Search

Organisations increasingly use digital nudges to influence their workforces' behaviour without coercion or incentives. This can expose employees to arbitrary domination by infringing on their autonomy through manipulation and indoctrination. Nudges might furthermore give rise to the phenomenon of "organised immaturity." Adopting a balanced approach between overly optimistic and dystopian standpoints, I propose a framework for determining the moral permissibility of digital nudging in the workplace. In this regard, I argue that not only should organisations provide pre-discursive justification of nudges but they should also ensure that employees can challenge their implementation whenever necessary through legitimation procedures. Building on Rainer Forst's concept of the right to justification, this article offers a way to combine contract- and deliberation-based theories for addressing questions in business ethics. I further introduce the concept of meta-autonomy as a capacity that employees can acquire to counter threats of arbitrary domination and to mitigate organised immaturity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Might practical reason be a species of theoretical reason? Can we make sense of practical deliberation as a special kind of theoretical cogitation over what you will do? The prospects of such a reduction may appear dim: it seems like it is one thing to be weighing up what you should (intend to) do, in light of your various reasons for action, and quite another thing altogether to be figuring out what you should believe you will do, in light of your evidence. Here I aim to show how this reduction of our powers of practical reason to a branch of theoretical reason might be defensibly pulled off. On the view to be defended, your intentions to act are really beliefs about what you are will do, practical reasoning is nothing over and above the enterprise of predicting what you are going to do in light of evidence alone, and the constitutive aim of action turns out to be the same as the constitutive object of theoretical reason – namely, to believe the truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the use of citizens' assemblies and other mini-publics as a means of involving citizens directly in political decision-making. It explores whether citizens' assemblies can contribute to problem-solving during times of crisis, such as climate change, wars, pandemics, and social divide. The article presents case studies that demonstrate the capability of citizens' assemblies to overcome societal polarization and find solutions to complex issues. It emphasizes the need for citizens' assemblies to be an established part of the political decision-making system before a crisis occurs. The article concludes that the institutionalization and implementation of citizens' assemblies are necessary to address the challenges faced by democratic societies. [Extracted from the article]

Many countries, including Germany have struggled to agree on ambitious climate action, in part because technocratic policy advice failed to adequately consider the social and political consequences. The combination of science and citizen deliberation could enable a new coalition to stimulate policy learning along different climate policy options. The Ariadne Project was a transdisciplinary research project about different policy options for the German Energy Transition. It facilitated an iterative social learning process between researchers and citizens during focus groups, citizen conferences and online deliberations. As such, this case sheds light on a new culture of science–society relations. To assess if and how learning occurred, we ask whether the involved citizens and researchers have changed their understanding of policy options and of each other. We found that citizens were very enthusiastic about the new learning opportunities, and their roles within them. While researchers appreciated the new experience, they also faced challenges. We argue that despite these challenges, there is inherent value in providing spaces for researchers and citizens to interact with and jointly inform policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the moderating effects of public deliberation on policy support determinants: self-interests, symbolic attitudes and sociotropic perceptions. It explores how individual attitudes and policy preferences evolve during deliberation, focusing on Gyeonggi Province's basic income policy held in 2020 in South Korea. The paper reveals that while public deliberation, through information and group discussions, reduces the influence of material self-interests on policy preferences, it has a relatively limited effect on symbolic attitudes and sociotropic perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Corona pandemic was one of the most challenging political events of the last decades in Europe in which many important political issues had to be decided within a very short space of time. Deliberative, sortition-based formats offer new approaches to strengthen democracy in times of crisis but have so far mainly been used for fundamental issues that have been under discussion for a long time. In Germany, four Corona Citizens' Councils were organized at different levels to deal with the highly dynamic pandemic situation. The first was on local level and took place in the city of Augsburg, the next and most prominent one in the state of Baden-Wurttemberg ('Bürgerforum Corona'), being held monthly over a period of 13 months. Another one was organized in the state of Saxony, a fourth one in Thuringia. The article examines the background, the methodological quality and the outcomes of three Corona Citizens' Councils in Germany. The article compares the three Citizens' Councils and draws conclusions about the crisis-management capacities of deliberative formats in dealing with pressing political issues in highly dynamic situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In times of crisis it is even more important to ensure that political decisions have broad, popular and trusted support from a wide range of people than in normal, non-crisis times. We argue that the best way to achieve this is through the use of deliberative mini-publics, as leaving a crisis response only to our political leaders presents them with almost irresistible opportunities for the arrogation of power, possible corruption, and the use (or abuse) of emergency measures for partisan political point scoring. Having demonstrated the theoretical basis for our argument, which builds on the foundation of deliberative democratic theory, we then address the practical aspects of using informed deliberation within a mini-public during a crisis, when efficacy and speed are the most urgent and challenging aspects of decision making. The obvious solution, to us, is to institutionalize deliberative mini-publics in our democratic structures so that they are ready and able to rapidly address any crisis as it arises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food systems affect and are affected by the interrelated crises of climate change, biodiversity loss, resource depletion and health, amongst others. Transforming to sustainable approaches is vital, yet entangled with uncertainties, complexity and a great value diversion with stakeholders. Deliberative processes such as citizen assemblies offer a valuable contribution to such a transformation, since the crises and their responses affect everyday life, and therefore