Search

Recent scholarship has promoted reflexivity in migration research using visual participatory methods. However, the perspectives of cross-border workers living as undocumented migrants in borderlands have been understudied using these methods. Adopting a reflexive approach to Participatory Filmmaking (PF), this article critically engages with the co-production of knowledge amongst thirteen Moroccan cross-border women living and working irregularly as domestic workers in the Spanish city of Ceuta, North Africa. Empirically grounded in a 3-month PF workshop conducted during the closure of the Moroccan–Spanish border following the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) lockdown, it explores the application of specific methods and tactics of data collection and analysis based on researchers' and participants' reflexivity to reveal some of the local colonial legacies that emerge when approaching this methodology from a Eurocentric gaze. To this end, I first established an ongoing, transparent dialogue aimed at unlearning, from the participants' perspective, how to critically interrogate each facet of PF's data collection and analysis. In this endeavour, decisions about the rationale for recruitment, practices, visuals, and technologies employed, participation, consent, and canons of technology and representation were negotiated to produce reflexive autoethnographies while avoiding exposure. Secondly, I consider specific reflexive tactics and methods of co-analysing data with participants to challenge specific categorizations while embracing decolonial feminist views. In doing so, I argue for a more reflexive approach to PF to redress existing power inequalities at the intersection of technology, representation, and voice at the heart of borderlands. It can be achieved by transforming methodological analysis into decolonial action and response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few jurisprudential U-turns in the history of the ECtHR have attracted as much criticism as the one in the case of N.D. and N.T. v. Spain. Indeed, not only did the Grand Chamber severely curtail migrants’ rights at land borders, but also did it with a largely unconvincing reasoning. In fact, the ECtHR had to come up with some legal novelties and resort to rather confusing arguments in order to force a non-violation verdict that could not have otherwise been reached. For this reason, the ECtHR has often been accused of ‘inventing’ new limitations to Article 4 of Protocol No. 4 ECHR (A4-P4). This paper purports to demonstrate, however, that the ECtHR did not really ‘invent’ anything. Rather, the change would have actually originated in Spain, and the ECtHR would have only taken inspiration therefrom to make the jurisprudential change happen. This would suggest an atypical ‘bottom-up’ influence or inspiration from the State level to the ECtHR which would raise, in turn, a series of methodological issues and have a ‘top-down’ impact back on the State level. This is an avenue worth exploring, as it may cast a new light, not only on the Grand Chamber judgment of N.D. and N.T., but also on the restrictive approach towards A4-P4 over the last years, both at the ECtHR and within the Spanish framework. DE MELILLA A ESTRASBURGO: UN ANÁLISIS DE LA INSPIRACIÓN ESPAÑOLA EN EL GIRO DEL TEDH CON RESPECTO AL ARTÍCULO 4 DEL PROTOCOLO N.º 4 CEDH EN LA FRONTERA HISPANO-MARROQUÍ ocos giros jurisprudenciales en la historia del TEDH han suscitado tantas críticas como el del caso de N.D. y N.T. c. España. En efecto, la Gran Sala no solo recortó gravemente los derechos de los migrantes en las fronteras terrestres, sino que además lo hizo a través de un razonamiento poco convincente. De hecho, el TEDH tuvo que recurrir a varias novedades jurídicas y a argumentos un tanto confusos para forzar un fallo absolutorio que no podría haber alcanzado de otra forma. Por esta razón, el TEDH ha sido a menudo acusado de haber «inventado» nuevas limitaciones al Artículo 4 del Protocolo n.º 4 CEDH (A4-P4). Este artículo pretende demostrar, sin embargo, que el TEDH no «inventó» realmente nada. Más bien, el cambio habría ocurrido en España y el TEDH simplemente se habría inspirado en él para llevar a cabo su giro jurisprudencial. Esto indicaría la existencia de una atípica influencia o inspiración «de abajo arriba» que generaría, a su vez, una serie de problemas metodológicos y tendría un impacto «de arriba abajo» de vuelta en el nivel nacional. Esta es una vía que vale la pena explorar, ya que podría arrojar una nueva luz, no solo sobre la sentencia de la Gran Sala en N.D. y N.T., sino también sobre el enfoque restrictivo de los últimos años con respecto al A4-P4 tanto en el TEDH como en el marco español. DE MELILLA A STRASBOURG : UNE ANALYSE DE L’INSPIRATION ESPAGNOLE DANS LE REVIREMENT DE LA CEDH VIS-A-VIS DE L’ARTICLE 4 DU PROTOCOLE NO. 4 CEDH A LA FRONTIERE HISPANO-MAROCAINE Peu de revirements jurisprudentiels dans l’histoire de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme (CEDH) ont attiré autant de critiques que celui de l’affaire N.D. et N.T. c. Espagne. En effet, la Grande Chambre a non seulement réduit les droits des migrants aux frontières terrestres, mais elle l’a fait à travers un raisonnement peu convaincant. Dans les faits, la Cour a dû avoir recours à des nouveautés juridiques et des arguments assez confus afin de forcer un verdict de non-violation qui n’aurait pas pu être trouvé autrement. Pour cette raison, la Cour a souvent été accusée d’« inventer » de nouvelles limitations à l’Article 4 du Protocole nº 4 CEDH (A4-P4). Cet article démontre cependant que la Cour n’aurait rien « inventé ». En réalité, le changement se serait d’abord produit au niveau domestique espagnol, et la Cour s’en serait simplement inspirée pour rendre possible le revirement jurisprudentiel. Ceci montrerait une influence ou inspiration « de bas en haut » assez atypique qui entraînerait, à son tour, plusieurs problèmes méthodologiques et aurait un impact « de haut en bas » au niveau de l’État. C’est une voie qui mérite d’être explorée car elle peut porter un éclairage nouveau sur la décision de la Grande Chambre dans l’affaire N.D. et N.T. c. Espagne, mais aussi sur l’approche restrictive vis-à-vis l’A4-P4 au fil des dernières années, aussi bien au niveau de la Cour que dans le cadre espagnol.

