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United States scholars in economics education generally view economic literacy as the field's connection to citizenship education. However, despite this clarity of purpose, the range of ways that economic literacy could be applied to civic life is ill defined. Based on an examination of stated civic outcomes in U.S. economics curriculum and instructional materials and drawing from Westheimer and Kahne's (2004) widely-cited democratic citizenship framework, the authors detail four archetypes of economic citizenship: (1) The personally responsible economic citizen; (2) the participatory economic citizen; (3) the justice-oriented economic citizen; and (4) the discerning economic citizen. With these citizenship archetypes in mind, economics educators can construct opportunities for their students to consider how to use their economic knowledge to make sound personal decisions, to participate in collective action, to struggle against economic inequality, or to develop an opinion after considering multiple points of view.

This conceptual article explores the use of threshold concepts to help pre-service teachers develop antiracist dispositions. Threshold concepts are "troublesome knowledge" within a discipline that serve as gateways to expanded modes of thinking about subject matter. Grappling with threshold concepts places learners in a liminal space as they confront new knowledge that connects them to transformative, irreversible, and integrative understandings. In response to a call for expanding pedagogical content knowledge of threshold concepts in teacher education, we propose the use of threshold concepts as a pedagogical tool to structure methods courses in order to facilitate the growth of PSTs' working racial knowledge. We provide the study of redlining as an exemplar of how to promote the threshold concept of structural racism toward developing PSTs' antiracist dispositions.

Background/Context: Informed by the increasing racial disparity between the nation's predominantly White teaching force and the growing number of students of color in K-12 schools, along with the well-documented struggles that White teachers have in exploring race and racial identity, the authors critique the use of White privilege pedagogy as a strategy for promoting antiracist dispositions in White pre-service teachers. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: By deploying several concepts central to critical race theory, as well as critiques that note the shortcomings of past attempts at racial reform (Brown v. Board of Education, Voting Rights Act), the authors investigate the effectiveness of White privilege pedagogy within the teacher education setting. Research Design: To construct our conceptual critique of White privilege pedagogy within teacher education, we reviewed the extant literature that discussed the range of shortcomings to this pedagogical approach. To create a more historical and structural critique, we demonstrated how the tenets of White privilege pedagogy conflicted with key principles of critical race theory and with lessons from past racial remedies. We contend that White privilege pedagogy arises from a racial liberalist worldview and requires an untenable convergence of interests that limits its long-term impact. We parallel our critiques of White privilege pedagogy with arguments used by critical race scholars to explain the limited impact of previous efforts at racial reform. Conclusions/Recommendations: The authors urge teacher educators to move away from the individualized and over-essentialized representations of racism inherent to White privilege pedagogy in favor of historical, structural, and intersectional discussions of race, racism, and the construction of White privilege.

The author relates and develops Thandeka's notion of White shame to demonstrate how White teachers' early experiences with race can inhibit White racial identity development and work against racial justice. Through stories in which their interest in race or racial others was discouraged by people in the White community or in which inquiries they made about race were met with rebukes or silence, these teachers demonstrate the tacit, disjointed nature of White racial learning. The author uses the examples of White shame to encourage teacher educators to explore early memories of race and racial socialization as a way to help White pre-service teachers develop critical racial knowledge. The author suggests a racial pedagogy that connects the structural and personal elements of race, focuses on White complicity rather than White privilege, and encourages teachers to capitalise on teachable racial moments in the classroom.

In this conceptual article we consider the pedagogical possibilities and pitfalls of incorporating White ally figures in history and social studies curricula. Drawing on the burgeoning scholarship on race and the social studies and literature on alternative racial orientations, such as allies, antiracists, and abolitionists, we contend that educators can use White-ally pedagogy to offer White students, in particular, examples of an antiracist White racial identity. We close with guidelines to provide social studies educators and teacher educators with a starting point for effectively introducing White allies into the social studies.

Critical theory is one of the predominant schools of thought in the social sciences. Like all theory, it is a framework used for explaining--and examining--something about the world. Critical theory pays special attention to the social world, focusing on the hierarchical nature of social relations and examining how these unequal power relationships lead to privilege for some and oppression for others. In this article, the authors discuss that one must be purposeful when designing a critical inquiry. It is not quite as simple as examining a topic that could connect to social justice issues. To truly stay within the bounds of critical theory, there must be a focus on identifying unequal power relationships in society coupled with the goal of transforming those unjust social relations. To remain true to critical pedagogy, teachers should work to identify questions that are important to students' lives and that encourage them to reflect on the ways that they are either privileged or oppressed by social dynamics. And, finally, to enact these concepts in the context of the Inquiry Design Model (IDM), the inquiry must ask critical questions, analyze sources from the viewpoint of the oppressed, and encourage action that can make a tangible contribution toward justice.

Villainification is the process of creating single actors as the faces of systemic harm, with those hyperindividualized villains losing their ordinary characteristics. Like heroification, there is a simplified portrayal of historical actors, but villainification has particularly harmful consequences. We suggest that villainification obscures the way in which evil operates through everyday actions and unquestioned structures because of the focus on the whim of one person. Although it is unfortunate that we do not often see how we can inadvertently help others and make systemic change, it is very disturbing when we fail to see our own part in the suffering of others. This article critiques one-dimensional portrayals of evildoers in K-12 social studies and popular sentiment and offers a framework via the political theory of Hannah Arendt to educate for a sensibility of interconnected responsibility among members of a society instead of blaming one person for systemic harm or diffusing blame into an amorphous entity (e.g., "society").

