Search

The attention on China and its revolutions during the 20th century were the object of interest of communist organizations in Mexico before the Mexican government established relations with the Asian country. In this article we intend to trace this process of rapprochement and its interpretation of the revolutions in China that Mexican communists made. Our work points to a panoramic vision in which the “dialogue” between revolutions is central, since Mexican communists recognized in China a parallel with the route that Mexico had acquired with its own revolutionary process. How did this rapprochement come about? What interpretation did Mexican communists have of the Chinese case? These are some of the questions we intend to answer in the following pages. By this we mean that Mexican communists, based on their position in the national political framework, and depending on the historical moment in which they found themselves, translated the importance or significance of the revolution in China. This is what allows actors belonging to such a diverse ideological spectrum to welcome the Chinese phenomenon. Having said this, the analysis will be based on a division into two major periods. The first will be between 1924 and 1938, which was linked to the conception of the country's unity and national liberation. Then, as a second period, we will take the 1940s, where the epic will be divided between the commitment to na-tionalism and later to the Chinese Communist Party. The analysis will be based on the review of the communist press, where they projected their political ideas and their vision of the world. The objective of this work is to highlight the presence of the Chinese case, as well as the slow construction of the leaderships associated with the revolution prior to the emergence of "Maoism" as a current with its own identity.

The present paper addresses a topic entirely ignored in the studies dedicated to the Roma people during communism times. I am interested to highlight how Roma were accounted for in the German speaking central press published in communist Romania. I am setting my research in the field of representation of otherness but I am setting the resulting rhetoric dedicated to the Roma in the context in which the journalists and the readership were also embodying an ethnic other that had to be surveilled and policed - it is true in a particular fashion and with other means -, by the Communist Romanian state authorities. Remarks concerning the Roma, made in a more or less fugitive fashion in various and scattered press articles, can be regarded as of secondary interests. They appear to be more likely to be a pretext to debate about the challenges encountered by the communist social engineering program. Publication of texts involving interactions between ethnics of different origins, including Germans and Roma, was also a communist journalistic strategy to propagandistically present the advancements made with regard to a provocative social issue which had been wrongly addressed by previous political regimes. In the following pages, I am examining the narratives of the articles published in the "Neuer Weg" and its yearly almanac for a period of fifty years. The objective is to illustrate how Roma were instrumentalized in a propagandistic campaign to reshape modes of thinking of the Germans from communist Romania. Different references to Roma were exploited to nurture a collective feeling of common belongingness to an imagined working - class society that had to transcend preexisting ethnic prejudiced thinking. Hints to sensitive topics like the slavery or the radical wright wing exterminations policies against the Roma were referred to in a cunning attempt to convey to the German readership a sense of guilt, and, thus, to neutralize its eventual reactions in the context of collectivization, systematization, educational, policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The poetics of printed media, as well as their materiality and graphic structure, enable the analysis of the so-called reading traces. Such is the case of the newspaper Tierra: organ of the Colombian Communist Party, which was born in 1932. The following work aims to expose the formulation of a militant reader, who combines the practices of reading and writing with political action arising from his direct participation in the newspaper. The detailed review of letters, directed texts and publications on literature and books shows that the representation of an ideal reader corresponds to an active agent in political militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial article celebrates the 25th anniversary of the magazine Estudios de Literatura Colombiana and highlights the importance of discipline in writing. The case of Gabriel García Márquez and other writers who attribute their success to discipline is mentioned. The article emphasizes that discipline is essential for both writers and the exercise of citizenship. It also presents the 50th edition of the magazine, which addresses topics such as the representation of childhood and non-binary sexualities in Colombian literature. The magazine takes pride in its classification in the SJR and Publindex rankings, but highlights the importance of its presence among readers and the received collaborations. [Extracted from the article]

The paper analyses aspects of literature works as presented in article published in "România liberă" (march-april 1971), on of the propagandistic instrument of the Romanian Communist Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses aspects of literature works as presented in article published in "Scânteia tineretului" (1972), the propagandistic instrument of the Romanian Communist Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses aspects of literature works as presented in article published in „România liberă” (January-February 1971), one of the propagandistic instrument of the Romanian Communist Party [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, basing on an example of analysis of the press colportage’s organization, is a consideration of the local Polish Workers’ Party machine’s efficiency in Lublin voivodeship 1946-1948. During this period, the colportage was formed inaptly and with difficulties, showing a number of the biggest party’s problems during the struggle for power in post-war Poland. Problems such as insufficient numbers of educated personnel, incompetency, the lack of people’s support and a wastefulness of resources for printing press that wasn’t even read, were not resolved until the party began to achieve the monopoly for power, which enabled it to manage unhampered (both materially and competitively) activities.