The Spanish autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla have long been sites of undocumented migration to Spain. Owing to both anti-immigration attitudes often perpetuated in political discourse and the challenges involved in blocking migration in cities that are geographically separated from Spain’s mainland, this migratory context has been heavily debated in Spain. However, it is critical to examine attitudes towards migrant populations of different legal statuses, and particularly essential to look at widely disseminated discourse such as mass media, which has the power to be impactful in shaping popular opinions. In this study, I analyse such discourse, and examine how migrants are represented in Spanish media. Using critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2003) and media framing (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel [2021]. “The Medium.” In Theories of Human Communication, 151–154. Waveland Press), this study looks at 100 online news articles published over a 10-year period (2013–2022). Findings indicate that news outlets use both text and photos to dehumanise and criminalise migrant populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although terrorist disengagement is a dynamic process, this study proposes the likelihood of a continuity in the prevailing factors influencing exit from terrorism and the prevailing dimensions which initially influenced violent radicalization. Through the analysis of two contrasting cases featuring third-generation Muslims formerly involved in jihadist activities in Spain, we assess a connection between the prevailing push and pull factors which sparked individuals to cease their terrorist engagement and the predominant dimensions that earlier prompted the radicalization which led them to terrorist involvement. Drawing from in-depth interviews with the two former jihadists, Hassan and Omar, conducted while they were serving prison sentences for terrorism offences, we suggest that the significance of ideology and network in, respectively, their journeys from Islamic fundamentalism towards jihadism is similarly reflected in their accounts of ending jihadist involvement, even in the presence of secondary factors that also play a role in such a complex process.

La compleja cuestión del seguimiento de los depósitos temporales realizados por el Museo Nacional del Prado a lo largo de su historia, el llamado «Prado disperso» (ahora «Prado extendido»), viene a enriquecerse con la localización de un retrato de Leopoldo O’Donnell por Raimundo de Madrazo (18411920), que en 1920 fue depositado en Tetuán en la Alta Comisaría de España en Marruecos. El fin del protectorado español de Marruecos en 1956 y la confusión sobre la verdadera autoría de la obra —adjudicada de forma recurrente a Federico de Madrazo— han sido las causas que han dificultado su correcta identificación, que culmina ahora con su hallazgo en el Salón del Trono de la Comandancia General de Ceuta.

The Strait is without any doubt one of the most critical places on the planet from multiple points of view, including trade, strategic importance, security and migration. For Spain especially, it is a crucial area, not only for these reasons but also for others closely associated with Spain’s historical and neighbourly relations. In addition, it is the site of many unresolved disputes with Morocco and the United Kingdom.The control and stability of external borders in the Strait of Gibraltar Region has some characteristics. Because of its structural characteristics and dynamics, the region presents a very specific scenario that is different to that of other Spanish and European zones with external borders.Immigration in the Straits of Gibraltar must take into account the key elements that are objectively present, making the management of migratory flows particularly complicated. In addition, Morocco has been openly using immigration as a political weapon against Spain since 2021, with the aim of making Spain change its foreign policy on the Western Sahara issue.In this context, those who suffer most from these structural conditions in the complicated Strait of Gibraltar are immigrants and asylum seekers and refugees, climate refugees or those fleeing areas of famine and war. Human rights, democracy and European values must be taken into account, particularly needed in this key geostrategic Region for Europe.Recent pan-European narratives rest on a powerful foundation of values linked to fundamental democratic principles with a European dimension. European values, when focused on migration issues, imply that there must be a humanitarian reception, which must be inclusive. The full protection of human rights at borders and even their projection beyond, with democratic controls in the action of third countries authorities towards immigrants and refugees, is based on a compassionate attitude towards foreigners Ad Portas Europae.Greater involvement of the European Union in the area and the region of the Strait of Gibraltar would be desirable. Its intervention and mediation could smooth out conflicts and disputes in the area. This would result in better management of migratory flows. A clear European legal framework and a better-defined practice of respect for the human rights of immigrants, refugees and people seeking international protection in this key geostrategic region of southern Europe are urgent and badly needed.

