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Werner Paravicini. Adlig leben im 14. Jahrhundert. Weshalb sie fuhren: Die Preußenreisen des europäischen Adels. Tl. 3. Vestigia Prussica 2. Göttingen: V & R unipress, 2020. 807 pp. ISBN: 978-3-8471-1128-3.

Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama Lietuvos didžiųjų kunigaikščių Gedimino (1316–1341) ir Algirdo (1345–1377) laiškuose reprezentuojama teisingumo samprata. Ji atskleidžiama pasitelkiant vėlyvųjų viduramžių epochos politinių idėjų istorijos tyrimus. Atliekant šį lyginamojo pobūdžio tyrimą, siekiama: pirma, identifikuoti lotyniškosios Europos politinio mąstymo sroves, turinčias sąlyčio taškų su tuo, ką sąlyginai galima vadinti prigimtinio teisingumo lietuviškąja versija; antra, išryškinti tas lotyniškosios Europos politinio mąstymo sroves, kurių tapomas tarptautinių santykių vizijas galėtume laikyti labiausiai nederančiomis su Gedimino ir Algirdo laiškuose reiškiamais principais. Comparative research has disclosed that a dialogue between Lithuania’s pagan rulers Gediminas and Algirdas on one hand, and Christian believers on the other, was made possible thanks to the existence of Natural Law and its derivative natural justice. The most pronounced traits of natural justice, as far as the concept of international relations on the part of Lithuania’s rulers is concerned, were the following: the right to defend oneself against violence, diplomatic immunity, and the duty to abide by treaties. The letters of grand dukes Gediminas and Algirdas underline the right to self-defence in terms that are readily comprehensible in the light of the theory of a just war. The paradox of the grand ducal admonitions addressed to Christians lies in the fact that pagan rulers called on Christians to adhere to treaties and agreements that were corroborated by sacred rituals.

GREAT EVENTS AS REFLECTED IN THE MEMORIAL BOOK OF FRIARS MINOR CONVENTUAL: EIGHTEENTH TO EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY The aim of this article is to establish which events of greater historical impact and in what manner affected the community of the Lithuanian Friars Minor Conventual. The article attempts to uncover what historical events were noticed, how they were reflected and thus inscribed in the collective memory of the Conventual Franciscans based primarily, but not exclusively, in Vilnius. The principal object of this investigation is the Memoriale of the Friars Minor Conventual that began to be compiled in 1702 by fr. Antoni Gumowski and received its final shape at the hands fr. Antoni Niewiarowski in 1842. This manuscript is kept at the Lithuanian State Historical Archive (f. 1135, ap. 20, b. 669). It includes miscellaneous materials relating to the culture of memoria as was practiced at the convent of Vilnius. For the sake of comparison, the information contained in the necrologies of the Valkininkai convent has also been used. The idea is, that memorial books containing detailed biographies of famous friars broke out of the limits of being a strictly necrological commemoration and approached to chronicling contemporary events. The local collective identity of the Vilnius Friars Minor Conventual rested on the memory of the Franciscan martyrs of Vilnius (fourteenth century) and the first two bishops of Vilnius, who were Franciscan friars themselves: Andrzej Jastrzębiec (1388–1398) and Jakub Plichta (1398–1407). The description of events and the enumeration of the names of friars of the fifteenth–sixteenth centuries indicate that all this data was transmitted through the mediation of written records and notes. The 1610 fire of Vilnius may be viewed as the oldest event inscribed in the living memory of the early eighteenth-century Franciscan community. Other events that became seared into their collective memory are the mid-seventeenth century Muscovite invasion, the Swedish occupation of Vilnius in 1702, the great pestilence of 1710, and the First Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. All these events of greater historical significance provided stimulus to produce a number of detailed descriptions of local events as lived through by the local Franciscan communities and individual friars. Their experiences range from a collective dislocation of communal life to the individual martyrdoms. The Vilnius Memoriale also describes events related to the Russian imperial policy in a matter-of-fact fashion, allowing a reader to draw conclusions as to the policy of interference, control and the eventual suppression of monastic communities and their convents. Keywords: Lithuanian Friars Minor Conventual, necrology, cultural memory, local history, political history, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

