal democracy, networks, temporality.

Inglehart and Norris argue that the core clash between the Islamic world and the West is over issues concerning gender equality rather than democracy. However, a comparison between Arab and non-Arab Muslim societies is essential before drawing this conclusion. Here, we compared nations from each society and found significant differences in attitudes toward gender equality, democratic governance and religious identities. We analyzed models predicting support for democracy including views toward gender equality in each set of countries. In non-Arab Muslim countries, there were higher levels of support for women's rights, and those who supported gender' equality were significantly more likely to support democracy. The reverse was true in the Arab Muslim countries. We argue that for a complete and unbiased form of democracy to emerge in the Arab Middle East, a rule of law that would protect gender equality, minority rights and citizen inclusion would need to be instituted. KEY WORDS democratization / gender equality / Muslim world

Crime data from International Crime Survey were analyzed to compare the crime prevention and crime rates in democratic and non-democratic countries. It was found that democratic countries punish serious crimes more severely, which results in lower rates of major crimes. Detailed comparison of prison sentence length, prisoners per crime and clearance rates in democratic and non-democratic governments is presented.

Dirigisme, which is a group of economic development standards, contradicts democracy by discouraging experimentalism in individuals. Economic development can be achieved through a better strategy, a learning approach that focuses on the importance of supply and demand. How democracy, learning, and experimentalism promote economic growth better than dirigisme is discussed.

In this article, I consider intercaste negotiations in defining ethically desirable sociopolitical relationships in contemporary Orissa, India. Democratization following local self-government reforms led to the inclusion of hitherto marginalized voices in local political dialogue. Particularly notable is subalterns' employment of egalitarian sacrificial ethics to reinterpret the ontology of caste as founded on participation and cooperation of equal parts rather than on the colonially traditionalized hegemonic values of hierarchy and domination. This may be seen as an attempt to establish a vernacular democracy that mediates embodied sociopolitical morality and the idea and institution of equal participation. [democracy, morality, subalterns, postcoloniality, the vernacular, civil society, political society]

Byline: David Dorn (1), Justina A.V. Fischer (2), Gebhard Kirchgassner (3), Alfonso Sousa-Poza (1) Keywords: culture; democracy; happiness; institutions; utility; I31; H10; D02 Abstract: We analyze the relation between democracy and perceived subjective well-being while controlling for other relevant determinants such as culture measured by languages. We conduct a cross-national analysis covering 28 countries using data from the 1998 International Social Survey Programme. Contrasting existing empirical evidence, we observe a significant positive relationship between democracy and happiness even when controlling for income and culture measured by language and religion. The effect of democracy on happiness is stronger in countries with an established democratic tradition. Author Affiliation: (1) FAA-HSG, University of St. Gallen, Guisanstrasse 92, 9010 , St. Gallen, Switzerland (2) LSE-STICERD, London School of Economics, London, United Kingdom (3) SIAW-HSG, CESifo and Leopoldina, University of St. Gallen , St. Gallen, Switzerland Article History: Registration Date: 11/08/2006 Received Date: 14/07/2006 Accepted Date: 09/08/2006 Online Date: 26/09/2006 Article note: Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Workshop on Happiness, Economics and Interpersonal Relationships (4/12/2004), the International Conference of Panel Data Users in Switzerland (26/02/2005), the American Public Choice Society Conference (10/03/2005), the Annual Conference of the Swiss Society for Statistics and Economics (17/03/2005), and the European Public Choice Society Conference (3/04/2005). We would like to thank conference participants and particularly Alois Stutzer for helpful comments. We thank the Swiss National Science Foundation for financial support (Grant-No. 5004-58524).

Many empirical studies indicate that economic freedom in society is positively correlated with prosperity and growth, while democracy exhibits mixed correlations. However, these studies do not control for the possible interaction of these two types of freedoms or their respective influences on social welfare. This empirical analysis examines the interaction of economic freedom and democracy on measures of health, education, and disease prevention in society. The results imply that greater economic freedom consistently enhances these welfare measures, even among more democratic countries. Democracy has a smaller positive influence that disappears for many welfare measures in countries with more economic freedoms. Key words--economic freedom, democracy, institutions, social welfare