Durante el sitio de Gibraltar (1704-1705) el landgrave de Hesse entabló una serie de negociaciones con el emperador de Marruecos Muley Ismael y su virrey, el alcaide Alí, para conseguir el aprovisionamiento de la plaza, pero también para conseguir los caballos que necesitaba para poder llevar a cabo sus planes de expansión por Andalucía y conseguir el dominio de ese territorio antes de dirigirse a Madrid. En este artículo exploramos la correspondencia del landgrave de Hesse con el alcaide Alí de Tánger y el emperador Muley Ismael con vistas a llegar a un acuerdo para el suministro de víveres y caballos que llegó a involucrar la suerte de Ceuta y que, finalmente, no tuvo lugar. Por último, examinamos las causas de que el acuerdo no llegase a buen fin a pesar de la buena voluntad de ambas partes.

My work investigates the spatial transformations generated by conflicting competencies in the border city of Ceuta, a Spanish exclave on the northernmost tip of Morocco. Due to its strategic location, Ceuta became the gateway to the Spanish Protectorate over Morocco. Its implemented masterplan was rooted in the colonial urbanizing strategy of social segregation; yet failed to encompass the entirety of the territory, rendering the border area a site for informal urban settlements. Spain’s 1986 accession to the EU granted the exclave a new role as an icon of Fortress Europe, hindering migration movements toward mainland Europe and, due to the municipality’s neglect of the multifarious stranded migrant groups, settlements ballooned into districts along the border checkpoints. This article investigates the spatial conflicts generated by the border and how these, in turn, shape the borderland. It examines how supra-national actors manipulate urban planning to establish dominance, ostracizing the border region, and studies whether migrants’ spatial practices can effectively disrupt their socio-spatial segregation. Focusing on the border district of El Principe, a twofold methodology is followed: A top-down perspective is built through mapping, examining historical masterplans, policy analysis, and interviews, and a bottom-up stance is included, grounded on participant observation and semi-structured interviews, revealing migrants’ spatial appropriation tactics.

Copyright of e-Revista Internacional de la Protección Social is the property of e-Revista Internacional de la Proteccion Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By opening the gates on the border to Ceuta in May 2021, Morocco explicitly engaged in coercive engineered migration (CEM) to establish a tradeoff of sovereignty claims over the Spanish exclave city and the Western Sahara territory. In this article, we test Greenhill’s theory on why stronger liberal democratic states yield to this strategy by weaker autocratic states against the public debate in Spain on how the government devolved the migrants and relinquished the future of its ex-colony in the desert, with evidence from the mass media, official documents and personal interviews. We offer an alternative conceptual model for CEM by critically recalibrating factors within her domestic account and shifting the focus to geopolitical considerations. We argue that externalization of border control has tended to blur expected differences among political regimes, reducing the risk of ideological polarization and hypocrisy costs, typical of democracies according to theory, and leaving fear of swamping of hosting resources as the main domestic explanation of successful CEM across regimes. It has embedded border control in multiple issue-linkages, increasing the leverage of countries of origin and transit in the multi-scalar international tapestry of migration diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En la actualidad, la situación sociolingüística de la ciudad de Ceuta es propicia para el estudio de la interacción lingüística entre el árabe vernáculo y la variedad del español hablados en la ciudad. Esta realidad no es nueva ya que su localización geográfica ha permitido que durante siglos haya sido punto de encuentro de diferentes lenguas y culturas. En época medieval, Ceuta formó parte del territorio conocido como al-Andalus y, gracias a ello, las huellas lingüísticas del árabe andalusí en la zona fueron importantes. Pero, además, la población autóctona vecina hablaba una variedad del árabe marroquí o del bereber que pudieron ejercer alguna influencia adstrática en la variedad andalusí. El objetivo de este trabajo es llevar a cabo un estudio de dialectología comparada para determinar la posibilidad de la existencia de dos variedades vernáculas diferentes en época medieval en el entorno del estrecho de Gibraltar: el árabe andalusí y el árabe marroquí. Para ello, nos centraremos en una obra literaria que data de la segunda mitad del siglo XII y la compararemos con los datos de otras fuentes andalusíes. Los datos con los que disponemos nos muestran cómo en el siglo XII el árabe marroquí y el andalusí eran dos variedades árabes muy similares pero con diferente evolución dentro del tipo magrebí, y cómo la ciudad de Ceuta era, igual que lo es hoy, el principal territorio donde interaccionan las influencias lingüísticas llegadas de Marruecos y de la península ibérica.

