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"J. G. A. Pocock: A Life in Letters" by Quentin Skinner delves into the scholarly career of John Pocock, focusing on his significant contributions to political thought and history. Pocock's correspondence with Skinner reveals his dedication to academic pursuits, despite his formal writing style and conservative leanings. The text also explores Pocock's resistance to technological advancements and his strong connection to his New Zealand roots, highlighting his unique perspective as an outsider in American and European societies. Through his letters, Pocock's warmth, admiration for colleagues, and belief in the importance of the outsider's viewpoint are showcased, providing valuable insights into his life and work. [Extracted from the article]

The emergence of 'radical' social and political actors, ideologies and identities seems to be a hallmark of the crisis of liberal democracy that is spreading throughout global society. Despite its growing uneasiness about these facts, social science has not produced much theoretical innovation about them. This article aims to contribute to this task, by bringing to bear a conceptual framework elaborated by Shmuel N. Eisenstadt through his reflections on modern barbarism. I argue that the author's understanding of barbarism has a significant interpretive potential for the sociological analysis of contemporary radical identities, and suggest some ways to reconsider 'populism', thereby redefining the very concept of radicalism. The article starts by introducing the pivotal notions which constitute the conceptual framework of our author. The following section outlines the main argument of Eisenstadt's theory of barbarism, unpacking the way in which those concepts interweave to conjure a cultural theory of exclusionary, violent identities and institutional regimes. The final section highlights the significance of such approach for a cultural sociology of radicalism, by exploring the relations between the author's views and some selected trends in contemporary social theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is surprising that the connections between Collingwood's aesthetics and his political philosophy have been little explored, considering the distinctly social focus of the final chapter of The Principles of Art (1938) and the political motivation behind Collingwood's worries about the "corruption of consciousness," to which he sees art as a potential remedy. This essay explores this connection, arguing for a strong parallel between this idea of the corruption of consciousness and what Collingwood, in The New Leviathan (1942), calls "barbarism." I argue that bringing out this parallel helps shed light on the central importance that Collingwood saw art having for civilization itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses some problems in the university following the leitmotif of the link between the population as a whole and the institution. The critique, in the literal sense of dissection and discernment, aims to underline the boundary between those problems and the potential alternatives that a reflection on the foundations of the university may reveal. The steps to develop are, in the first place, the outline of the link between university and population according to their mutual influence. Secondly, the determination of the problems that the formation of the university usually presents to the people. Thirdly, the comprehension of the alternative, taking as an example the sense of the college degree and, in particular, the PhD. And, to conclude, based on what was previously exposed, the role of the philosophy inside the university. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been widely argued that Michel Henry dismisses the importance of the subject's worldly and intentional mode of existence in his account of the well-being of life. However, through a careful analysis of Henry's theory of life and his study of culture and barbarism, I will demonstrate that the prevailing position on this point is both correct and incorrect: (i) correct in that absolute life does not require a moral transformation of the world; and (ii) incorrect inasmuch as Henry's philosophy does not, for all that, deny that, from the perspective of human beings, the subject's existence in the world does indeed matter to the well-being of their life. In my view, Henry's work harbours the implication that, from the perspective of the subject's existence in the world, the creation of a moral world through the development of the correspondence between one's inner life and the natural world is humanity's most pressing task, to the point that his entire phenomenology is oriented toward the achievement of this end. I will highlight two of the ways in which the subject's existence is vital to life's well-being: (i) as an expression of life; and (ii) as more or less befitting of life's current needs. As part of this study, I argue that some of Henry's conclusions regarding theoretical knowledge and its part in the aforementioned correspondence between life and the natural world do not entirely agree with his own analyses and therefore need to be reformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to address a significant far-right political phenomenon that is emerging in Brazilian society, particularly in the sphere of basic education, stirring up controversy in school communities and in the field of education research. We noticed that the outcome of the drafting of the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC), published in 2018, took place at the dawn of the political and educational experience that we are now discussing. Against this backdrop, we analyzed the context in which the document was implemented. We are looking precisely at whether the BNCC document is based on a perspective that is considered emancipatory, within the conceptual framework offered by Theodor Adorno's (1995) critical theory, due to his concern with the theme of emancipation in the educational sphere. In conclusion, we emphasize that the emerging social forces of neoliberalism and Brazilian-style fascism have guided the production - and not the determination - of the pedagogical guidelines that currently prescribe what should be taught in the teaching profession in the country's public and private schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present reflections are the result of a study on the phenomenology of life, by Michel Henry. The objective of this article was to analyze Henry's fundamental arguments in the context of barbarism in Higher Education and the resulting contextualization of current challenges to teaching. The methodological path of such analysis took place through theoreticalbibliographic research, with conceptual appropriation of the Henry’s theory on phenomenology and its criticism of the hypertrophied scientific dimension, historically imposed on the University from the work Barbarism, whose central concepts were compared with texts by commentators. The results achieved through the present analysis demonstrate the gradual exclusion of significant elements of subjective life in the academic space, driven by a growing protagonism of technoeconomic and media forces, leading to the diagnosis of a process of destruction of the University as a human space of culture, par excellence. In this sense, it was concluded, as a great challenge for higher education today, the construction of a critical awareness about the issues diagnosed by Henry, through the proposition of a teaching practice that resumes the primacy of subjective life in the academic routine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of the article is conditioned by the relevance of the Russian language performance in the polycultural space of the region. The purpose is to describe how various native (ethnical) languages influence the lexical consistency of Russian students’ speech. The research material was the author’s collection (about 200 units), which is based on recordings of spontaneous informal speech of students from Astrakhan Tatishchev State University. The informants were 120 philology students who study in multinational academic groups including Russians, Kazakhs, Tatars, Kalmyks, Azerbaijanis, Uzbeks, Turkmens, Georgians, Armenians, as well as representatives of various ethnic groups from Dagestan. Using the methods of participant observation and questioning, data on the students’ speech lexical composition were obtained and further correlated with the codified lexicographic information. It was found out that ordinary students’ speech is infiltrated with regionally marked units, such as jargon and vernacular words, that reflect lingua-cultural environment of the region; Astrakhan dialectisms (astrakhanisms) of Turkic origin; borrowings from native languages of students, exotic words (mainly gastronimisms) resulting from the cross-cultural interactions in students’ community. The results can be employed for sociolinguistic and intercultural communication studies.

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In the numerous texts he wrote about his grand voyage to the Americas (1799–1804), the Berlin-born, highly influential, independent scholar Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) considers the people in Spanish America time and time again. While Humboldt was trained as a botanist, geologist, and mining engineer, he was nevertheless fascinated by indigenous actors who employed specific competencies as they operated in their natural environments and their own socio-cultural contexts, which were distinctly different from those in Europe. His perspectives on indigenous people are complex and refer back to various current discourses of his day. Although these texts address very different topics across a range of disciplines, they nevertheless clearly testify to his intense interest in Latin American society and culture. Humboldt repeatedly reconsiders his approaches to these topics; in a characteristically Humboldtian manner, he attempts to understand quite diverse phenomena by means of precise, on-site observation, comparison, and contextualization. In so doing, his argumentation oscillated between the poles established and defined by contemporary discourse, namely ‘savage’ and ‘barbarism’ on one side of the spectrum, and ‘civilization’ on the other.