The authors analyzed three Advanced Placement U.S. History textbooks' narratives of U.S. 20th century social democratic policies (e.g. New Deal, G.I. Bill, pro-suburbanization policies) using Lipsitz's possessive investment in whiteness as a theoretical framework. The authors found texts portrayed the exclusion of Black populations from policy benefits and, to a lesser extent, the disparate benefits conveyed to white communities. However, discussions of racial disparities were segregated from primary narratives that conveyed race neutrality in policy implementation. Additionally, texts obscured white benefits by framing the racist outcomes of the policies as unavoidable. This work contributes to ongoing critical analyses of official curriculum artifacts like textbooks and standards documents by noting how they manage to include, yet exclude, critical, structural understandings of U.S. history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This critical case study investigated the experiences of six White preservice teachers as they learned about race and racism during the first semester of an urban-focused teacher preparation program. The author identified two broad themes of "transgressive White racial knowledge" and "negotiated White racial knowledge" to capture the participants' engagement with the topic of race. By detailing the complexities of the racial knowledge of a group of race-conscious White teachers, the project helps to de-homogenize conceptualizations of White teachers' racial identities. The transgressive knowledge displayed by the participants largely occurred in their intellectual understandings of issues related to urban education. When the participants discussed their antiracist practice and their own complicity in racism, their negotiations with critical understandings of race emerged. These findings suggest that educators working with race-conscious White teachers should emphasize the messiness inherent in enacting an antiracist practice and think differently about the subtle distancing strategies White teachers often deploy to release themselves from complicity in racism.

Utilizing a critical whiteness studies framework, the authors analyzed the experiences of a cohort of predominantly White pre-service social studies teachers discussing race and Whiteness in relation to education. The pre-service teachers resisted identifying White privilege as a form of structural racism, instead preferring individualized understandings of racism. The participants also utilized their personal biographies to accept or reject aspects of race privilege. The authors highlighted three tensions for teacher educators to consider when engaging pre-service teachers in discussions about race privilege, including recognizing the unfamiliar nature of structural thinking, appreciating the limitations of personal experience, and acknowledging the challenges of structural considerations within individual classrooms. The authors' findings--and the tensions they highlight--depart from previous literature on White teachers and race by paying specific attention to pedagogical issues related to developing a critical racial consciousness in White teachers and by attending to the ways in which Whiteness, as a structural force, limits the ability of White teachers to engage in conversations about race. The authors attempt to trouble the assumption that the pedagogical practices in teacher education adequately create an environment in which White teachers can thoroughly engage in the problematics of race, racism, and Whiteness.

The author utilized Critical Race Theory (CRT) to examine the passage of the US Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965 in an effort to disrupt the simplistic, uncritical understandings of the US Civil Rights Movement common to school texts while also arguing for the ongoing importance of the VRA in a time when voting rights for people of color are under attack. The author identified four points of interest convergence in the passage of the VRA and contends that a critical revisionist narrative of the VRA--along with other events and individuals Civil Rights Movement--is necessary to help students and teachers understand the persistence of racism and the limitations of liberalism in addressing racial inequality.

In this article the authors interrogate the historical meaning of the African American soldier in order to widen the discussion of race and citizenship in the field of social studies education. The article has two overarching purposes. First, the authors attend to the recent call in the field of social studies for a more rigorous analysis of issues of race and racism. The authors focus attention on the history of the Black soldier in order to document the nuanced and paradoxical ways in which race and citizenship have intersected in the lives and military service of these men. Second, the authors situate the work of Carter G. Woodson as foundational to discussions about race and citizenship. They give specific attention to Woodson's textbook writings in order to highlight how he employed the genre of curriculum writing to challenge the historical narratives found in K-12 texts and in the academic literature about the Black soldier. (Contains 2 notes.)

The intent of this article is to examine the significance of Carter G. Woodson to the historical development of the fields of curriculum and social studies, particularly as they relate to the evolution of the modern multicultural movement. The authors focus on Woodson's contributions through his curriculum and his pedagogical efforts in establishing a more rigorous and historically accurate social studies framework through his community education initiatives, the "Negro History Bulletin", and his textbooks. They conclude the article with a discussion of how Woodson's efforts can have direct implications for social studies educators.

The article offers information on using critical theory to investigate the imbalance of power and systems of inequality in the U.S. Topics discussed include educational goal of encouraging critical thinking; adoption of the C3 Framework and the development of the Inquiry Design Model for implementing a critical social studies pedagogy; and asking questions on oppression and power.

United States scholars in economics education generally view economic literacy as the field's connection to citizenship education. However, despite this clarity of purpose, the range of ways that economic literacy could be applied to civic life is ill defined. Based on an examination of stated civic outcomes in U.S. economics curriculum and instructional materials and drawing from Westheimer and Kahne's (2004) widely-cited democratic citizenship framework, the authors detail four archetypes of economic citizenship: (1) The personally responsible economic citizen; (2) the participatory economic citizen; (3) the justice-oriented economic citizen; and (4) the discerning economic citizen. With these citizenship archetypes in mind, economics educators can construct opportunities for their students to consider how to use their economic knowledge to make sound personal decisions, to participate in collective action, to struggle against economic inequality, or to develop an opinion after considering multiple points of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]