Šis straipsnis - pirmasis Lietuvos didžiosios kunigaikštienės Julijonos Algirdienės († 1392 03 17) biografinio tyrimo bandymas, paremtas kritiniu pirminių šaltinių nagrinėjimu. Juo taip pat siekiama užaštrinti moterų padėties pagonybės laikų Lietuvos visuomenėje refleksiją. Tyrimas atliktas taikant analitinį ir palyginamąjį istorijos šaltinių nagrinėjimo metodą, stengiantis kiek įmanoma griežčiau skirti vienalaikių šaltinių teikiamą informaciją nuo vėlesnės istoriografinės tradicijos suformuotų įvaizdžių. Straipsnyje kvestionuojami šiuolaikinėje istoriografijoje ir mūsų dienų kultūrinėje atmintyje įsigalėję stereotipai apie didelę Julijonos politinę įtaką Lietuvos politiniame gyvenime. Tuo siekiama atkreipti dėm esį ir į istorinių šaltinių informacijos problemiškumą, ir aiškiau apibūdinti pagonybės laikų Lietuvos politinės kultūros formuotus rėmus, brėžusius ribas valdančiosios dinastijos atstovių politiniam veikimui. Šiame straipsnyje daugiausia dėm esio skiriama Algirdo ir Julijonos vedybų aplinkybių nušvietimo klausimui, apsiribojant jų bendro gyvenimo laikotarpiu iki Algirdo mirties 1377 m. This article is the first attempt of the biographic research o f Grand Duchess Uliana Algirdienė of Lithuania (d. 17/03/1392), based on the critical analysis of primary sources. It is also aimed at pointing out the reflection of the role of women in the pagan Lithuanian society. The research was carried out by means of the analytical and comparative method of historical source analysis with a view to separate as distinctly as possible the information derived from Contemporary sources from the im ages im posed by later historiographic tradition. The article questions the stereotypes related to U liana’s great political pow er in Lithuania’s political life that are w ell-established in m odem historiography and present-day cultural memory. With this an attempt is made to draw attention to the problematic nature o f information derived from historical sources as w ell as to more distinctly define the frames im posed by the political culture o f pagan Lithuania w hich clearly marked the boundaries for the political activities o f w om en representing the ruling dynasty. This article for the m ost part dw ells on the issues related to the coverage o f Algirdas and U liana’s marriage and the period o f their married life up to Algirdas’ death in 1377.

On 3 December 1522, the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania Sigismund the Old issued a charter whereby he confirmed all donations and emoluments granted by his predecessors, by magnates, boyars, and townspeople to the Franciscans of Vilnius established 'there in, about 1387. The documents were brought to the royal attention by prior George of Cracow who asserted that he managed to collect only 54 ones, while the rest must have perished due to the lack of care on the part of his own predecessors. Fortunately, the prior was not right as no less than 27 additional documents did survive to this day. The analysis of all of them (81) allowed us to break down the patrons into such groups as grand dukes 4 (4.9%), magnates 15 (18.5%), boyars 55 (67.9%), and townspeople 7 (8.6%). It was then possible to establish what kind of relations and by what families were maintained between lay people and friars. It has turned out that grand dukes and magnates provided only grants and did this up to the mid-15th century, while townspeople and boyars displayed a more variegated pattem of relations ranging from grants to sales for real price to sales below the real value. The most intense relations between the friars and the boyars started sometime in the mid-15th century, and this correlates well with the advancement of boyars as founders and patrons of churches and undertakers of other charitable activities. The charter of 1522 contains information relevant to the establishment of the mother-house of the Lithuanian Franciscans and its subsequent rise to prominence. It also displays data valuable in terms of historical geography and persons involved. The reason for the making of this charter is to be viewed in the attempts of the Franciscans to safeguard their holdings around the manor of Kena and inside Vilnius by having them declared to be exempt from secular authorities and placed under the regime of ecclesiastical immunity. This concern was timely enough as the movement of Protestant Reformation was gathering pace in German lands and was already felt in this part of Europe as well. Appendix 1 contains a critical edition of this hitherto unpublished charter. Its original is kept in Cracow, at Biblioteka Naukowa PAU i PAN - Ms. 481.

Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip sparčiai ir sėkmingai lietuvių kariuomenė perimdavo karybos naujoves, atsakydama į iššūkius, mestus Vokiečių ordino XIII–XIV a. Remiantis daugiausia rašytiniais šaltiniais siekiama parodyti, kad lietuvių ir Vokiečių ordino kariavimo būdas XIV a. supanašėjo, ryškus atotrūkis, būdingas XIII a. pradžiai, buvo įveiktas. Simboline šio ilgalaikio proceso atomazga galime laikyti 1410 m. Žalgirio mūšį. The article demonstrates a dynamic view of warfare during the war between Lithuanians and the Teutonic Order. Some processes, such as the development of the Lithuanian cavalry and the use of arbalest, had begun in the middle of the 13th century and lasted throughout the 14th century. Apparently, the stud farms of the Lithuanian dukes were first mentioned in the second half of the 14th century. The farms specifically bred heavy war horses. There was an arbalest workshop in Vilnius in the second half of the 14th century and the beginning of the 15th century. It proves the development of cavalry and the increasing use of arbalest. On the other hand, the second half of the 14th century was rich with different technical innovations. Lithuanians started using more complex constructions for wooden castles when stone fortifications must have become more common at that time in Lithuania. Meanwhile, the emergence of wooden bridges and boats made of bark suggest that the troops of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania had people with special skills. Metaphorically, St John’s Castle built in 1398 by the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas on the bank of the river Dnepr in Ukraine embodies all those skills.1 Finally, the duke took over the crusaders’ commonly used way of fighting. Facing the direction of the Black Sea, the castle may symbolize the horizon and boundaries of the farthest goals as the Lithuanians did not manage to keep the territories along the shores of the Baltic Sea similarly to the Teutonic Order in Žemaitija.

Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama krikščionių padėtis pagoniškoje Lietuvoje ir pagonių padėtis krikščioniškosios Lietuvos pirmaisiais metais (iš esmės iki Žemaitijos krikšto, vykusio 1413–1417 m.). Nagrinėjant šį klausimą, būtinas bendresnis Lietuvos christianizacijos (XIII–XV a.) kontekstas, todėl straipsnyje paliečiami atitinkami įvykiai ir procesai. Autorius siūlo remtis grupinės analizės metodu, kuris leistų atskleisti atskirų Lietuvos kunigaikščių ir jų aplinkos žmonių darytą įtaką tiek „ilgai“ išlaikant pagonybę, tiek neskausmingai priimant naująjį krikščionių tikėjimą. Tokia eiga leidžia stebėti, kaip palaipsniui pačioje valdovų giminėje plėtėsi krikščionybės įtaka, galiausiai beveik natūraliai persvėrusi ir pakeitusi pagoniškąjį paveldą, kuris dar iki oficialaus Lietuvos krikšto jau buvo gerokai išsikvėpęs. Autoriaus manymu, „gyvenimo būdo“ diktuojami apsisprendimai gali kur kas geriau paaiškinti krikščionybės priėmimo/nepriėmimo dilemą negu didžiųjų politikos įvykių ir procesų analizė, kuri yra daugelio istorikų „duona kasdieninė“. Todėl krikščionių tikėjimo priėmimą, įvykusį Lietuvoje XIV a. pabaigoje, derėtų aiškinti ne tik, o galbūt ir ne tiek, politikos kūrimo ypatybėmis, kiek tuo, kad tuo metu prie valstybės vairo stojo nauja valdovų (Jogailos ir Vytauto) karta, kuri nuo savo tėvų skyrėsi mentalitetu. Šio virsmo požiūriu svarbi yra krikščionių egzistencija pagoniškoje Lietuvoje, visų pirma Vilniuje ir Kernavėje. Manytina, kad būtent šie žmonės prisidėjo prie to, kad krikščioniškasis pasirinkimas buvo ne tik priimtas, bet ir be didesnių sukrėtimų įgyvendintas (autoriaus manymu, Dlugošo tapomi pagonių šventyklos Vilniuje griovimo ir stabų daužymo vaizdai yra veikiau literatūrinės išmonės, bet ne realiai 1387 m. nutikusių įvykių atspindžiai). Autorius siūlo pagonis visų pirma suvokti kaip nekrikštytus žmones. Tačiau vadinti „pagonimis“ žmones, kuriuos sutiko savo misijos Lietuvoje metu Jeronimas Prahiškis, yra ne visai adekvatu. Šio misionieriaus patirtis Lietuvoje siūloma vertinti ne kaip susidūrimą su „grynąja“ pagonybe, o kaip patekimą į sinkretinę aplinką, kuriai uolusis misionierius turėjo daug priekaištų. This paper deals with the issue of the presence of Christians and pagans in pagan (13th century to 1387) and early Christian Lithuania (from 1387 to the early 15th century). The author proposes to use a group-oriented approach to deal with the question of the political decisionmaking process of accepting or not accepting the Christian faith. It is his contention that the personal "life style" preferences of individual dukes and their entourage were much more decisive than large-scale political calculations that have been given much attention by historians. This approach helps explain the incremental rise of Christianity within the ruling house, which carried the day when new rulers with a different mentality (Grand Duke Jogaila first) came to the helm of the state. The Christian presence was felt most in Vilnius, and to some degree also in Kernavė. Their arrival (from Livonia and Rus’) was encouraged by the pagan rulers of Lithuania to satisfy their need for a skilled workforce. The settlers certainly contributed to the final conversion of Lithuania initiated in 1387, by making the Christian influence a permanent factor and an attractive option. Pagans in Lithuania did not form a coherent religious group; that is why there was no opposition from them when the grand-ducal decision and the council of the boyars became the new rule of the land. Pagans could be encountered in Žemaitija in the early 15th century. Technically, they should be understood as non-baptised people. To treat as "pagan" those people who practised folk ways is problematic, as the excursus on the experiences of Jerome of Prague (c. 1369–c. 1440) shows. The general situation, even very close in the wake of the conversion, might be conceived as one of syncretism, which was the order of the day for people from the lower strata and living far away from churches for many centuries to come.

