Search

Using primary archival and other contemporary sources, this article explores the relationship between the Christian mission and Israel as a modern Jewish nation-state from its establishment in 1948 until 1965, when section 13a of the Legal Capacity and Guardianship Law, 5722–1962, was enacted in the Israeli Parliament (Knesset). Since the rebirth of the State of Israel, a number of Christian Protestant Churches and missionary organisations have worked to convert Jews to Christianity. The State of Israel opposed such proselytising yet wished to maintain its commitment to freedom of religion as stated in its Declaration of Independence. Furthermore, it did not wish to damage foreign relations with the Christian world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During 2008 and 2010 at Megiddo (biblical Armageddon) in Israel, archaeologists excavating a stratigraphical layer that should have been filled solely with artifacts almost 3,000 years old unexpectedly recovered more than 213 spent cartridge cases, most likely dating from the 1948 Israeli War of Independence. Finding themselves unintentionally involved in the relatively new field of "battlefield archaeology" more usually conducted in the United States and Europe, the archaeologists analyzed the cartridge cases, attempted to reconstruct what had happened, and contributed additional information to historical accounts of the modern battle and of the Czechoslovakian arms deals with the Israelis in early 1948. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the history of the Zionist movement since Israel achieved its independence in 1948. It discusses the effect of opposing directions of the Zionist movement on the meaning of the Zionist historical narrative. The return of the Israelis from exile to sovereignty and the creation of the state of Israel are also explored.

The article explores the cultural component of social resilience as the State of Israel celebrates its 70th anniversary. It highlights the issue of preservation of the Israeli heritage, including buildings and sites of cultural, historical and architectural value. Also discussed are the state's readiness to advance toward maturity and the roles of the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) and the Nature Conservation and National Parks Authority in the preservation.

The article deals with the history of the identity of Jewish women in the military, religious and public spheres since the independence of Israel in 1948. It looks at changes in many aspects of gender relations since the creation of the State redirected Religious-Zionist history. Other topics discussed include the participation of women in religious activities and the promotion of women's rights.

The article explores the rule of law in Israel since the declaration of its independence in 1948. It recognizes the State of Israel for establishing a developed democracy and rule of law despite the violent national conflict occurring within and at its borders. Also discussed are the challenges about Israel's democracy and rule of law, particularly the discrimination against the Arab minority.

The article offers a gender perspective on the 70th anniversary of the statehood of Israel in 1948. It discusses gender inequality as an integral part of the dynamics of the development of the State of Israel. The progress obtained by women in education, health, the workplace, and the political realm since 1948 is explored. In addition, the article addresses the gap between the myth of gender equality and the reality of growing inequality in Israel.

The article chronicles the history of Jewish immigration from Arab countries to Israel in the 20th century. It discusses the integration of immigrants into Israeli society, as well as the progression of the ethnic conflict in Israel following the declaration of statehood in 1948. The role of the Zionist movement in the creation of the state of Israel is explored.

The article explores the relationship between the right-wing faction and the left-wing faction of the General Zionists in Israel. It remembers the split between the factions during the 1959 election and their eventual unity as the Liberals in May 1961. The creation of a coalition led by Mapai, a center-left political party in Israel, is also discussed.

The article explores the 1967 War between Israel and the neighboring states of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria that led to the expansion of the former's territory. It reflects on the 2004 song "The Sticker Song" which is about Israel and its politics. The connection between the war and the collapse of Jewish society in Eastern Europe is discussed, as well as the Israeli government's efforts to promote Zionism around the world.

The article explores the relationship between the Zionist movement and the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Israel expelled a large portion of its Arab population following the war. Also discussed are the gap between the Zionist vision and its realization and the gap between national and ethical views that run through Israeli identity.

The article presents a discussion on the relationship between the Zionist movement and the establishment of the State of Israel, adapted from the book "In Search of Israel: The History of an Idea" by Michael Brenner. It recognizes the roles of David Ben-Gurion, the first prime minister of Israel, and Chaim Weizmann, the first president of Israel, in the Zionist movement. The growth of the sense of Israel's uniqueness among the political right and national religious movements is discussed.