Liberal democracies politicize racist incidents at the expense of institutionalizing antiracist ideologies through party politics. This article is concerned with how racial experience shapes how people come to 'know the political' in Ceuta, a Spanish city on the Spanish-Moroccan borderland. Knowing the political is an embodied form of subjectivity that makes meaningful sense out of governmental politics as an extension of social life. After examining racial experiences in the lives of Muslim politicians and their supporters, the article examines how the UDCE, a political party primarily composed of Muslims, practices and articulates political ideologies shaped by their experiences as Muslims in Ceuta. Popular and political reactions to the UDCE's political interventions reveal social unease with racialized peoples conducting political affairs as racialized peoples. This unease, in turn, is rooted in broader sociocultural and historical processes that exclude racial experience from the core practices and ideologies of liberal democratic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La pertenencia de Ceuta y Melilla al espacio Schengen está claramente influenciada por el régimen fronterizo en ambas ciudades y derivado de Tratados internacionales del siglo XIX, así como por las particularidades de sus pasos fronterizos. Por otra parte el régimen de exención de visados con las regiones marroquíes limítrofes, Nador y Tetuán, debería favorecer el desarrollo socio-económico de la zona en beneficio de ambos países.

Tras una referencia al marco jurídico internacional de la cooperación transfronteriza entre entidades territoriales (regionales y locales) en el seno del Consejo de Europa (de España con los países vecinos: Francia, Portugal y el Reino Unido en torno a Gibraltar), analizaremos las relaciones de cooperación transfronteriza hispano-marroquíes, en concreto, entre Ceuta y Melilla y las provincias de Tetuán y de Nador, respectivamente, que plantean un cierto grado de dificultad, al ser un tema comprendido en los distintos marcos de relaciones existentes entre la Unión Europea (UE) y Marruecos. Estos son: la Política Regional y de Cohesión europea, a través del programa de iniciativa comunitaria Interreg III A (a partir de 1994) y el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER), entre otros fondos; el Proceso de Asociación Euromediterránea – Unión por el Mediterráneo y su instrumento financiero, el programa MEDA; y la Política Europea de Vecindad - PEV (2004, revisada en 2011 y 2015) y el Instrumento Europeo de Vecindad y Asociación – IEVA (en vigor desde el 1 de enero de 2007), sustituido por el Instrumento Europeo de Vecindad (en vigor desde el 16 de marzo de 2014) para el periodo 2014-2020 y fusionado en el Instrumento de Vecindad, Desarrollo y Cooperación Internacional (IVDCI) - Europa Global para el periodo 2021-2027. Subrayaremos cómo las reivindicaciones de carácter territorial han limitado las posibilidades de cooperación transfronteriza entre España y Marruecos en el marco de la PEV, y plantearemos algunas propuestas para el fomento de la cooperación transfronteriza entre las Ciudades Autónomas españolas y las provincias marroquíes de Tetuán y de Nador en la «nueva etapa del partenariado entre España y Marruecos» iniciada a comienzos de 2022.

En materia de seguridad y defensa, Ceuta y Melilla no aparecen como territorios cubiertos por la cláusula de legítima defensa de la OTAN, si bien serían susceptibles de ser objeto de consultas ente las partes ante un peligro para la integridad, independencia o seguridad de cualquiera de ellos. No obstante, Ceuta y Melilla sí estarían cubiertas por la cláusula de legítima defensa colectiva recogida en el art. 42.7 TUE. Esto último debería manifestarse de forma clara en la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional del Reino de España, además de dotarle de una dimensión europea a través de los mecanismos previstos en la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa. En cuanto a la seguridad interior, el futuro Plan Integral de Seguridad para Ceuta y Melilla, basándose en la normativa de Frontex, debe establecer planes operativos, de contingencia y de desarrollo de capacidades, y de acuerdo con la futura Estrategia Nacional de Gestión de Fronteras.