This introductory work proposes to analyze the vision of the weekly Orientation, official press organ of the Communist Party of Argentina (PCA), regarding Peronist foreign policy, from the arrival of Juan Domingo Perón to the presidency until the consolidation of the Third Position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Czytanie Literatury is the property of Czytanie Literatury and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Czytanie Literatury is the property of Czytanie Literatury and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The most prominent ruler of Moldavia, a paramount figure in the Romanian history and of the two Romanian states today, Stephen the Great gradually gained, after August 27, 1991, symbolic and national identity value for the supporters of the Republic of Moldova’s independence. Actions carried out especially during the second term of President Vladimir Voronin (2005-2009) represented the pinnacle of the campaign promoted during the Communist administrations, a campaign centred on the figure of the great ruler. Moldovenist ideas were promoted and propagated with some success especially in the pages of periodicals serving the governing structures controlled by the communists. Among these publications, the newspaper “Moldova Suverană” holds a special place, given its designation, domestically and abroad, as “the official newspaper of the Government of the Republic of Moldova”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Czytanie Literatury is the property of Czytanie Literatury and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication / Revista Română de Jurnalism şi Comunicare- RRJC is the property of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to present a history of the newspaper El Machete published during the 1920s and 1930s, contextualizing it in the political and cultural history of the early years of the Mexican Communist Party, PCM, and the role of the Communists in the social context of Mexico after the armed period of the Mexican Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Brazilian periodical "Novos Rumos," which was published by the Communist party Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) from 1959 to 1964. Topics addressed include a historical overview of the publishing of Communist periodicals in Brazil in the first half of the 20th century, the political line of the PCB, and the figure of Communist leader Luiz Carlos Prestes. An overview of Brazilian politics at that time is also offered.

Copyright of Patrimônio e Memória is the property of Centro de Documentacao e Apoio a Pesquisa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article unites theories of framing, collective memory and a sociological concept of icons in order to examine how icons can represent a frame of a historic event over time in journalism. Focusing on the central Hungarian communist dailyNépszabadság's 30 years of coverage of the 1956 Hungarian revolution against the Soviet Union, the article argues that the newspaper—in alliance with the party—constructed iconic persons, iconic objects, and iconic places of what the regime called a “counterrevolution.” These icons as symbolic condensations served as powerful journalistic tools that represented the framing of the event as counterrevolutionary and furthered the regime's desire to erase the vernacular memory of the revolution. From November 1956 until February 1957 the coverage was inchoate. Thereafter until November 1960Népszabadságengaged in active icon construction.Népszabadságfocused on a few hours of October 30, when protesters murdered several defenders of the Budapest party headquarters. Journalists constructed iconic personalities of this event: the martyrs, their mourning families, the few survivors and also the heroes, who saved lives. Republic Square, where the murders occurred, became the iconic place of the counterrevolution and the victims' bodies were presented as iconic objects. Thereafter until September 1981Népszabadságrestricted the memory of the event to the already established icons providing only rote coverage of official commemorations. Finally, until November 1986Népszabadságstressed factual achievements of the government's victory over the counterrevolution, while the power of icons was fading. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the history of the Partido Comunista (Communist Party) of Argentina, with a particular focus on its position regarding the Middle East, the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, and especially the Sinai War. The author comments on the nationalization of the Suez Canal and the pro-Arab stance taken by the party. She also considers the political press publications by the party, including "Nuestra Palabra" and "Nueva Era," which highlighted their attitudes. The writings of party member Rubén Sinay are also examined.