Memorials and museums commemorating war and atrocity mobilise visitors into narratives about security and sovereignty. The skilful architecture of Jerusalem’s Holocaust History Museum steers international tourists and Israeli citizens into a choreography that evokes the Holocaust as experience of radical insecurity and constrained mobility for Jewish victims. The visit reassuringly concludes with the establishment of the state of Israel, followed by familiar tourism rituals: beautiful panoramas, peaceful gardens, and souvenir shops. This ending constructs post-1948 experiences of mobility in Israel as characterised by security and freedom and obscures contemporary violence and unequal mobility/security landscapes in Israel and Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of machalnik military pilots in the Israeli war of independence in 1948. Topics discussed include Resolution 181 that called for the partitioning of Palestine into two states, arms embargo by the United Nations on the Middle East, and the role of South African Air Force veteran Lieutenant-Colonel Cecil Margo in the establishment of the Israeli Air Force.

The article highlights the important role played by the Soviet Union in the salvation of Jews during World War II and its support for the creation of the state of Israel. Topics discussed include the influence of the Soviet Union on the discussion about the future of Palestine in the critical period of the war. Further discussion is offered on the Soviet policy towards the Jewish community of Palestine.

This article examines the changes that have taken place since the 1948 War of Independence in the contribution by the Kibbutz Movement to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and to Israel's national security. It deals with the changing forms of contribution by kibbutz-members to service in the IDF, in the context of changes occurring in wider Israeli society, and in the relations between society and the IDF in particular. The article's focus is on the changes that took place in the enlisting of kibbutz youth to the IDF, and how many of them volunteered for the officers' course, pilots' course, and for combat units. All these data are compared with the changes that took place in Israeli society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hersch Lauterpacht is widely celebrated as a pioneering figure in the cosmopolitan revival of international law during the mid-20th century. This article is a first in-depth analysis of an overlooked episode in his life's work: his secret involvement in drafting Israel's Declaration of Independence. The article analyzes Lauterpacht's draft of this declaration, from its original manuscript form, in light of its historic circumstances and his general jurisprudence. This article contributes to international legal theory by discussing unexplored tensions in Lauterpacht's work -- tensions that have reached their boiling point in his draft declaration. Their incidence, and his attempts to resolve them, are telling not only regarding Lauterpacht's jurisprudence, but also revealing of the nature (and limitations) of international legal argument at large. Namely, they reflect the inherent tension in international legal discourse between cosmopolitanism and sovereignty, universalism and particularism. We argue that by participating in a national project, Lauterpacht's cosmopolitanism was compromised. His attempt to reconcile, in the Draft, between cosmopolitanism and national sovereignty -- an attempt so common in the argumentation of international lawyers -- ultimately led not only to the Draft's rejection by the nascent Israeli establishment, but also, perhaps, to its downplaying by those that have reconstructed Lauterpacht's cosmopolitan legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 29 November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly voted to partition Palestine into two independent states, Jewish and Arab, with Jerusalem as a corpus separatum under international control. The General Assembly then established the United Nations Palestine Commission to implement partition. Amongst other things, the Commission was to establish “armed militias” under UN supervision to help realise the plan. The analysis examines various aspects of the sequence of events related to this idea, from its conception in the General Assembly to its death in February 1948. It demonstrates that under the militia clause, the United Nations intended to rely on the Jews’ main military organisation – the Haganah– to establish the Jewish state and shows how and why this plan went awry despite the converging interests of the Jews and the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses a draft proposed by international lawyer Hersch Lauterpacht for the declaration of independence of the State of Israel as well as the concept of cosmopolitanism. Topics discussed include the support provided by Lauterpacht for the unilateral establishment of a Jewish State, Lauterpacht's doctrine of state and government recognition and attempts made by international lawyers to reconcile cosmopolitanism with sovereignty.