En las relaciones España-Marruecos, existe un desequilibro en favor de Marruecos en los temas territoriales de la relación bilateral. Se analizan diversas medidas de consolidación y reforzamiento de Ceuta y Melilla en la Unión Europea, con estrategias a corto, medio y largo plazo que tengan en cuenta los intereses de las Ciudades y de España en el Área y Región del Estrecho de Gibraltar. El objetivo de consolidar a la UE en las Ciudades, Islas y Peñones de España en la costa africana debe ser permanente en la actuación española, especialmente tras la crisis de crisis de Ceuta de 2021, con la utilización de la inmigración masiva por Marruecos como arma diplomática contra España; y del posterior cambio español sobre el Sáhara Occidental de 2022. Estos acontecimientos confieren cierta precariedad jurídico-internacional a Ceuta y Melilla, dada la nula reacción española ante los graves incumplimientos marroquíes de las obligaciones internacionales. En este trabajo se analizan estrategias a corto y medio plazo, como es el establecimiento de una región ultraperiférica europea, y especialmente se propone crear un estatuto específico en la UE adaptado a las necesidades de Ceuta y Melilla, como ‘Ciudades UE de frontera Exterior en África’, dado el carácter absolutamente único de sus circunstancias en el contexto europeo y mediterráneo. Igualmente se analizan estrategias a largo plazo que pueden servir de reforzamiento a las Ciudades y servir a los intereses de España en la región del Estrecho. Entre ellas la eventual analogía de soluciones de futuro para Gibraltar como ciudad internacionalizada vinculada a la UE. En la misma línea de búsqueda de estrategias, se analiza el posible interés geoestratégico para España de la opción de división del territorio del Sáhara, propuesta por el Secretario General de la ONU en 2002, como una de las opciones de salida al conflicto del Sáhara Occidental. Finalmente se analiza la situación de limbo jurídico en que se encuentran en Derecho español las Islas y Peñones, particularmente los Peñones de Vélez y de Alhucemas. Se plantea la necesidad de una política de ‘Lawfare’, intensificando las referencias normativas españolas y europeas. También se propone considerar unas nuevas funciones y significados para los Peñones como lugares de Memoria e interpretación histórica de las guerras en el Rif de los Siglos XIX y XX.

Copyright of SHILAP Revista de Lepidopterologia is the property of Sociedad Hispano-Luso-Americana de Lepidopterologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletin del Museo del Prado is the property of Museo Nacional del Prado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses the hate speech in messages published on Twitter from May 17 to 25, 2021 during the crisis caused by the entry of thousands of immigrants at the Tarajal border in Ceuta. The aim of the research is to perform a thematic classification of messages with hate speech. For this, a mixed methodology has been used and six subjets related to hate speech on Twitter have been identified, of which four are focused on political issues, accounting for 80% of the messages, and only 20% of them refer to racism and immigration. In addition, up to five campaigns of unknown origin have been detected. This work concludes that hate speeches focus more on political issues than on the problem of immigration itself, its causes, consequences and possible solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of e-Revista Internacional de la Protección Social is the property of e-Revista Internacional de la Proteccion Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of e-Revista Internacional de la Protección Social is the property of e-Revista Internacional de la Proteccion Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Documentación de las Ciencias de la Información is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractThe Azafids were one of the most famous families of jurists and scholars in the city of Ceuta in the Islamic period. They were able to rule this city often semi-independently during the 7th to 8th centuries AH and also rule over several other cities in some other periods. Due to their scientific and religious statuses, they were respected by the people, while being influential in the social history of Maghrib and Andalusia. Abu al-Abbas Azafi, the great ancestor of this family, wrote the famous book, Al-ddur Al-Monazzam fi Mawlid Al-Nabi Al-Moazzam, which influenced on celebration of Prophet Muhammad’s birthday in this area. Only 5 members of this family came to power and the other members became famous as scholars and poets in their times. In this article, the author intended to identify the members of this family based on a library research and via the description and analysis of the contents of the related sources, while answering the two questions of what factors were effective in bringing these jurists to power and finally losing power and what their scientific and social statuses were. It seemed that the scientific-religious position and influence of the Azafids in the political turmoil of that period in Morocco and Andalusia led to their ruling, but this turmoil also removed their authority, as well as their activities from the scene of power. IntroductionOne of the most important and influential periods in the history of Morocco and Andalusia was the defeat of Muhammad Nasser in1211 A.D. The battle of Las Navas de Tolosa” in Arab history was known as the battle of Al-Iqab against Alfonso VIII of Castile. After that, the Almohads did not regain their former power in Maghreb and Andalusia. In the meantime, some Maghreb cities like Ceuta, which served as a gateway between Maghreb and southern Andalusia, were exposed to Christian attacks and rivalry between the Maghreb and Andalusian rulers. Therefore, they decided to accept a better alternative to Almohad movement to maintain security. These new rulers made the Hafsid dynasty. The Hafsids chose a governor, whose name was Ibn Abi Khalid, for Ceuta. However, his cruel and unjust behavior towards the people of Ceuta caused them to rise up under the leadership of a famous jurist named Abul-Qâsem Azfi, who was able to form a government in 1249 A.D. Then, 5 members of this family, who were all jurists and scholars, came to power. During their sovereignties, they were associated with the great governments of Morocco and Andalusia, such as the Marinids and Nasrids, while being even forced to rule under their authorities. Finally, rivalry with the Seghellid family in Ceuta and lack of the Marinids’ support for the Azfi family caused them to lose their power forever. Materials and MethodsBy using a library method with a historical-analytical approach, this research tried to identify the Azafids family members and determine their scientific and social statuses. Discussion of Results and ConclusionsCeuta, which was the gateway to Morocco and Andalusia, attracted the attention of the powerful governments of the region, such as those of the Almohads, Marinids, and Nasrids, to be occupied by them. In the meantime, the Azafids used their scientific and religious influences and prestige among the people of Ceuta and seized power. The Azafids voluntarily or compulsorily joined one of these governments in each period in order to have a powerful supporter or maintain their power and sovereignty. Despite all the efforts of the Azafids’ rulers to maintain their sovereignty, the conflicts and family rivalries in Ceuta ended with Sultan Abu Saeed Marini’s support. However, their names remained in history because most of the members of this family were famous in poetry, jurisprudence, medicine, and even politics in Morocco and Andalusia for many years. They presented many works, the most important of which was the work of Abu al-Abbas Ahmad called the Al-ddur Al-Monazzam fi Mawlid Al-Nabi Al-Moazzam. In his book, he emphasized that holding religious celebrations, especially that of the Holy Prophet’s birthday, was very important and that Muslims were better to honor their Prophet’s status in this way. In fact, this book left a great celebration for the birthday of the Prophet of Islam after his death as a memorial, especially during the reign of the Marines in Maghreb and Andalusia, something that people did not care about until the writing of this book.