Introduction. In contact linguistics, the problem of differentiating between code switches and loanwords is relevant enough, which arises from that there are no unified research approaches thereto, and consequently nor there any precise definitions for the phenomena and classification criteria. The difficulties in distinguishing between the two linguistic processes result from that in intensive language contacts they tend to gain more similarities in terms of phonology, morphology and syntax — rather than differences. Some scholars argue that code-switching is the first stage in the development of a token in a matrix language, i.e. the lexemes had been code switches before they became ‘nuclear’ borrowings. The process of switching codes in speech is associated with the phenomenon of mass bilingualism. Goals. The problem of code-switching is understudied in Bashkir linguistics, and the paper attempts to distinguish the former from borrowings in the context of Bashkir-Russian bilingualism. Materials and methods. The study analyzes transcribed recordings of colloquial Bashkir (from speakers of Karaidel, a dialect of northwestern Bashkir) obtained during the author’s expeditions of 2022 and 2023. When it comes to describe code-switching, the workr employs Myers-Scotton’s Matrix Language Frame model. The article deals with intraphrasal switches in the form of inclusions and insular switches within one sentence. Results. The study identifies some difficulties of distinguishing between borrowings and code switches. According to G. Chirsheva, borrowings are divided into cultural and occasional (nuclear) ones. The latter are essentially and functionally close to code switches. K. Myers-Scotton presumes their main differences can be reduced to that code switches are used in individual cases (or no more than three times) and are not included in the mental lexicon of the matrix language. Therefore, barbarisms, such as еще / ищо, уже / ужы, вис, сәпсим, etc., which are often used in the speech of bilingual Bashkirs, must be referred to as occasional / nuclear borrowings (according to G. Chirsheva), while individual foreign-language inclusions be considered code switches.

The objective of this article is to analyze the way in which the links between the triad of civilization, violence and barbarism are represented in three novels of the Mexican Revolution of the period 1915-1931: Los de abajo by Mariano Azuela; La sombra del Caudillo by Martín Luis Guzmán; Cartucho by Nellie Campobello. Our main findings consist of specifying how, in these works, the authors use a code of light and shadow to express the complex relationships of this triad. Thus, they use terms, metaphors and discourses that aim to exalt the civilizing process as a path that leads us to greater luminosity and elevation as human beings. In contrast, when referring to barbarism, they rely on rhetorical figures that emphasize a path towards darkness and depths that degrade us as human beings. In the narratives, violence appears on both the civilizational side and the side of barbarism. In the former, it is presented as creative, ordergenerating, legitimate, sacred, and endorsed by the community. In the latter, it is depicted as destructive, impure, brutalizing, and illegitimate. However, each author uses a different focus to account for the triad. Campobello does so from the minutiae of observing the human body shaken by the ravages of civil war. In Azuela, the focus is on the insurrection that rises and falls in the tide of armed struggle. In Guzmán, the center is on the use of power by the revolutionary elite. To reinterpret the passages or moments of the plot in each novel where the triad of interest is most commonly appreciated, the article relies on the concepts of civilization, violence and barbarism by the sociologist Norbert Elias, which are relatively absent in Mexican research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The main scope of the paper is to analyse the concept of barbarism as a key feature of humankind regardless of historical evolution. The approach we propose is a theoretical philosophical analytical one. We will start by discussing barbarism as the specific essence of mankind since ancient times and then move to the deconstruction of the concept under the pressure of human rights in the context of human bio-enhancement. The discussions focus on the fact that freedom becomes a sum of freedoms in the context of law, but while the law comes defends individual and the collective freedoms, it must also be interpreted in the context of the Kantian categorical imperative. However, freedoms viewed through the lens of the natural law and the social contracts presuppose two completely different paradigms. The conclusions are that, if for the current human individual, the meaning of freedom is given by civil and political rights, because of the bio-enhancement technology, the human species could talk about a greater freedom of action or, on the contrary, about a form of large-scale social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the numerous texts he wrote about his grand voyage to the Americas (1799–1804), the Berlin-born, highly influential, independent scholar Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) considers the people in Spanish America time and time again. While Humboldt was trained as a botanist, geologist, and mining engineer, he