This article discusses the history of the Partido Comunista (Communist Party) of Argentina, with a particular focus on its position regarding the Middle East, the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, and especially the Sinai War. The author comments on the nationalization of the Suez Canal and the pro-Arab stance taken by the party. She also considers the political press publications by the party, including "Nuestra Palabra" and "Nueva Era," which highlighted their attitudes. The writings of party member Rubén Sinay are also examined.

Between early 1947 and May 1948, the Zionist movement went from being a non-state actor representing the minority population within the territory of the British Mandate of Palestine to establishing the State of Israel, which would be recognised almost instantaneously by the world's two Superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Such a result, however, was never a given. What processes allowed a non-state actor, the Zionist movement, to secure international acceptance for the creation of a Jewish state in highly ambiguous circumstances? This analysis explores the dual-track adopted by the Zionist movement, whereby it worked to create facts on the ground within Palestine whilst securing support for its state-building project at the international level. By establishing state-like institutions in Palestine whilst building international support, the Jewish Agency was able to secure for itself a unique place from which to declare statehood. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article addresses the normative role of self-determination in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Contrary to a popular view, it is argued that there are no competing rights of self-determination held by Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs respectively. When properly interpreted, self-determination is a right possessed by the legitimate residents of a region, not by 'peoples' defined in ethnic or cultural terms. The persistent violation of this right over the past one hundred years is the major cause of violence between the two groups, and until rectified, there is little chance for a peaceful resolution of the conflict or for Zionism's quest for legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zionism is not easily defined, especially in terms of its relationship to conflict in the Middle East. Is it possible for Zionism to be harnessed as a Jewish catalyst for peacemaking between Jews and Arabs today? Or is Zionism a zero-sum ideology that tends to perpetuate discrimination toward non-Jews living in Israel and across its checkpoints? This paper seeks to deconstruct the complex reality of Zionism today. It first explores the conventional narrative surrounding Zionism's identity and then deliberates on a few of the more "inclusive" interpretations of Zionism espoused by Jewish thinkers and activists. Following this broad analysis, this article will consider Zionism's flexibility within the diverging political frameworks for peace—that is, the one- and twostate solutions—and its potential contributions to peaceful coexistence between Arabs and Jews in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the characteristics of postwar reconstruction in the State of Israel at the end of the 1948 war and during the early 1950s, focusing on the patterns and priorities of reconstruction of society as a whole and the rehabilitation of veteran soldiers in particular. The article addresses the social impact of the rehabilitation of the 1948 war veterans on the emerging Israeli society, including the creation of a social distinction between different sectors undergoing rehabilitation in terms of employment and housing. The article also discusses the social and political protests that accompanied the rehabilitation of the demobilized soldiers who campaigned for recognition and commemoration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UN General Assembly Resolution 181 declared that the states which will be established in the Land of Israel should accept a constitution. Dr. Leo Kohn was chosen to write the constitution proposal for the Jewish State. The article describes his constitutional project, which was carried out in three stages between the end of 1947 and October 1948. It identifies the sources of his influence in his proposals, names the figures that assisted in writing the proposals, and tries to understand the reasons for the changes made in the three versions of his proposal. It considers the claim that essential changes were due to the fundamental debate concerning the nature of the constitution of the Jewish State: Should it be similar to the constitutions of modern democratic states, or should it express the Jewish tradition and protect the special Jewish character of the state? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on documents recently discovered in French archives, the article sheds new light on the role of France, especially of its Foreign Minister Georges Bidault, in providing arms and ammunition to the Etzel - the pre-state underground Zionist movement in Israel. The ship Altalena, which was sunk by the newly-formed Israel Defence Forces in the midst of the 1948 War of Independence, remains a centre of historiographical and political controversy in Israel. France's role in this affair is examined in the wider context of its clandestine intelligence, military and diplomatic assistance to Israel, as well as its rivalry with Britain in the Middle East. The article argues that Bidault's decision was intended to undermine Britain's secret support during the war in Palestine for King Abdallah of Jordan's occupation of Jerusalem. Documents, including a report of a committee of inquiry of the French Ministry of Defence into the Altalena affair, are annexed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination into the motivations behind the 1948 Israeli War of Independence. The author challenges dominant historiographical narratives suggesting that the conflict was one of self-defense and alternatively asserts that the Zionist movement was always inherently militaristic from its inception in 1897. Comparisons are made between the 1948 War and the Iberian Reconquista of the late Middle Ages, highlighting its similarities in alleged desire for land occupation, irredentism, and disregard for indigenous populations.