La cobertura gráfica de la migración es una constante en la prensa española de los últimos años dada la actualidad noticiosa vinculada con estos movimientos humanos. Esta investigación explora la capacidad de la imagen fotográfica para el retrato de las personas migrantes y cómo se produce este tratamiento gráfico. Para ello se centra en el estudio de caso de la fotografía tomada en 19 de mayo de 2021 por Bernat Armangue en la playa de El Tarajal (Ceuta) que muestra el abrazo entre la cooperante de Cruz Roja España, Luna Reyes, y el senegalés, Abdou. Este documento fotográfico impactó en la opinión pública nacional e internacional y tuvo gran difusión en redes sociales. Usando un protocolo de análisis que describe y analiza la imagen en cinco niveles (contextual, compositivo, morfológico, enunciativo y global), la presente investigación nos aproxima a la capacidad del fotoperiodismo para aglutinar en representaciones muy concretas conflictos muy complejos movilizando así a la opinión pública. La polémica asociada a la difusión de esta imagen nos permitirá también explorar cuestiones vinculadas con la ética y la deontología de la profesión fotoperiodística sobre todo cuando se desarrolla en entornos digitales

The Spanish press relayed the events that unfolded during the migratory incident that occurred in Ceuta and Melilla on 17 May 2021. Considering the media's key role in social and ideological construction, the purpose of this article is to analyze the informative treatment that the Spanish press gave to this incident, contributing to the study of the image that is shown about the migrant population in the media. For this, the present qualitative study performed a critical analysis, using the Atlas software. Ti 8, of the discourse featuring in the newspaper publications of El País, El Mundo, La Vanguardia and ABC. The results demonstrated the following tendencies: a negative-tone discourse; the invisibility of migrant women; and a "we" vs. "them" narrative. In the light of this reality, we suggest that improvements be made, including a shift in the media's populist discourse and a greater focus on diasporas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SHILAP Revista de Lepidopterologia is the property of Sociedad Hispano-Luso-Americana de Lepidopterologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La competencia digital tiene gran importancia en el marco europeo de la educación, dada las recomendaciones que desde el Parlamento Europeo se hacen como factor fundamental del aprendizaje permanente. Este hecho requiere de unos docentes con una base consolidada en dicha competencia, para transmitírsela a sus estudiantes, y con ello, cumplir con las recomendaciones dadas. La finalidad de la presente investigación es conocer la influencia de la edad en la competencia digital, en el área de información y alfabetización informacional, de los estudiantes del Máster de Profesorado de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria, Bachillerato, Formación Profesional y Enseñanza de Idiomas en Ceuta, España. La investigación se realizó mediante un método cuantitativo, con alcance descriptivo y correlativo, de diseño no experimental, de paradigma longitudinal. La muestra es de 153 estudiantes. El instrumento utilizado es un cuestionario basado en el Marco Común de Competencia Digital Docente de 2017. Los resultados muestran que la edad es un elemento influyente.

The article focuses on the autonomous Spanish cities of Ceuta and Melilla, located of the coast of North Africa and bordering Morocco. Topics of discussion include an overview of both cities, including commercial activities, borderlands and border relations, Spanish-Moroccan relations, and immigration.