This paper numerically investigates the sensitivity of an amperometric biosensor acting in the flow injection mode when the biosensor contacts an analyte for a short time. The analytical system is modelled by non-stationary reaction-diffusion equations containing a non-linear term related to the Michaelis-Menten kinetics of an enzymatic reaction. The mathematical model involves three regions: the enzyme layer where enzymatic reaction as well as the mass transport by diffusion takes place, a diffusion limiting region where only the diffusion takes place, and a convective region. The biosensor operation is analysed with a special emphasis to the conditions at which the biosensor sensitivity can be increased and the calibration curve can be prolonged by changing the injection duration, the permeability of the external diffusion layer, the thickness of the enzyme layer and the catalytic activity of the enzyme. The apparent Michaelis constant is used as a main characteristic of the sensitivity and the calibration curve of the biosensor. The numerical simulation was carried out using the finite difference technique.

This paper deals with the last mission of St Bruno of Querfurt (d.9 March 1009) which has received controversial treatment from a number of scholars working independently of each other. This state of affairs may be explained not only by reference to different preferences of scholarly research in the countries of east-central Europe, but also to the fact that the very sources of the martyrdom are rather problematic in themselves. Our research has shown that accounts produced by Peter Damian or Ademar of Chabannes must be taken more seriously than was the case up to now, since they provide details that, taken together with other sources, show that the martyrdom in question caused a mutual rivalry between Polish and Rus'ian rulers, Boleslaw and Vladimir, for the benefits that might have been derived from St Bruno's glorious death and possession of his relics. It is also to be emphasised that St Bruno's last mission was most promising to the local ruler named Nethimer who received baptism but finally failed t...

Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama lenkų kronikininko Jono Dlugošo (1415-1480) pateikiama žinia apie pirmąsias septynias parapines bažnyčias Lietuvoje. Rašydamas apie lietuvių krikštą 1387 m, šis kronikininkas nurodė, kad tais pačiais metais Lenkijos karalius ir Lietuvos didysis kunigaikštis Jogaila pastatė pirmąsias parapines bažnyčias Ukmergėje, Maišiagaloje, Nemenčinėje, Medininkuose (Rytų Lietuvoje), Krėvoje, Obolcuose ir Ainoje. Dauguma tiek Lenkijos, tiek Lietuvos istorikų, tyrusių Katalikų bažnyčios Lietuvoje įsikūrimo pradinį etapą, laikė šią žinią patikima ir net autentiška. Šiame straipsnyje parodoma, kad dokumentiniai šaltiniai neleidžia tokios informacijos priimti už gryną pinigą. Pasitelkus daug pavyzdžių, nušviečiančių bažnytinės organizacijos kūrimąsi kituose kraštuose, nustatyta, kad Jonas Dlugošas pasinaudojo gana plačiai paplitusiu motyvu, kurio nereikia suprasti paraidžiui kaip tam tikros konkretaus veiksmo (ar veiksmų, atliktų 1387 m.) konstatacijos. Septynių bažnyčių motyvą reikia traktuoti kaip simbolinę išraiškos priemonę, kuria pasakoma, kad Katalikų bažnyčia įsikūrė konkrečiame krašte, mūsų atveju - Lietuvoje. Septynių bažnyčių motyvas, pirmą kartą krikščioniškoje raštijoje pasirodęs Apreiškime Jonui, Viduramžių rašytojams tapo vienu iš daugelio sektinų pavyzdžių (toposu). Mūsų nuomone, tas faktas, kad Jogailos amžininkai jį lygino su Romos imperatoriumi Konstantinu Didžiuoju, galėjo būti palanki aplinkybė, kuri galėjo paskatinti ir Joną Dlugošą pasitelkti minėtą septynių bažnyčių motyvą. Straipsnio pabaigoje pabrėžiama, kad aiškinantis Katalikų bažnyčios kūrimosi pradžią Lietuvoje, reikėtų remtis autentiškais vienalaikiais šaltiniais, kurių pagrindu parapinių bažnyčių steigimosi procesas išryškėja kaip spontaniškas ir tęstinis. Manome, kad pirmųjų bažnyčių fundatoriai turėjo vadovautis pirmiausia sielovados reikmėmis naujai christianizuojamame krašte, bet ne "gražia" teorija, kurią sukūrė Jonas Dlugošas. This paper is part of a more comprehensive study intended as a renewed interpretation of the account given by the Polish chronicler, Jan Dlugosz (1415-1480) about the conversion of Lithuania in 1387. For the moment it offers a critical approach to one seemingly unproblematic statement advanced