inviting individual and collective action. Still, who is included and whose knowledge counts affects outcomes. Theoretically anchored in concepts of environmental justice, our study analyses three nation-wide citizens' assemblies on climate change and food systems from Western Europe. It assesses (a) how citizens' assemblies can incorporate a broad set of viewpoints and design more substantive political answers to current crises, and (b) whether citizens' assemblies include environmental justice aspects to facilitate social change. The paper argues that systematic and methodologically reflected inclusion of various positionalities can inspire decision-making processes in that they incorporate procedural, recognition, and distributional justice to address problems of climate change or modern food systems. It concludes with offering further approaches to include more than scientific knowledge in deliberative processes for a just transformation towards sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Green Deal (EGD) represents the most ambitious environmental policy framework in European history, aimed at improving the health and well-being of citizens and future generations through climate action and becoming the first climate-neutral region in the world by 2050. The EC has initiated the European Democracy Action Plan and the European Climate Pact to include the participation of citizens in a meaningful way to help achieve these goals (i.e. not simply a tokenistic gesture or box-ticking exercise). While these efforts to ensure greater citizen participation and deliberation in environmental policy are good first steps, there is still a lack of clarity about what meaningful citizen engagement should look like. This paper will propose that for such efforts to be successful, we need to assess different perspectives in the debate and provide recommendations based on this. This paper provides a systematic review of various approaches within the academic literature on citizen participation and deliberation in environmental policy (ecocentrism, biocentrism, ecomodernism, ecofeminism, environmental pragmatism, environmental citizenship, environmental rights, and environmental justice). Following this, we provide a list of 16 criteria (in five thematic sections) for policymakers, civil society organisations (CSOs), and society, to ensure meaningful citizen participation and deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberation is typically employed to address difficult issues in society. Since 2021, Thailand has implemented Thailand Talks, an adaptation of the European-initiated My Country Talks platform, to encourage individuals to exchange their different viewpoints on public issues, with the aim of countering polarization in society. This study aims to examine the idea and process utilized in the Thailand Talks 2022. Additionally, it seeks to investigate how Thailand Talks contributes to the development of a deliberative thinking environment across four important aspects: normative, interpretive, affective, and physical. Methodologically, the research conducted in-depth interviews with both platform participants and organizers. The findings indicate that Thailand Talks embodies the idea of listening, connecting with strangers, and conversing with differing opinions. Creating an environment for deliberation in Thailand is difficult since conversation, particularly including differing opinions, is not ingrained in Thai society. However, Thailand Talks has successfully developed aspects of a deliberative thinking environment which enable conversation between individuals, a circumstance that would be unattainable otherwise and in which social hierarchy is disregarded. This study also shows that Thailand Talks can serve as a lesson for other societies on how to promote dialogue and deliberative initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic innovations scholars note that deliberation has the potential to counteract populism. However, so far, we do not know what the theoretical foundation would be to expect such an effect, nor do we know to what extent the supposed effect actually materialises empirically. This study adds to the literature by offering a theoretical framework and by testing this framework empirically. Specifically, we examine to what extent citizens with a high degree of populist attitudes became less populist after participating in a deliberative event. We study an actual citizens' assembly on climate mitigation policy in the Netherlands via pre- and post-surveys and carry out an SEM analysis (N = 105). We find that citizens with a higher degree of populist attitudes do become less populist, but find no evidence that this is due to the (perceived quality of the) deliberation. At the same time, the climate skeptics who participated became more populist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does good governance require citizens to be knowledgeable of basic facts and best policy ideas? Some scholars suggest that it does, and propose disenfranchising the most 'ignorant' voters. In contrast, we argue, political systems are complex systems inevitably exhibiting incomplete, imperfect and asymmetric information that is dynamically generated in society from actors with diverse life experiences, antagonistic interests and often profoundly dissonant views and values, generating radical uncertainty among political elites over the consequences of their decisions. Radical uncertainty, radical dissonance and power asymmetry are inescapable properties of politics. Good performance significantly depends on how political elites navigate through radical uncertainty to handle radical dissonance. Democracy, by offering citizens equal rights to participate in politics and talk freely, both enables and compels political actors to track social feedback regarding the effects of their decisions on a diverse public, and consider it in ways that mitigate these three problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the capacity of randomly-selected, citizen deliberation procedures to deliver on their promise to generate inclusive and considered citizen judgements, connecting these to political authority and the broader public sphere. These 'mini-publics' are increasingly adopted in representative democratic systems. Germany is no exception and has been at the forefront of this trend. The article begins with a historical overview of citizen deliberation in Germany, followed by in-depth analysis of the pioneering case of the Bürgerrat Demokratie. This analysis shows mini-publics can produce more inclusive and considered citizen input into policy-making than self-selected participation, but highlights the need for attitudinal stratification in participation selection if mini-publics are to represent politically alienated citizens. Furthermore, it details how the Bürgerrat Demokratie's combination of an innovative, four-phase process design with civil society campaign expertise holds lessons for connecting citizen deliberation to both political authority and the public sphere without institutionalising the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a short-cut heuristic approach to rapidly estimate value of information (VOI) using information commonly reported in a research funding application to make a case for the need for further evaluative research. We develop a "Rapid VOI" approach, which focuses on uncertainty in the primary outcome of clinical effectiveness and uses this