What factors have promoted and retarded the spread of the Internet globally? The Internet is one example of the diffusion of technology, Much as other technologies, the Internet has diffused unevenly across countries, raising concerns over a ''digital divide.' My main proposition is that its spread has been driven by neither technological nor economic factors alone. Rather, political factors exert a powerful influence. Groups that believe they will lose from the Internet rise political institutions to enact policies that block the spread of the Internet. Some political institutions make this easier than others. Data from roughly 190 countries from 1991 to 2001 show that a country's regime type matters greatly, even when controlling for other economic, technological, political, and sociological factors. Democratic governments facilitate the spread of the Interact relative to autocratic ones. Thus, the spread of democracy may help reduce the digital divide. Keywords: technology diffusion; democracy; Internet; digital divide

We investigate the determinants of regulatory reforms during 1990-98 in 50 developing countries. We find that the reforms are attributable to differences in the configurations of interest groups and in the political structure--in particular, the decision-making mechanisms and the ideology of the legislature. Regulatory reforms are more likely in countries with strong proreform interest groups (a larger financial sector and a greater proportion of urban consumers) and less likely in countries where incumbent operators have already made large investments and hence have strong incentives to oppose the reforms. Democracy facilitates the actions of interest groups. Key words--democracy, telecommunications, regulation, political structure, special interest groups, developing countries

The comment analyses the results of J. TavareE s paper, namely that democracy in itself does not prevent terrorism but it helps to mitigate the recovery from terror attacks. It identifies new areas for research on other aspects of terrorism and extremist groups.

The comment analyzes the results of J. Tavare' s paper, namely that democracy in itself does not prevent terrorism but it helps to mitigate the recovery from terror attacks. It identifies new areas for research on other aspects of terrorism and extremist groups.

Public administration, although born and reared as a child of political and constitutional democracy, the coherence of its central purpose eroded into a set of promiscuous relationships. It is hoped that the field advance to and adult form of lasting commitment to a reaffirmed set of values.

This paper assesses the effects of the growth of democracy on various measures of well-being in transition economies throughout the world and in post-communist countries over the past three decades. The results suggest that the effects of democratization on quality of life differ across gender. Specifically, while democracy has positive effects overall, the quality of life for women declines on several key measures, especially in the area of economic opportunities. The results also demonstrate vast differences in the effects of democratization between the world in general and the post-communist region. The study suggests that comprehensive investigation of democratization requires regional and gender-specific analyses. These differing effects of democracy need to be considered as policies develop in transitional democracies.

The relationship between economic development and democratization offers a central focus in linking comparative and international politics. Analysts agree that economic development facilitates democratization but that the relationship is considerably less than perfect. Should advocates of the democratic peace argument prove to be correct in emphasizing the role of regime type in pacifying international politics, an obvious question becomes, What else drives democratization besides economic development? In this article, the authors explore the relationship between domestic development, in the form of economic growth and democratization, and international conditions. They suggest that a number of international factors, such as external threat, conflict, and trade openness, can aid or abet democratization and economic growth. To systematically analyze one facet of this proposition they use both robust regression and generalized estimating equations and find that the international environment significantly alters democracy. External threats from other states tend to decrease democracy. Keywords: democracy, development, threat, international

How do domestic political institutions affect the propensity to initiate international conflict? We improve theoretical understanding of and empirical knowledge on this question. We describe three major types of democratic institutional characteristics that have been hypothesized to increase the constraints on conflict initiation: public electoral participation, intra-legislative factors, and a stronger legislature in relation to the executive. Using a Generalized Estimating Equations (GEE) model to analyze 37 democracies in the period 1919-1992, we find that higher political participation levels decrease the likelihood of initiating an international dispute and that neither the number of parties nor the nature of the ruling coalition affects the likelihood of initiating a dispute. The evidence is mixed on whether variation in executive-legislative constraints makes initiation more likely. These findings highlight the significance of public consent for the formation of democratic foreign policy.

This article studies the effect of direct democracy on the size and diversity of state interest group populations, providing an empirical test of a formal model of how access to the initiative process affects group formation and activities (Boehmke 2000). The model predicts that more groups mobilize and become active in initiative states; this prediction is confirmed by the regression analysis in this paper: direct democracy increases a state's interest group population by about 17%. With an additional assumption, I also generate and test the hypothesis that the increase is disproportionately centered among traditionally underrepresented citizen groups, relative to business and economic groups. This hypothesis is also empirically supported: citizen interest group populations are increased by 29% whereas the increase is only 12% for economic groups, suggesting that direct democracy increases diversity in interest group representation.

This article examines the reasons why some states choose risky policies while others are more cautious when interacting with the international system. The authors suggest that democratic peace theory affects risk preferences, and analyze European countries between 1816-1992 to determine the levels of democracy after risk taking; democracies are found to take risk aversion policies, but countries in transition are more likely to take risks than more stable states.