and upheld by Polish and Lithuanian historians alike, a statement according to which Jogaila, the king of Poland and grand duke of Lithuania, established the first seven churches in Lithuania in 1387. This study is conducted on two tracks. First it shows that the documentary evidence for the churches in question (Ukmergė, Maišiagala, Nemenčinė, Medininkai, Krėva, Oboltsy and Haina) is scanty to the point that it does not allow us simply to believe that all the churches were established in one and the same year. Secondly, this article tries to intepret this piece of information supplied by Dlugosz in the light of a number of other accounts of the first steps in building the ecclesiastical organization of particular countries. It becomes clear that the number seven is a conventional number which has been evoked quite frequently in similar situations by other medieval bookmen and also by Dlugosz himself (e. g. while describing the conversion of Poland in 966). The final argument of the article calls for renewed attempts to gain a better understanding of the first decades of established Catholic organization in Lithuania, based on the extant source material rather than conventional cliches that were quite widespread in the chronicles of the Middle Ages.

La presente etude considere le martyre des trois saints orthodoxes (S. Antoine [† 14 janvier], S. Jean [† 24 avril] et S. Eustathe [† 13 decembre]) qui furent executes, aux environs de l'annee 1347, sur l'ordre du Grand Duc lithuanien Algirdas, encore paien. Les differentes sources hagiographiques relatives a ce martyre, issues d'horizons tres divers, ecrites en grec, vieux slavon ecclesiastique, latin, polonais et russe, sont passees en revue. Dans une perspective historiographique, l'A., apres avoir analyse les theories formulees a propos de ce martyre, tente de degager, aussi precisement que possible, les raisons de l'execution des trois saints. Il envisage egalement les repercussions, reelles et supposees, de ce martyre et du culte qui s'ensuivit, depuis le xive siecle jusqu'a nos jours.

The aim of this study is to characterise the phenomenon of the bands of brigands ( latrunculi , Struter ) that were active in the Prussian and Livonian lands of the Teutonic Order and in pagan Lithuania. Although the brigands in this region may be regarded as a phenomenon inherited from tribal society, they continued to live, and even prosper, at the time when state-like structures came into being in the region under consideration. Such a situation was mainly conditioned by a stalemate in the war of the Teutonic Order against pagan Lithuania. The Prussian and Livonian brigands were useful for the Order in their subversive actions against the people living in Lithuania, and so, accordingly, were Lithuanian brigands for the grand dukes of Lithuania. The Teutonic Order and the grand dukes of Lithuania alike had only limited capabilities of interfering with the activities of “their” brigands. This is evident from international treaties in which the activities of brigands of both parties are addressed and some stipulations for their containment are provided (as in Lithuanian-Livonian accords of 1323, 1338, 1367). The grand ducal authority and the brigands coexisted on the mutual respect of each other’s rights. Neither side was willing, nor able to undo the other once and for all. One must also bear in mind that the strict lines of delimitation between brigands and warriors were then non-existent. So it comes as no surprise that certain commanders of the Teutonic Order cultivated the methods of brigandage with ambushes. Although the evidence is rather scantier on the Lithuanian part, it is clear that some Lithuanian dukes and warriors practiced this style of warfare too. Although this kind of martial activities was widespread in other parts of Europe as well, the peculiarity of brigandage between the Teutonic Order and Lithuania is to be seen in their attempts to regulate the behaviour of their brigands by treaties. This implies that both sides tended to regard the brigands as something normal and, in a sense, legal. On either side of the frontier there were quite a lot of people who were engaged in this kind of warfare and lived off the neighbouring land’s resources. Consequently they were not interested in a long-term peace and this partly explains why the war between the Teutonic Order and Lithuania was so prolonged.