to explore the health consequences of decision uncertainty. We develop a freely accessible online tool, Rapid Assessment of the Need for Evidence (RANE), to allow for the efficient computation of the value of research. As a case study, the method was applied to a proposal for research on shoulder pain rehabilitation. The analysis was included as part of a successful application for research funding to the UK National Institute for Health and Care Research. Our approach enables research funders and applicants to rapidly estimate the value of proposed research. Rapid VOI relies on information that is readily available and reported in research funding applications. Rapid VOI supports research prioritisation and commissioning decisions where there is insufficient time and resources available to develop and validate complex decision-analytic models. The method provides a practical means for implementing VOI in practice, thus providing a starting point for deliberation and contributing to the transparency and accountability of research prioritisation decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Conflict and Transformation: Essays on European Law and Policy" by Christian Joerges is a collection of essays that critically examines the development of European Union (EU) socio-economic governance and the integration project as a whole. The book argues that the failure of "integration through law" has led to the rise of technocratic rule and a lack of democratic deliberation. Joerges proposes an alternative constitutional paradigm called "conflicts law" that aims to preserve the diversity of member states while addressing the tensions tearing Europe apart. The book raises important questions about the role of law, the responsibility of lawyers, and the need to confront Europe's dark legacies. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The last decades have witnessed the flourishing of consultative democracy (xieshang minzhu, a concept similar to deliberative democracy) in China, with ambitions for implementing consultative politics and governance. In the West, mainstream deliberative democracy studies largely overlook the fact that deliberation is an elusive and polysemic notion, which develops into various practices in different social and cultural contexts. Therefore, a non-Western-centred approach needs to be adopted to further investigate deliberative experimentation in rural China. Based on the four months of fieldwork conducted in several villages in rural China, this paper argues that China's rural villages have inherited a strong Confucianism-based idea of deliberation and consultation. With case studies from the sociological–political perspective, this paper also aims to shed some new light on the compatibilities between modern democratic governance approaches and the informal, hierarchical and highly moralised forms of public order in the rural Chinese acquaintance society. Incorporating these empirical observations could bridge the gap between Western and Chinese perspectives on the theory and practice of deliberative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The planetary defense community should consider the development of a Responsibility to Defend Earth (R2DE) as a foundational normative principle for a future planetary defense security regime. This requires thorough deliberation and consensus-building to definitively answer the question: "What is the value we secure?" This manuscript proposes the Responsibility to Defend Earth (R2DE) as a core principle for planetary defense, aiming to foster international cooperation and policy changes. Despite technical advancements and creation of bodies like IAWN and SMPAG, it highlights the need for consensus on action and means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, accumulating evidence has suggested that tumor-associated macrophages (TAMs) play a significant role in the tumor development. This commentary wishes to highlight the findings by You, et al. that M1-like TAMs could cascade a mesenchymal/stem-like phenotype of oral squamous cell carcinoma (OSCC) via the IL6/Stat3/THBS1 feedback loop. These unprecedented findings identified M1-like TAMs-regulated processes as potentially tumor-promotion in the context of OSCC immunomicroenvironment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the riddle of Oedipus? This paper is an exploration of the philosophy involved in Sophocles' famous play Oedipus Tyrannus. The play involves a riddler who becomes king, a man who is famously good at understanding what others find obscure, and yet is unable to see it when he is confronted by an obvious set of uncomfortable truths about himself. As well as for Oedipus, the play poses a number of different riddles for us: in particular it is a study of responsibility and shame, and of deliberation and choice. Like any work of art, the play does not tell us what conclusions we should reach; but it does show us some questions that need asking, and indeed some riddles that we face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social inequalities fuel a debate about the meaning of political equality. Formal procedural equality is criticised for reproducing discriminatory outcomes against disadvantaged groups but affirmative action, particularly in the form of group quotas, is also contested. When opposing conceptions of substantive equality support divergent views about which procedural rule genuinely respects political equality, democracies cannot identify a standard or rule of procedural fairness to be widely accepted as fair. This dispute over procedural fairness can carry on indefinitely and could challenge democracy's legitimacy claim. I argue that democracies can renew their legitimacy claim by embracing this debate and by accommodating it through constitutional deliberation that must be as impartial and meaningful as possible. Impartiality ideally requires the presence of every citizen in this process because each of them has a unique and evolving experience of inequality. Meaningful deliberation is about offering periodic opportunities for constitutional reform, allowing for continuous feedback, reflection, and learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We build on the work by Peled and Bonotti to illuminate the impact of linguistic relativity on democratic debate. Peled and Bonotti's focus is on multilingual societies, and their worry is that 'unconscious epistemic effects' can undermine political reasoning between interlocutors who do not share the same native tongue. Our article makes two contributions. First, we argue that Peled and Bonotti's concerns about linguistic relativity are just as relevant to monolingual discourse. We use machine learning to provide novel evidence of the linguistic discrepancies between two ideologically distant groups that speak the same language: readers of Breitbart and of The New York Times. We suggest that intralinguistic relativity can be at least as harmful to successful public deliberation and political negotiation as interlinguistic relativity. Second, we endorse the building of metalinguistic awareness to address problematic kinds of linguistic relativity and argue that the method of discourse analysis we use in this article is a good way to build that awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides experimental evidence of the effect of candidate-citizen town-hall meetings on voters' political behavior. The intervention took place prior to the March 2011 elections