Following a brief overview of immigration in Spain, the present paper first analyses the main routes of illegal immigration into Spain, giving recent data on the number of arrivals by sea and land to the Iberian Peninsula, Balearic Islands, Canary Islands and Spanish territories in North Africa. The sea has traditionally been the main route of entry to Spanish territory for immigrants primarily from Sub-Saharan Africa. However, the years 2013 to 2015 proved an exception to this rule, with immigration by land outstripping that by sea due to an increase in the arrival of Syrian immigrants to the cities of Ceuta and above all Melilla. Next, a description is given of the political and operational mechanisms established by the Spanish authorities to control Spain’s maritime borders, especially in the Canary Islands. Such border control is achieved through unilateral surveillance measures (the Integrated External Surveillance System, Spanish initials: SIVE), bilateral cooperation (inter-state agreements with Morocco and other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa) and regional cooperation within the European Union (EU). This is followed by a discussion of how immigration routes have been affected by increased cooperation between Spain and African States to intercept immigrants in their countries of origin or during transit. There is likewise an analysis of Spain’s use of summary returns or pushbacks following assaults or jumps on the border fences surrounding Ceuta and Melilla and attempts of arrival by swimming in Ceuta or by sea to Spanish islands and islets in North Africa, within the framework of the 1992 Spanish-Moroccan agreement on readmission of foreigners who have entered illegally. Lastly, we argue that the reinforcement of border control alone is insufficient to curb migration flows: to be effective, it must be accompanied by common policies in the European countries of destination and increased investment in the countries of origin to provide their citizens with the opportunity to obtain a higher standard of living and overcome the temptation to emigrate as a first option.

Septem Fratres (Ceuta) fut l’une des nombreuses villes côtières du Détroit de Gibraltar dont l’économie se fondait sur l’exploitation des ressources marines. Ses vestiges se situent dans le secteur de l’isthme, qui a été habité de façon ininterrompue au cours des deux derniers millénaires, ce qui a compromis la conservation des niveaux plus anciens. L’intensification et la systématisation des interventions d’archéologie urbaine, à partir des années 90 du siècle dernier, ont apporté non seulement des informations quantitativement et qualitativement remarquables sur cette période, mais ont aussi démontré que, au-dessous des fortifications «tracées à l’italienne » du côté ouest, ces niveaux préislamiques sont mieux conservés, ce qui ouvre des nouvelles perspectives de recherche à court, moyen et long terme.

En los últimos 15 años se han producido en las inmediaciones de la Frontera Sur de España una serie de acontecimientos y ensamblajes arquitectónicos aparentemente inconexos para mejorar la funcionalidad y capacidad de respuesta de la frontera construida. Este artículo aborda el giro dinámico que está sufriendo la frontera contemporánea según la detección de tres estrategias: impermeabilizar, retardar y contener. La cartografía crítica y la reconstrucción forense de una serie de acontecimientos permiten evidenciar la deriva de una transformación tipológica que desplaza el peso de construcciones estables a ensamblajes dinámicos e instantáneos. Estos ya no pueden enunciarse como soluciones estáticas, sino como un dispositivo o ensamblaje territorial que configura y define la frontera. Si la arquitectura de la frontera materializa de manera clara la soberanía, es necesario cuestionarse el modelo territorial, que ya no es representado por la norma sino por la condición de operatividad.

The call in 1930 for a contest to draft the plan for expansion and interior reform of Ceuta, a medium Spanish city on the African continent, allows us to analyze the tools used by Spanish urban planners in a singular moment are the dawn of the functional city. The confluence in this contest of three proposals by the prominent urban architects César Cort, Pedro Muguruza and Gaspar Blein, allows us to know the advances and setbacks of Spanish urbanism, and its permeability to the new ideas as result of the of the international networks of urbanism influence.

En la biblioteca del Ministerio de Defensa se conserva un ejemplar de un mapa manuscrito titulado “Croquis geológico de Montes de Sierra Bullones a escala 1:20.000”, firmado por los ingenieros de montes Máximo Laguna y Luis Satorras, en 1861 y que había permanecido hasta ahora inédito para la historiografía geológica. Los autores fueron dos ingenieros de montes españoles que se habían desplazado a Ceuta en Julio de 1860 para reconocer el territorio recién anexionado a España tras la Guerra de África (1859-1860). Los resultados fueron presentados en una memoria y también se levantaron un mapa geológico y uno de rodales. Años después, en 1877, la memoria fue publicada, sin incluir el mapa geológico. En el mapa se diferencian cuatro unidades litológicas distintas y en ella se traza, con notable acierto, los principales rasgos geológicos del territorio. Este trabajo pretende dar a conocer a la comunidad científica esta cartografía geológica inédita, que se adelanta en 56 años a la de Dupuy de Lôme y Milans del Bosch de 1917, que hasta ahora se consideraba la primera cartografía geológica de Ceuta.