Eugen Barbu was a complex personality of Romanian literary life, his disposition for controversy and pamphlet bringing him into conflict with most of his fellow guild. The huge talent he displayed with the publication of the novel „The Pit“ was also put into work in the publishing space, Eugen Barbu proving himself as a promoter of a type of journalism that reminded of the leaders of the interwar press. Once he joined the editors of „The Week“, Eugen Barbu opened the way to a series of large scale media campaigns against his rivals in the literary world, drawing a number of dislikes in the Romanian literary sphere. The famous notes, pamphlets and polemics generously hosted by „The Week&#8220' magazine have led to the magazine's fame which was followed with great interest by readers. In addition to the conflict Eugen Barbu led against „Literary Romania“ magazine, the major scandal which occurred following the reporting of plagiarism in Volume III of Eugen Barbu's „Incognito“ novel was a new challenge in the writer's life, a true turning point. Making himself the evidence of the abovementioned plagiarism, Eugen Barbu, giving away his desire to emigrate to Spain, chose to remain and continue to fight against his rivals, turning the magazine he directed into a stand for scandals, pamphlets, disclosures of private life which, wereas enjoyed by the great mass of readers, was detested by his fellow intellectuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on a conference on German communist activist and publisher Willi Münzenberg, held in Berlin, Germany, from October 12-13, 2012. Topics of discussion included international Communist organizations founded by Münzenberg such as Internationale Arbeiterhilfe (Workers International Relief, IAH/WIR) and the League Against Imperialism, the use of film, photography, and other visual media in Communist propaganda, and Münzenberg's experience as an anti-fascist and anti-Stalinist exile in the 1930s.

Copyright of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication / Revista Română de Jurnalism şi Comunicare- RRJC is the property of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the elections of 18 April 1948, for Italian Communists the prospect of coming to power in the short term vanished. In the aftermath of the elections, the sustained confrontation of the Cold War at the international level and the unfavourable political context in Italy deeply shaped the tone and content of the Communist press, including the educational magazines for young militants. This article deals with the representations of the political enemies in the press for young Communists between 18 April 1948 and the electoral campaign against the legge truffa in 1953. Attention is paid to how the Communist press portrayed, in particular by visual means, the different subjects that made up the ruling anti-Communist bloc: the US government; Christian Democrats; the Catholic Church; and, finally, the Italian business world. In particular, the analysis underlines the relevance that a 'nation-' and 'gender-' related discourse had in the construction of political enemies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Die Arbeiter-Illustrierte-Zeitung [Worker's Illustrated Magazine] (known as the AIZ) is widely recognized as a highly successful and politically radical alternative to interwar Germany's mainstream illustrated press. Far less acknowledged, however, is the extent to which the magazine's famously persuasive use of photography arose from deep misgivings about the medium's accuracy. This article will take a fresh look at the AIZ's astonishing alchemy of image and text and suggest that this formula, meant to expose the unseen, arose not in an outright enthusiasm for photography but from an institutionalized German communism that strongly distrusted images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses political advertising by the Communist party of Costa Rica in the "Trabajo" newspaper in the late 1930s to the 1940s. It examines the financial role the advertisements had in fundraising for the party and their failure to be a consistent source of income. The author also analyzes the changes to the structure of the newspaper, including the reduction of space for printing political propaganda and other party information. The political atmosphere at the time between the Communist party and left-wing politicians is also explored.