in Benin and involved 150 randomly selected villages. In the treatment group, candidates held town-hall meetings where voters deliberated over their electoral platforms. The control group was exposed to the standard campaign—that is, one-way communication of the candidate's platform by himself or his local broker. We find that town-hall meetings led to a more informed citizenry and higher electoral participation, which diverged little along socioeconomic lines. We also observe a lower effectiveness of vote-buying attempts where town halls took place. This is consistent with town-hall deliberation promoting what we call more "ethical" voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how climate activists engage in building trust in public debates and local political conflicts over green transition. The article applies the empirically grounded concept of "climate translators" to study the challenges of intermediary trust-building by both independent climate activists and institutionally embedded activists who aim to stimulate climate policy change at the local level. In Denmark, municipalities endorse activists as climate translators to promote civic participation and deliberation. In Germany, activists have developed more conflict-oriented translation models based on direct-democratic campaigns and advocacy work outside institutions. We discuss these varied strategies of trust-building as they emerged in different contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Public participation can be both supported and limited by decision‐makers. Therefore, citizens either participate in top‐down approved formats or have to turn towards subversion. These different participation practices, called invited and uninvited, are often treated by researchers as mutually exclusive. In this article, we present the case of patient organisations' involvement in various state‐controlled deliberation bodies in Russia, which does not fit into a smooth binary distinction of the patient participation practice. Instead, identified patient participation practices combine interaction approved by gatekeepers with interaction, which are subversive and grassroots‐initiated. Conceptually, it means that invited and uninvited participation can be better understood as intertwined ecologies. Methods: The article is based on a qualitative ethnographic study, which includes participatory observations of the meetings of state‐controlled public participation bodies, such as public councils, 51 semi‐structured interviews with members of these bodies and an analysis of the relevant policy and methodological documents. Informed consent to record and transcribe all interviews was obtained. Thematic analysis has been used to produce the results. Results: Russian patient organisations often work informally and independently of state‐approved practices expected from them. Some subversive practices happen outside official meetings, others become widely used best practices and others remain everyday mundane interactions, which contribute to the maintenance of the independence of patient organisations against otherwise dominating and nondemocratic state actors. Conclusion: The ecologising approach to patient participation, which interprets invited and uninvited practices as interconnected, has better explanatory power for cases in which citizens maintain independence despite all limitations associated with authoritarian settings. Conceptualising invited and uninvited practices as situations, or separate time‐ and space‐bound events, is a helpful theoretical framework for understanding diverse and seemingly contradictory public participation practices. Patient or Public Contribution: Research participants communicated amendments to the initial research framework to incorporate their needs. Repeated interviews allowed triangulation of preliminary findings with research participants. The article is co‐authored with the patient organisation representative, who has contributed directly to data analysis and presentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication is an integral part of natural resource management and sustainability transformations, and questions on how communication helps or hinders the development of more sustainable relationships between people and their environments have become increasingly urgent. This special issue directs our attention to the processes and outcomes of such communication and explores what a focus on communication makes visible and accessible for practical as well as academic analysis. The twelve articles collected in this issue examine a wide range of contexts and practices of environmental communication, here understood as the joint construction of meaning related to environmental and sustainability issues. In this editorial, we propose five conceptual lenses that, as we argue, are crucial for an in-depth engagement with environmental communication. Together, these provide us with an understanding of communication as arising from manifold interactions that are shaped by and shaping disagreement, power relations and, more generally, the interplay between structure and agency. We examine the contributions to this special issue in light of these conceptual lenses and highlight how the twelve articles help us to understand the role of meaning-making in environmental management and sustainability transformations. We conclude with suggestions for future work, identifying spaces for further conceptual development and empirical scrutiny as well as scope for new ideas on environmental communication to gain in importance and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empathizing with others is thought to be a useful, if not necessary, skill for a wise person to possess. Beyond this general conceptual assonance, however, there have been few systematic attempts to conceptualize this relationship. This paper aims to address this issue by investigating what role empathy is said to play in phronesis and whether there is a legitimate place for it in Aristotelian (or neo-Aristotelian) accounts of practical wisdom. First, after a brief overview of Aristotle's account of phronesis, I will try to define three different ways in which empathy is thought to contribute to it according to the existing literature, based on a conceptual distinction between affective empathy, cognitive empathy, and sympathy. Second, I will ask whether empathy is the best conceptual candidate for Aristotle's account of phronesis and, more generally, whether the wise person should always rely on empathy in order to deliberate and act well. My tentative answer will be that empathy does not seem to be perfectly compatible with the concept of phronesis, nor is it its best ally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When less hierarchical organizations attempt to avoid positional authority and rely more on the authority of shared principles, they are challenged to balance a relative open-endedness and sufficient consensus of those principles. However, situations inevitably arise when assertions about the principles clash, disturbing the sense of collective sharing of principles and so triggering tendencies to make the principles more rigid or default to positional rule. This paper explores how internal collective dialogue unfolds in such situations in the central online channels of three mid-sized Nordic software consultancies aspiring for less hierarchical, principles-based organizing. Our research reveals the emergence of "collective