The aim of this article is to make an enquiry into the peaceful contacts between the Lithuanians and the Germans, which were bound to take place against the backdrop of continual hostilities in the 14th century. Scholarship has made very much in terms of political history of this war (circumstances and results of military campaigns, their chronological sequence, participants, etc.), but, in our opinion, it has so far not devoted sufficient attention to the fact that even in those circumstances the pagan society of Lithuania was rather receptive to the military and non-military innovations that arrived in the wake of this war. The chronological limits of our paper lie largely in square with those of the chronicle of Wigand of Marburg (1311–1394), a chronicle which, along with that of Peter of Duisburg, supplies the bulk of evidence and spans a rather long period of time to allow us to see what spheres of interaction were most exposed to mutual contacts. In pursuing this aim, we have broken down the availbale material into what follows: a) talks and banquettes of Lithuanian grand dukes with Teutonic knights; b) knights serving at the grand-ducal court; c) German and Lithuanian deserters and d) the movement of military innovations in both directions. It became clear that peaceful contacts were quite intensive between the parties, but they involved only a very limited number of men: such contacts were maintained by Lithuanian dukes and their closest entourage and by the top military officers of the Teutonic Order (mainly grand master and marshal) and the commanders of frontier castles (Ragnit, e. g.). The contacts between them may be regarded as pragmatic in the sense that they were unavoidable in the midst of hostilities when talks on armistice and negotiations over the matters related to prisoners-of-war had to be on the order of the day. This zone of interaction produced a thin social stratum that must be regarded as the main go-between who brought news to one side about the other (they were spies, scouts, deserters and the like). It is also clear that contacts between the Lithuanian grand dukes and the knights were instrumental in stimulating the Lithuanians to adopt certain elements of knightly culture while they were still pagan (the second half of the 14th – first half of the 15th century).

Straipsnyje stengiamasi atskleisti šv. Brunono Kverfurtiečio misionieriaus profilį, ryškėjantį iš jo rašytinio palikimo. Dalyko literatūroje jau seniai pažymėta, kad pagrindiniuose šv. Brunono koriniuose, tokiuose kaip Šv. Adalberto gyvenimas, Penkių brolių kankinių gyvenimas ir Laiškas vokiečių karaliui Henrikui II, gana ryškūs autobiografiniai motyvai. [...] Šv. Brunono raštuose su dideliu patosu aprašomas nuolankus pasiryžimas priimti kančią dėl Kristaus. Šios intymiausios ištarmės rodo, kad šv. Brunonas savo esme buvo taikaus Evangelijos skelbimo šalininkas. Tačiau tai dar ne iki galo atskleidžia šv. Brunono požiūrį į pagonių evangelizavimą apsikritai. Mąstydamas apie krikščionių valdovų priedermes, jis pritarė minčiai, kad jie turį teisę ir pareigą prireikus pavartoti prievartą prieš pagonis, bet tik prieš tuos, kurie atsimetę nuo Bažnyčios arba piktybiškai trukdė laisvam Evangelijos skelbimui. O Evangelijos dar nepažinusiems ar jos negirdėjusiems pagonims, anot šv. Brunono, tinkamas tik taikus tikėjimo skelbimas. Kitas svarbus šv. Brunono raštų bruožas yra tai, kad juose stipriai pabrėžiamos Apaštalų Sosto prerogatyvos sprendžiant misijų reikalus, tad šv. Brunoną galima laikyti popiežiškųjų misijų šalininku. Tokio pobūdžio misijos buvo palankiausios naujakrikštams, nes jos nekeldavo politinio dominavimo klausimo. Dėl gausių minčių apie misijas šv. Brunono raštuose jie yra ypatingos svarbos šaltinis tiriant Viduramžių misijų istoriją. The aim of this article is to reconstruct the picture of the missionary as it appears in the writings of St. Bruno of Querfurt (d. 1009). Scholars have noted for a long time that St Bruno saw a very close link between the missionary calling and martyrdom. From his writings it becomes quite clear that he personally had a desire to suffer martyrdom. Such a desire, however, did not have much in common with a precipitous drive to become a martyr. He saw it, rather, as a crown awaiting the missionary at the end of a long road of self-mortification and self-renunciation. He put forward for himself and for his ascetic readers a three-stage