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present study aims to unveil the changing ideologies in contemporary China from a micro discursive perspective, focusing on a case study of the changing advertising discourses in Nanfang Daily, a typical Communist Party newspaper in Guangdong province, P. R. China. Advertising discourse has long been considered as a socio-cultural artifact and most of the previous researches are confined to its socio-cultural functions. By taking a broader ideological perspective, the present study adopts the fundamental principle of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and developed an integrated framework, which links the value appeals and linguistic practice with an investigation of the different power groups having access to the advertising discourses in two different socio-historical settings of China — 1980 versus 2002. It is found that the danwei-dominated advertising discourses in 1980 were characterized by the prevalent use of utilitarian values and by the rare use of interactive lexico-grammatical features. In 2002, in sharp contrast, the individual-consumption dominated advertising discourses manifested itself with an escalated use of hedonistic value appeals and of interactive linguistic features. The changes in value appeals and linguistic practices reflect that different power groups in the advertising discourses have different needs and interests in the specific socio-historical settings. Finally, the study places the research findings within the landscape of the hybridized and competing ideologies in China and in the accelerated globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this work is to make available to researchers basic data on books, pamphlets, newspapers and magazines sold by the Communist Party of Costa Rica (CPCR) between 1931 and 1948. Several of these materials were published locally by the CPCR, but others were imported from different countries of America and Europe. The information presented here is useful to consider, among other issues, the theoretical underpinnings of CPCR, the circulation of Marxist texts in Costa Rica during the 1930s and 1940s and some of the main characteristics of printed culture focused on the distribution of communist literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cold War conflict brought about a rivalry of two opposing camps in different fields and the ideological one belonged to those that came to the fore. Fighting for the minds of people, convincing them to the idea of the new, allegedly better world was crucial to raise the chances of winning the conflict. This is where propaganda came in useful. This article deals with this direct product of the East-West hostility in Polish newspapers and focuses on the propagandists' presentation of the Anglo-American relationships as driven by constant conflicts. Consequently, competition between the allies or rather the struggle by the British to maintain their position in the world is shown. Criticising both countries was of particular interest for Polish journalists. The US was the leader of the 'rotten' capitalist camp and the UK its staunch ally. What is more, damaging the image of co-operation between the leaders of the capitalist camp was meant to undermine the unity of the whole Western bloc and thus proclaim the self-destruction of the latter as a result of 'hostile contradictions' between its members, leaving the 'socialist' camp in the privileged position of the winner. Press was a particularly good tool for propagandists in Poland at that time because television broadcasting was not yet well developed. Thus newspapers became a 'transmission belt' for the communist party and a useful instrument for achieving the unity of knowledge in the country. Apart from the press articles, cartoons from a satirical magazine are analysed to show a broader scale of the propaganda's influence and to prove that its output was not only verbal but also visual one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since historical memory is a vital element of national unity and identity in oppressed nations that challenges the legitimacy of an occupying power, an important goal of the oppressors becomes the distortion of this memory. The Soviet authorities put a massive effort into the legitimization of their power by creating official versions of histories of the nations they occupied to prove that their incorporation into the Soviet Union was a voluntary act. The article demonstrates how in Estonia, the so-called June Myth was created to justify the Soviet take-over on 21st June 1940 and the consequent annexation of Estonia. Discourse analysis of 25 articles from the leading Communist Party daily Rahva Hääl/The People's Voice demonstrates how argumentation strategies, 'us - them' polarization and three types of antagonisms were used for constructing the June Myth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the political construction of different types of tourists present in Hungary during the period of state socialism. After the 1956 revolution was crushed, Communist leadership sought to find new ways of legitimizing its power. One of the major legitimizing factors was raising standards of living. Another was the opening of the borders that is, allowing Hungarian citizens limited possibilities for travelling abroad. This concession was rather unique within the Communist Bloc, and it was not without its own dangers from the power holders' point of view. Citizens had to be guarded, controlled and supervized, not only to come back to Hungary,but also to think and feel properly in foreign countries. This paper demonstrates the efforts of the Communist Press, to bring into being construction of the ideal enlightened Tourist who is interested in art, museums and'social human values'. This ideal Tourist is set against with the Speculators, whose only concern is goods, especially Western goods, and have only 'dirty' material interest in travelling. This construction was doomed to fail due to a basic paradox: whereas the Kádár regime – quite successfully – stimulated consumer values in Hungary,one could hardly hope that these consumerist desires would be left behind during there vacation spent abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Signo y Pensamiento is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Examines developments in the Russian media from the end of 1991 up until the middle of 1995. Reality of media pluralism; Dependence of media freedom on the fate of Russian democracy; Factors militating for and against media pluralism during post-Soviet rule; Performance of the Russian media in the 1993 election campaign; Potential leverage of state television.

The article analyzes the performance and conduct of the Communist press in Hong Kong, where contrasting viewpoints and alternative news sources are easily available. The primary role of the Communist press is to spread communist views and conduct. However, it also needs to compete for readers either for financial survival. These two requirements are often contradictory. Through two case studies, the Beidaihe Affair from July-September 1988 and the Wen Wei Po and the Democratic Movement in China, April-July 1989, the author hopes to illustrate the critical dimensions of the People's Republic of China (PRC)-linked press in Hong Kong as well as its interactions with the PRC establishment and the local community.

This paper examines some of the rhetorical strategies employed by Renmin Ribao (People's Daily) in reports of `riots' and demonstrations, specifically incidents in which the police or the authorities took action against the `rioters' and demonstrators. The corpus included news articles (between 1980 and 1991) which dealt with the following two categories of countries: (1) governments considered hostile by the People's Republic of China (PRC), e.g. South Africa and Israel; (2) governments with which the PRC has always maintained cordial relations, e.g. Chile, Venezuela, Argentina, Nepal and Algeria. It is hypothesized that the coverage of events in these two categories of countries will be different because of the ideological framework in which the mass media operate. It is expected that the labels given to the event and the syntactic structures used in the reports will provide a frame of reference that is congruent with the views of policy-makers in the PRC. The findings here lend support to the theory that lexical choices and syntactic options are not arbitrary. The ideological position assumed by the People's Daily may be manifested in the aforementioned structures in the news reports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]