authoring"—peripheral participation that reacts to the distress stirred by the clash. The collective responds with tension-mediating remarks and, most markedly, with a polyphony of inquiries and musings that are attentive to what is unfolding but not stubbornly fortified with either side of the clash. We discover how this collective dialogue comes to embed the initial clash with the iteratively maturing and saturating soundscape of deliberations, gradually invoking a tacit sense of the collective understanding of the issue on the channels. The dialogues persist until the most acute sense of distress over the sharing of principles seems to dissolve. We discuss how our findings, by illuminating the role of "the collective," contribute to the extant conceptions of relational authority and less hierarchical organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often claimed that political disinformation is more abundant than ever, that populists are particularly prone to lying, and that we live in an era of post-truth or epistemic relativism. Contrary to these views, we interpret this historical trend as a shift from objective to authentic forms of political truth claims. We develop a diagnostic framework that captures different types of political truth claims and their distinct elements. This framework enables interrogation and understanding of the current state of epistemic contestation and change. The rise of both populist and deliberative approaches to democracy, which we use as key examples, are indicators of a gradual shift towards a greater importance of authenticity in the public sphere. We nuance this proposition by distinguishing between different forms of authenticity employed by populist and deliberative politics: communicative authenticity in deliberative politics and original and personal authenticity in populist politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Journalists increasingly cite and/or embed social media posts in news articles. While social media posts have been found to be of little deliberative quality, we do not know whether this also affects the deliberative quality of the news. Against the background of a hybrid media system and deliberative news media standards, we answer this research question with a content analysis of news articles including or not including posts from X (formerly Twitter) in the twelve widest-reaching German news websites prior and after the German general election 2021. We were particularly interested in the differences inside and outside election campaigns as the interdependence of the mass media and the political sphere is particularly pronounced during campaign periods. Results show that posts are more often cited and/or embedded in news articles inside than outside election campaigns. Articles including posts feature a greater number of actors but are not more diverse as mainly actors from the political center are referenced. Moreover, articles with posts are associated with a higher position responsiveness but on the other hand a decreased civility of the represented political discourse. This pattern only emerged inside but not outside campaign periods. These findings add to our understanding of contemporary hybrid media systems and the nature of political journalism during contentious political periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In multi-criteria optimization problems that originate from real-world decision making tasks, we often find the following structure: There is an underlying continuous, possibly even convex model for the multiple outcome measures depending on the design variables, but these outcomes are additionally assigned to discrete categories according to their desirability for the decision maker. Multi-criteria deliberations may then take place at the level of these discrete labels, while the calculation of a specific design remains a continuous problem. In this work, we analyze this type of problem and provide theoretical results about its solution set. We prove that the discrete decision problem can be tackled by solving scalarizations of the underlying continuous model. Based on our analysis we propose multiple algorithmic approaches that are specifically suited to handle these problems. We compare the algorithms based on a set of test problems. Furthermore, we apply our methods to a real-world radiotherapy planning example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely assumed that severe mental disabilities prevent relevant deliberative capacities from developing or persisting. Accordingly, excluding many people with mental disabilities from discourse practices seems justified. Against this common assumption I wish to show that the general exclusion is not justified and amounts to a form of epistemic injustice, as theorised by Miranda Fricker. The received norm of capable deliberators is connected to a specific model of deliberation. I introduce an alternative model of deliberation, which I dub the joint effort model. According to this model, people with minority minds (as I call them) add valuable cognitive diversity to the process of deliberation, which is a relevant element of epistemic improvement. In this part of the argument I rely on empirically informed theoretical work by Hélène Landemore. I scrutinise the minimal requirements of capable deliberators from the perspective of a joint effort model of deliberation, and I highlight specific beneficial contributions people with minority minds can make to discourse practices. I will argue that people with minority minds can be presumptively deemed capable deliberators and that therefore their general exclusion is unjustified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to demonstrate that bottom-up popular vote processes (the optional referendum and citizens' initiative) focused on ordinary legislation can help to improve democratic self-government by uniquely facilitating the development and expression of various forms of political agency. Most significantly, it is argued that such popular vote processes can be designed in ways that endow them with significant deliberative credentials. Methodologically, the paper employs Mark E. Warren's problem-based approach to democratic theory, which provides the conceptual tools necessary to advance a) a novel case for recovering popular vote processes as a valid institutional toolkit for exploration by democratic theory and b) an empirically informed set of best practices that can provide critical resources for normatively scrutinizing existing institutionalizations of bottom-up popular vote processes across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of decision‐making is to select one option and disregard the others. However, deliberation can also create a memory association between the chosen and unchosen options. This study aims to investigate how choice and deliberation affect the memory of postdecision options and the underlying mechanisms. Using event‐related potentials (ERPs), we examined item recognition (Experiment 1) and associative recognition (Experiment 2) following certain and uncertain decisions. In Experiment 1, items that were chosen in certain decisions were remembered better than unchosen items. There was no difference between chosen and unchosen items in uncertain decisions. Moreover, a late recollection‐related LPC (a late positive component) old/new effect was larger for chosen items than unchosen items in certain decisions. The early familiarity‐related FN400 and the late