course of perfection: community life (coenobium) for beginners, a life in seclusion (eremus) for the advanced, and the mission to the pagans for the most perfect. Such a course of ascetic life was characteristic of Irish and Anglo-Saxon monks (in the sixth-eighth centuries) whose pilgrimages tended to evolve into missionary trips among the pagans. In the context of medieval missionaries St Bruno stood out as he personally pondered over this issue in a methodological fashion. In the eyes of the saint, preparation for missionary activities should lead to rational martyrdom (rationale martyrium) in which one could hardly fail to notice the original notion of martyrdom as a witness to the Faith. Another noteworthy feature of St Bruno's thoughts may be his insistence on having a papal license to conduct evangelization, which was not asked for usually in his days. Thus, he may be viewed not only as a devotee of St Peter and his successors, but also as an advocate of papal missions, which tended to be most promising to newly converted rulers and their subjects.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjami pirmieji lietuvių ir totorių kontakatai Mindaugo laikais (apie 1240–1263). Tiriant šią problematiką, išryškėjo dvi pagrindinės sritys, kurios reikalauja iš naujo permąstyti „seniai žinomus“ dalykus: a) išaiškėjo, kad lietuviai nedalyvavo „tautų kovoje“ prieš Aukso ordą taip, kaip šį reiškinį vaizdavo R. Batūra, kuris iki šiol yra vienintelio monografinio tyrimo autorius mums rūpima tema; b) atrodo, kad totorių vaidmuo paskutiniaisiais Mindaugo karalystės gyvavimo metais buvo kur kas reikšmingesnis, negu paprastai teigiama istoriografiniuose veikaluose. Tiriant situaciją, susiklosčiusią Rusioje po totorių invazijos 1238–1240 m., išaiškėjo, kad lietuvių kariaunos siekė pasinaudoti Rusioje kilusiu chaosu plėsdamos savo grobiamuosius žygius. Toks lietuvių elgesys rodo, kad jie neieškojo progos susiremti su totoriais, bet elgėsi panašiai kaip vokiečiai ar švedai, kurie tuo pat metu stengėsi Rusioje plėsti savo politinę įtaką. Tyrimo metu paaiškėjo tai, kad totoriai neabejotinai disponavo žiniomis apie lietuvius, ir tai, kad jų gyvenamos žemės nebuvo pagrindinis totorių agresijos taikinys. Turime pagrindo reikšmingas lietuvių ir totorių santykių permainas sieti su Lietuvos karaliaus Mindaugo (nuo 1253 m.) vykdyta politika, kurioje galime atpažinti to meto katalikiškoje Europoje propaguotą Kryžiaus žygio prieš totorius idėją. Mindaugas buvo šios idėjos šalininkas, kaip ir derėjo Apaštalų sosto globotiniui. Mindaugo priešiška totoriams laikysena, kurios turbūt geriausia išraiška buvo 1255 m. jo ir Danieliaus Haličiečio žygis prieš Vozviaglio pilį, paskatino totorių karvedį Burundajų 1258–1259 m. žiemą įsiveržti į Lietuvą. Mūsų nuomone, ši invazija sudrebino Mindaugo valdžios pamatus tiek, kad prasidėjo krikščioniškosios valstybės žlugimas, pasibaigęs karaliaus nužudymu 1263 m. Būtina atkreipti dėmesį į tai, kad XIII a. šeštojo dešimtmečio pabaigoje–septintojo dešimtmečio pradžioje dalis lietuvių (ir jotvingių) buvo pasidavę totorių valdžiai ir dalyvavo jų puolimuose prieš Lenkiją. Totorių pasaulio artumas baltų kraštams XIII a. rodo, kad jau tuo metu tarp jų užsimezgė kontaktai, kurių rezultatai bus geriausiai matyti tik kitame – XIV amžiuje. This article investigates the first contacts between the Lithuanians and the Tatars in Mindaugas' time (ca. 1240–1263). In this period the role of the Tatars seems to be underestimated in historical literature. A study of the situation in the aftermath of the Tatar invasions into Rus' in 1238–1240 reveals that Lithuanian warlords exploited the chaos there by intensifying their plundering assaults. Such Lithuanian behaviour shows that they did not try to clash with the Tatars, instead, like the Germans or the Swedes, the Lithuanians also sought to strengthen their political influence in Rus. The study also reveals that the Tatars were aware of the Lithuanians, whose lands were not the main target of their aggression. A radical change in the relations between the Lithuanians and the Tatars is obvious in connection with King Mindaugas' policy (from 1253) characterised by the idea of a crusade against the Tatars, popular in contemporary Christian Europe. The nearness of the Tatar world to the Baltic countries shows that the contacts established in the thirteenth century would yield fruit only in the fourteenth century.