This paper reviews the outcomes of linguistic contact between the Spanish and Arabic languages from the fifteenth century until the present day. While much is known about the relation between these two languages during the period 711–1492, the current scope of investigation explores the variants produced by such contact. This study reviews the distinct cases of language contact in Ceuta and Melilla, as well as the Moroccan Judeo-Spanish vernacular of the Sephardim, Haketia, which developed in cities such as Tetuan and Tangier.

The Azafids were one of the most famous families of jurists and scholars in the city of Ceuta in the Islamic period. They were able to rule this city often semi-independently during the 7th to 8th centuries AH and also rule over several other cities in some other periods. Due to their scientific and religious statuses, they were respected by the people, while being influential in the social history of Maghrib and Andalusia. Abu al-Abbas Azafi, the great ancestor of this family, wrote the famous book, Al-ddur Al-Monazzam fi Mawlid Al-Nabi Al-Moazzam, which influenced on celebration of Prophet Muhammad’s birthday in this area. Only 5 members of this family came to power and the other members became famous as scholars and poets in their times. In this article, the author intended to identify the members of this family based on a library research and via the description and analysis of the contents of the related sources, while answering the two questions of what factors were effective in bringing these jurists to power and finally losing power and what their scientific and social statuses were. It seemed that the scientific-religious position and influence of the Azafids in the political turmoil of that period in Morocco and Andalusia led to their ruling, but this turmoil also removed their authority, as well as their activities from the scene of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ceuta y Melilla, dos ciudades españolas muy pequeñas en Marruecos, se interponen en la continuidad de la narrativa geográfica del Magreb para convertirse en microcosmos imbuidos de contradicciones y discontinuidades culturales. La identidad polimorfa de los enclaves se ha construido de hecho a través de diferentes sedimentaciones coloniales, diferencias religiosas y corrientes migratorias imparables. Estamos hablando de verdaderas “tierras medias” entre África y Europa, el Islam y el Cristianismo, el Norte y el Sur del mundo. En los últimos tiempos, a la polarización de la frontera hispano-marroquí ha contribuido la creación de la zona de libre circulación europea aprobada en Schengen: de zonas históricas de libre tránsito comercial y cultural, Ceuta y Melilla han pasado a ser una falla geopolítica capaz de alterar y modificar la milenaria tradición de paso flexible a Europa. Esta redefinición de la zona fronteriza, junto con los movimientos migratorios, ha cambiado lentamente el sentido de la frontera hispanomarroquí, transformándola primero en una frontera rígida y luego transfigurándola en una red ultra tecnológica capaz de obstaculizar el ius migrandi.

Enclave extra-péninsulaire, isolée mais stratégique, Ceuta est devenue une ville-frontière hispano-marocaine sous haute tension ainsi qu’une forteresse européenne soumise à une forte pression migratoire. La construction d’un mur de séparation, l’édification de barbelés, de clôtures et de tours de contrôle donnent à voir un paysage urbain où la notion de frontière est omniprésente. Une démarcation territoriale qui véhicule aussi une démarcation humaine, car la frontière à Ceuta divise, stigmatisant ceux qui sont du mauvais côté, brisant aussi les rapports interculturels qui semblent avoir été naturels dans et autour de cette enclave. Elle limite également la présence des Marocains des alentours dans la ville, générant ainsi des migrations pendulaires quotidiennes de part et d’autre de cette frontière. L’étude des dynamiques frontalières à Ceuta proposée dans cet article nous permettra de mieux mesurer leurs impacts et leur portée.

The Spanish press relayed the events that unfolded during the migratory incident that occurred in Ceuta and Melilla on 17 May 2021. Considering the media’s key role in social and ideological construction, the purpose of this article is to analyze the informative treatment that the Spanish press gave to this incident, contributing to the study of the image that is shown about the migrant population in the media. For this, the present qualitative study performed a critical analysis, using the Atlas software. Ti 8, of the discourse featuring in the newspaper publications of El País, El Mundo, La Vanguardia and ABC. The results demonstrated the following tendencies: a negative-tone discourse; the invisibility of migrant women; and a “we” vs. “them” narrative. In the light of this reality, we suggest that improvements be made, including a shift in the media’s populist discourse and a greater focus on diasporas.

Depuis cinq siècles, les historiens débattent de l’identité des Calcurini qui tentèrent de subjuguer le port de Ceuta en 1234. Le présent article tente de faire la lumière sur cette énigme, en confrontant les hypothèses formulées à propos des Calcurini évoqués par les sources génoises. Une analyse critique permet de repousser les conclusions des arabisants et de confirmer l’origine catalane assignée naguère aux Calcurini par Ch.-E. Dufourcq. Tout pousse à voir dans ces marins expérimentés des matelots colliourencs aux ordres du seigneur de Roussillon, Nunó Sanç. Une série de traités signés par l’intéressé avec la République de Gênes explique le comportement chevaleresque des Calcurini lors de leur rencontre avec une escadre génoise devant Ceuta en août 1234.