recollection‐related LPC old/new effects were significant for chosen and unchosen items in uncertain decisions. In Experiment 2, there was no difference in performance on associative memory. A FN400 old/new effect (an index of integration) in certain or uncertain decisions was not observed. Although significant LPC old/new effects were found in both certain and uncertain decisions, no difference was found between them. These results propose that decision‐making can enhance item memory performance through two distinct processes: value and elaboration. Elaboration involves focusing on the details within items rather than integrating items into a cohesive whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractA rich international body of scholarship describes and analyzes a variety of methodologies to teach controversial issues; however, many teachers do not feel prepared for this endeavor (Bickmore & Parker, 2014; Pace, 2015, 2021). Teachers are searching for stimulating curricular-instructional resources, effective materials, and guidance for teaching students how to explore multiple perspectives on knotty questions and deliberate on solutions to problems that affect their local communities. Here we provide a case example of using a compelling documentary film as a medium for inquiring into, deliberating, and taking action on a timely and relevant issue, a debate over what to do with a controversial public art installation.This case is designed to introduce students to a process for engaging in the questions, multiple perspectives, and potential outcomes often present in controversies where a community is debating what to do with a controversial work of art. This same process could then be applied to a similar local issue. Our case includes three pedagogical methods that could be used in isolation or as part of a larger inquiry-based process that leads to informed action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In appraising human actions, an important consideration is whether they are free. If they are compelled, this may be excusatory; if controlled by someone other than the agent, this may mitigate; and if selfishly motivated, this may invalidate excuses. Moral appraisals of action by non‐philosophers do not normally consider whether it can be free under determinism. Metaphysical inquiry about action, by contrast, seems incomplete if it does not consider this. Are there two free will problems, one normative and one metaphysical? If so, they share such terms as ‘could’ and ‘could not’, and thoughtful non‐philosophers question their own normative assumptions once they understand the metaphysical problem determinism poses for the philosophy of action. This paper distinguishes metaphysical from action‐theoretic elements of the free will problem but also connects the metaphysical issues with normative questions about responsibility; it critically appraises some major metaphysical arguments concerning free action; and—to the extent possible in a single paper—it provides a positive account of free action neutral toward determinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article studies selected songs telecast by Doordarshan, the national channel from the 1980s to the 2020s to understand the representational politics of India’s national culture. It explores how the national culture has been imagined and propagated by the state-owned channel by adopting a comparative focus on the selected songs. The discussion is foregrounded on Partha Chatterjee’s theory of ‘the spiritual’ domain which is at the core of the national identity for a postcolonial nation. The article also attempts to understand the dynamic nature of India’s national culture and how its transformation can be read from the songs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deliberate-morality account implies that moral punishment should be decreased with time pressure and increased with deliberation while the intuitive-morality account predicts the opposite. In three experiments, moral punishment was examined in a simultaneous one-shot Prisoner's Dilemma game with a costly punishment option. The players cooperated or defected and then decided whether or not to punish their partners. In Experiment 1, the punishment decisions were made without or with time pressure. In Experiment 2, the punishment decisions were immediate or delayed by pauses in which participants deliberated their decisions. In Experiment 3, participants were asked to deliberate self-interest or fairness before deciding whether to punish their partners. Different types of punishment were distinguished using the cooperation-and-punishment model. In Experiment 1, time pressure decreased moral punishment. In Experiment 2, deliberation increased moral punishment. So far, the evidence supports the deliberate-morality account. Experiment 3 demonstrates that the effect of deliberation depends on what is deliberated. When participants deliberated self-interest rather than fairness, moral punishment was decreased. The results suggest that unguided deliberation increases moral punishment, but the effects of deliberation are modulated by the type of deliberation that takes place. These results strengthen a process-based account of punishment which offers a more nuanced understanding of the context-specific effect of deliberation on moral punishment than the deliberate-morality account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite growing numbers of references to Vygotsky’s historical-cultural framework in the international literature, the interventionist principles of his methodology and relationship to practice remain implicit or absent in the literature. The objective of this article is to present a framework for intervention and research rooted in Vygotsky’s framework and one that mobilizes cross self-confrontations. This Vygotskian methodology is part of an intervention in response to a request from a regional taekwondo league, following a change in the application of fighting rules. This article demonstrates how this methodology enables the development of techniques and the analysis of development processes simultaneously. The results illustrate the advancement of athletes’ techniques through the progressive instrumentalization of biomechanical data. The Vygotskian methodology empowers athletes to assume an active role in the analysis of their techniques, thereby facilitating their development. In other words, the principle mobilized here is not to describe technique qualitatively, but to bring about qualitative changes. This is achieved by developing the athlete’s activity through the use of biomechanics as a means of deliberation, comparison, controversy, astonishment, dialog and reworking techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Internal factors-such as psychological traits or individual attitudes-relate to and explain political cleavages. Yet, little is known about how locus of control, agency, and modal attitudes impact political ideology. Utilizing textual analysis within the context of the Chilean 2015 constituent process, we go beyond traditional survey methods to explore community clusters in "Values" and "Rights" networks built upon the deliberation of 106,000 people. Our findings reveal distinct attitudinal patterns across political orientations: the progressive left generally exhibits a more propositive and non-agentic attitude, the traditional left adopts an evaluative stance towards values, and the right-wing community leans