Dėl vokiečių riterių ordinų agresijos kintanti geopolitinė padėtis bei vis intensyvesnė lietuvių karinė veikla kaimyniniuose kraštuose dažnina tiesioginį karių susidūrimą su kariais. Būtent šiuo atveju reikia paminėti rikiuotės užuomazgą, kuriai pradžią davė pėstieji, nuo žirgų nulipę kariai, o jos pačios nedidelis manevringumas savo funkcija yra artimas sukirstų medžių užtvarai. Glaudus karo susijimas su kasdienybe žymi menką karo dimensijos išsikristalizavimą, jos susipynimą su papročiais, apeigomis ir pan. Tradicinę visuomenę persmelkianti maginė pasaulėjauta buvo naši dirva alogiškai karo – tarsi likimo spėjimo – eigai, kurio kilimo šaltinis būdavęs kraujo kerštas, agresyviai akcentuota kalėdojimo, medžioklės ar vogtinių vestuvių lytis. Išcentrinių tendencijų slopinimo mechanizmas buvo kuriamas dvejopai: kuriant hierarchinę kariaunų struktūrą ir nuginkluojant liaudį. Mindaugas, savo valdžią įtvirtindamas karine jėga, padarė ryžtingą žingsnį dirbtinės giminystės primato iškėlimo prieš kraujo giminystę ir sugebėjo asmeninėje kariaunoje susieti giminės solidarumą ir tarnišką paklusnumą. Valdovas ir karvedys susilieja į vieną asmenį, kurio padėtis pakeičiama mirties, bet ne genties sueigos. Kariaunos principas, transcenduojantis prigimties ribas, pasiekė bendruomeninės organizacijos lygmenį, pradėdamas skirti karo ir darbo prievoles, kuo buvo padarytas kokybinis raitelių ir pėstininkų bendruome nininkų skirtumas. Ši skirstymo sistema garantavo pilių su nuolatinėmis pilėnų įgulomis funkcionavimą, ribojantį vietinį partikuliarizmą, taip pat kavalerijos atsiradimą. Karingumas kaip jėga ima įgyti kontūrus. Kryžiuočių Ordino sustojimą ties Nemunu lėmė ne valsčiaus ar žemės, bet valstybės masto organizacijos veikimas. The geopolitical situation changing due to the aggression of German orders and increasingly intensifying Lithuanian military operations in neighbouring countries make direct soldier confrontations more frequent. This is the beginning of drill, started by cavalry who dismounted from horses. A close connection of war and daily life marks poor crystallization of the war dimension, its intertwining with customs, rites, etc. The magic world outlook transfusing traditional society was a fecund ground for the illogical course of war – as if guessing the fate – which would arise from vendetta, aggressively emphasised form of collecting alms, hunting or “stolen wedding”. The mechanism of suppressing centrifugal tendencies was created in two ways: by creating a hierarchical militarist structure and disarming the people. Mindaugas established his authority by military force, made a resolute step of putting the artificial kinship primacy over blood kinship and managed to relate kinsfolk solidarity and servant’s obedience in his personal soldiery. A ruler and a general become one person whose status is changed by death rather than tribe meeting. The principle of soldiery, transcending the limits of nature, reached the level of a community organisation when it began to distinguish between military and work duties, which resulted in a qualitative differentiation of cavalry and infantry. This system of differentiation guaranteed the functioning of castles with permanent castle garrisons, which restricted local particularism as well as the appearance of cavalry. Militancy began to acquire contours as power. The Teutonic Order was stopped at the River Nemunas by the operation of a state-level rather than volost- or estate-level organisation.