The article presents an examination into the Jewish historiography of the 1948 Israeli Independence War, focusing on the major transitions within the Zionist narratives in the second half of the 20th century. Focus is given to the shift from "classical Zionism" to the "New History" methodology in the 1980s and the "neo-Zionist" school of the year 2000. Discussion is provided highlighting the major characteristics of these historiographical schools, their connections to contemporary political movements, and their impact on the scholastic history of modern Israel.

The article discusses politics in Israel under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion and Levi Eshkol who were prime ministers and ministers of defence, Israel's secret nuclear program near Dimona in the Negev Desert, and factors contributing to the Six-Day War in 1967. Ben-Gurion's security policy that is based on three lessons learned from the Holocaust, Israel's War of Independence, compromises in security that were made by Eshkol under U.S. pressure which angered Ben-Gurion and caused controversy among the Israeli political elite, and the Soviets' support for Arabs that lead to a crisis in May and pre-emptive war are discussed.

This article delineates three models of public behavior exhibited by parents of fallen soldiers in Israel: the “hegemonic bereavement model” that emerged after the War of Independence (1948);the “political bereavement model” that appeared in the wake of the Yom Kippur War (1973);the “no‐confidence model” that materialized following major accidents and revelations of negligence during the 1990s.These paradigmatic behaviors emerge in the wake of crisis situations that took a heavy toll in military dead and wounded. The article traces the public initiatives of those bereaved parents who, following their personal tragedy, became social and media activists and formulators of public consciousness. It opens with a review of relevant theoretical literature in the field of culture and state pertaining to cultural codes and the impact of crises on them. The initial model exhibits a conformist code that reproduces state‐sanctioned behavior for representative mourners in national commemorative endeavors. This is followed by two behavioral codes that are essentially counter‐establishment, one directing its critique towards incompetent military implementation and the second charging the formulators of government policy for the tragedies of the fallen. The concluding section presents some generalizations on the topic of time and bereavement in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on historical revisionism in Israel. Reference to the Israeli War of Independence; Comment about Theodor Herzl; Accusations against David Ben-Gurion; Criticism of heroic idealism; Details of factors that have affected Israeli collective consciousness; Details of myths pertaining to Israeli culture and society; Interpretation of myths.

Focuses on the relevance the Declaration of Independence as a basic document of the State of Israel. Controversy on the demarcation of the state's borders; Importance of the declaration on the legal foundation of the state; Analysis of the legality of the declaration; Impact of the declaration on the constitution.

Relates on the American declaration of Independence and the centenary founding of the Hebrew Union College. Presentation on the letter of President George Washington of America for the Jewish Community; Impact of the establishment of the Hebrew Union College; Emergence of a four-fold Judaism in America.

Focuses on the declaration of independence in Israel. Goals of political Zionism; Constitutionality of the declaration of independence; Details on the United Nations resolution for the partition of Palestine.

The article focuses on the correspondence on the Declaration of Independence in Israel between Maurice Blanchot, a monarchist, and Emmanuel Levinas, a Lithuanian Jew. Levinas' letter to Blanchot states of the inability of the state to resolve Levina's ambivalence towards Zionism. Moreover, Levinas letter contains a record of his experience of his captivity during the war which was published in the journal "La Regle du Jeu" by Bernard-Henri Levi.