towards a factual attitude but shifts to an evaluative stance when discussing rights. These results underscore the role of psychological constructs in shaping political ideologies and introduce textual analysis as a robust tool for psychological and political inquiry. The study offers a comprehensive understanding of the complexities of political behavior and provides a new lens through which to examine the psychology of political ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Methods Results Conclusion The proposed concept of secure/insecure lifeattachment reflects the experience of the world and life as a good (or insecure/threatening) place to be. The present article describes the theoretical foundation, development, and validation of a revised measure that captures the phenomenon of secure/insecure life attachment. The revised scale consists of seven dimensions: (1) Coexistence, (2) Reliability, (3) Safetiness, (4) Integration, (5) Inclusion, (6) Participation, and (7) Deliberation.In three studies (N = 1,059), we examined the factor structure and the convergent and predictive validity of the Life Attachment Scale–Revised (LAS‐R).Our results support a seven‐factor structure of the scale, reflecting the aforementioned dimensions. Furthermore, convergent and predictive validity were established through correlations with related concepts of life satisfaction, flourishing, openness to the future, and perceived stress.We have devised and substantiated a scale adept at gauging dimensions of secure and insecure/disordered life attachment. Empirical evidence from statistical analyses supports the assumption that the LAS‐R is psychometrically sound, establishing its reliability and validity as a dependable instrument. Thus, the scale has promising implications for developing the empirical base for research in many areas of psychology, sociology, and the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her historical novel, The Beginning of Spring, Penelope Fitzgerald explores English identity in pre-revolutionary Russia by putting her expatriate hero Frank Reid to the test in ethical situations. Engaging with critical attention to the novel’s moral meaning, this article offers an ethical reading alongside Paul Ricoeur’s study on ethical intention and Emmanuel Levinas’s ethics of the face of the other. Frank’s ethical self can be imputed from his aim of becoming a just man in the Moscow business community. To achieve that aim, he must make ethical deliberations based on his practical wisdom and the moral injunction that regulates the intersubjective relationship between the self and the other. He ultimately fails his ethical aim because of the unjust institution – he is othered in/by Russia. I conclude with a gesture that the novel is Fitzgerald’s ethical intention of giving a voice to the other Russian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the rhetorical framing tactics of a group of disability activists to understand how they use key words, topic shifts, and other framing maneuvers to amplify marginalized voices in public debates. Focusing on a town hall meeting and a legislator update meeting between activists and lawmakers, the author uses stasis theory to analyze how these maneuvers (1) create gateways for marginalized voices to enter the discussion and (2) anchor deliberations around topics of importance to the disabled community. This suggests a more complex role for framing in face-to-face deliberative contexts than studies of framing strategies in written texts have traditionally considered. I argue that a multidimensional view of framing uniting consideration of word choice with attention to interactive dynamics is necessary to appreciate how framing maneuvers can not only shape the content of debates but amplify the voices of people excluded by the tacit rules of democratic deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Independent decision making requires forming stable estimates of one's preferences. We assessed whether adolescents learn about their preferences through choice deliberation and whether depressive symptoms disrupt this process. Adolescents aged 11–18 (N = 214; participated 2021–22; Female: 53.9%; White/Black/Asian/Mixed/Arab or Latin American: 26/21/19/9/8%) rated multiple activities, chose between pairs of activities and re‐rated those activities. As expected, overall, participants uprated chosen and downrated unchosen activities (dz =.20). This value refinement through choice was not evident in younger participants but emerged across adolescence. Contrary to our predictions, depressive symptoms were associated with greater value refinement. Despite this, more depressed adolescents reported lower value certainty and choice confidence. The cognitive processes through which choice deliberation shapes preference develop over adolescence, and are disrupted in depression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work education is at a crossroads with the release of the 2022 Educational Policy Administration Standards (EPAS, 2022), which emphasize anti-racist practice. To teach anti-racist social work one must be prepared to use anti-racist pedagogical practices and be supported to do so institutionally. Freire (2020) proposes that education be a tool of liberation through the use of dialogue and attention to power dynamics. To this end, instructional making about the use of dialogue can help create liberatory classrooms. The concept of dialogic pedagogy (Alexander, 2018; Alexander, 2020) is used in education to support the development of language and critical thinking in students. Although it has yet to be applied extensively to higher education and the social work classroom, dialogic pedagogy has clear connections to social work and the potential to better prepare students for anti-racist practice. In a dialogic classroom, language between students and instructors is carefully attended to based on the following principles; purpose, cumulation, support, collectivity, deliberation, and reciprocality (Alexander, 2018; Alexander, 2020). This paper describes and endorses dialogic pedagogy as a framework to support anti-racist social work pedagogy and discusses the implementation of this framework in terms of faculty support and training. Understanding the framework of dialogic pedagogy can support faculty with more critical use of dialogue in classrooms; ultimately supporting anti-racist practice. Using a dialogic framework can support those responsible for training faculty in better preparing faculty for antiracist pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of 40,000 tweets that trended after the Tarun Tejpal acquittal in India showed that the nature of the debate around issues of molestation and rape exhibited attributes of deliberation and demonstrated that Twitter in India, in certain cases, has strong potential to emerge as a space for deliberative feminist activism. Discussions gave impetus to advocacy around sexual molestation. While the word "victim" was used in more instances rather than the human rights–based term "survivor," Twitter debates were supportive toward survivors of assault. There was minimum trolling and patriarchy was called out as was a legal system that sided with the influential man of power. Although city-bred English-speaking voices dominated, conversations were intersectional in nature acknowledging how the horror of physical assault was perceived by different women belonging to disparate socio-economic strata and how legal systems exacerbated gender related crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizens' assemblies on climate change are increasingly popular to support democratic decision-making. Such Climate Assemblies (CAs) convene representative groups of citizens formulating policy proposals after hearing experts and deliberating intensely. CAs may help addressing climate policy issues more effectively partly because their members need not worry about re-election. CAs' effectiveness depends on their design such as the issues chosen (or not chosen) for deliberation. Agenda-setters exert substantial power by selecting certain issues and by choosing framings that benefit some solutions over others. In this paper I ask: What characterizes agendas that are suitable and legitimate for deliberation in CAs? The aim is to support practitioners in making informed agenda choices for CAs by providing a list of ten widely accepted guiding principles based on expert interviews, policy documents, and information gathered from the Knowledge Network on Climate Assemblies (KNOCA). The paper systematically discusses trade-offs of various agenda choices in the light of different CA rationales. Results show that those with system-supporting rationales tend to favour narrower agendas tailored to political demands aiming to increase immediate policy impact; those with system-disrupting rationales prefer more open agendas allowing citizens to challenge existing political practices and worldviews. Results support earlier arguments that distinctions of entire deliberative processes in either top-down or bottom-up are too simplistic and that a tool-box approach is more useful. Insights appear relevant for debates of deliberative minipublics more generally. Future research should investigate whom to involve in setting CA agendas and with how much power. Effective agenda design hinges on rationales on how to achieve assembly objectives which depend on authorities' ambition for climate action. Given high ambition, system-supportive rationales aiming for policy impact favour narrower agendas tailored to demands of the policy process but risk low transformativeness. Given low ambition, system-disruptive rationales aiming to challenge established practices and worldviews favour more open agendas but risk low impact if assemblies are not politically embedded or able to mobilize opposition groups. Assembly designs are seldom purely supportive or disruptive but often hybrid. Agenda-setting has many dimensions allowing for productive combinations of disruptive and supportive elements tailored to contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of deliberative mini-publics (DMPs), such as citizens' assemblies, is becoming more common in climate policy-making across many countries. The upsurge of these methods reflects an acknowledgement of the need to engage the publics in policy choices that significantly impact their lives. Many DMPs to date have focused on the general challenge of decarbonization, across a range of policy areas. In this article, we first situate DMPs within the wider field of public engagement methods. We then draw from deliberative democratic theory and practice to argue that the next step for climate DMPs is to focus them on specific climate policy challenges and to embed and routinize their use in existing policy-making institutions. We present a case study of the targeted use of a climate DMP, which we designed and ran in partnership with the UK Climate Change Committee, focused on home energy decarbonization. We use this case study to explore barriers and challenges to embedding such an approach in climate policy-making institutions. Finally, we suggest ways that such challenges can be overcome and identify a number of tensions that must be navigated as DMPs become embedded in climate policy-making. Deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) can facilitate two-way dialogue between the publics and policy-makers, overcoming weaknesses in existing forms of communication between these two groups of actors. The decision to use DMPs in climate policy and the design of such DMPs, should be informed by an analysis of the type of policy challenge being faced. Existing climate policy institutions, such as advisory bodies, provide potential venues where the use of DMPs can become routinized as a way of gathering insights on public policy preferences. Future targeted climate DMPs will need to find ways to overcome limitations to participants' familiarity with different technologies and capacities, in order to better predict the impacts of different policy options. Tensions exist between the use of DMPs as a research tool within policy contexts and as a tool for opening political possibilities for more thoroughgoing reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, school district politics rose to prominence on the nation's political agenda, as school boards grappled with controversial decisions about reopening schools and implementing mask mandates. A growing number of political scientists are using newly available data and innovative research strategies to examine policy responsiveness, elections, segregation and inequality, state takeovers, interest groups, democratic deliberation, and public opinion—all while focusing on the unique context of education politics. We illuminate the distinctive institutional and policy context of US education politics and review new research in the field, including growing evidence of partisan polarization and the continuing significance of race for influencing power and decision making about schools in the United States. The field has made great strides in the last decade; we highlight the emerging themes from that already rapidly growing literature, while pointing out areas for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decision science emphasizes necessary elements required for robust decision‐making. By incorporating decision science principles, frameworks, and tools, it has been demonstrated that decision‐makers can increase the chances of achieving conservation aims. Setting measurable objectives, clearly documenting assumptions about the impact of available actions on a specific threat or problem, explicitly considering constraints, exploring and characterizing uncertainty, and structured deliberation on trade‐offs have been identified as key elements of successful decision‐making. We quantify the extent to which these five elements were utilized in published examples of decision making in conservation in both academic and conservation practice between 2009 and 2018. We found that less than 50% of identified examples included all five elements, with differences in the degree of decision science applied across five commonly used decision support approaches: adaptive management (AM), systematic conservation planning (SCP), structured decision making (SDM), multi‐criteria decision analysis, and cost‐effectiveness analysis. Example applications that utilized the SDM framework were limited in numbers but used on average more than 50% of the five key elements we considered. Although SCP and AM constituted the majority of examples, they were more prevalent in academic studies rather than management applications. SCP and AM examples were widespread in protected area planning, threat abatement, and restoration. Strong geographic bias exists in documented conservation activities that deploy all five decision science elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]