was nevertheless fascinated by indigenous actors who employed specific competencies as they operated in their natural environments and their own socio-cultural contexts, which were distinctly different from those in Europe. His perspectives on indigenous people are complex and refer back to various current discourses of his day. Although these texts address very different topics across a range of disciplines, they nevertheless clearly testify to his intense interest in Latin American society and culture. Humboldt repeatedly reconsiders his approaches to these topics; in a characteristically Humboldtian manner, he attempts to understand quite diverse phenomena by means of precise, on-site observation, comparison, and contextualization. In so doing, his argumentation oscillated between the poles established and defined by contemporary discourse, namely 'savage' and 'barbarism' on one side of the spectrum, and 'civilization' on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Chinese loanwords that appear in the novel Blue Lard by Vladimir Sorokin. The novel contains an allegory of the Russian language of the future. Most of the neologisms created by Sorokin in Blue Lard come from foreign words, including an abundance of Chinese loanwords. The author of the article analyzes the Chinese loanwords from the point of view of phonetics and semantics, points out the mistakes in pronunciation in the novel, when Sorokin uses Chinese words or expressions. The analysis also focuses on the aesthetics of the word “Mei guo”, which by pronunciation in Chinese refers to the United States, and the word “Hei long jiang”– as one of the provinces in China, or the Amur River, fl owing through the territory of three countries. Sorokin purposely changes their interpretation at the end of the novel to “beautiful country” and “Black Dragon River” in order to create the normal atmosphere of a dystopian society devoid of geopolitical boundaries. Sorokin introduces the word “dan huang”, which in the novel refers to the pro-China Russians and resembles the Chinese slangs “banana-man” and “egg-man” from the position of transcultural distribution. Moreover, in the course of the research, the author provides a comparison of Chinese loanwords with other foreign-language words used in the novel. By using Chinese loanwords as swear words, Sorokin literally commits linguistic violence. The fi nal conclusion is that Chinese loanwords can be seen as a product of the overlap of cultures, which appear in the Russian-language fi ction text. In addition, the Chinese loanwords with other Chinese elements give the novel a mystical oriental fl avor and an absurd tone.

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The depictions of art in Classical Antiquity are usually analyzed as a sublime expression of masters whose creations took place in the historical context of the Greek and Roman world, with great influence on the history of the subsequent art. In this article, however, beyond artistic achievements, it is considered to what extent those representations also reflected a series of values specific to the context, diverse, in which they originated and to what. extent, as result of their survival and reception. Throughout history, they have influenced the thinking of Western civilization. From this perspective, some of the themes that were the object of representation, of great boom in the arts, are analyzed, highlighting certain values of Classical Antiquity and their degree of impact on today's society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of procedure developed by the Argentine writer César Aira in his essay "La nueva escritura" is the starting point with which, in a critical gesture that stages a certain barbarism, this paper seeks to speculate around a provocation by the Chilean Roberto Bolaño: could there be a "clandestine surrealism in Latin America"?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Howard’s texts are endowed of a greater philosophical value than the stricty literary one. In them it is implicit a cyclical philosophy of history in which barbarism is the driving force of historical life while civilization is its dissolving phase. Despite the Nietzschean influence, he nonetheless poses authentic issues that deserve an adequate philosophical and symbolic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Kant’s “Doctrine of Right” there is a philosophical and interpretive puzzle surrounding the translation of a key concept: Gewalt. Should we translate it as “force,” “power,” or “violence”? This raises both general questions in Kant’s legal-political philosophy as well as puzzles regarding Kant’s definitions of “barbarism,” “anarchy,” “despotism,” and “republic” as the four possible political conditions. First, I argue that we have good textual reasons for translating Gewalt as “violence”—a translation which has the advantage that it answers these questions and puzzles convincingly. Translating Gewalt as “violence” has two further, somewhat surprising advantages. It allows us to explain how human beings can be caught in situations with no morally good ways out, and it gives us an ideal Kantian refutation of the death penalty. I then explore Kant’s account of the establishment of public authorities by means of an analogy between the birth and development of a natural person (a human being) and an artificial one (a state). This analogy helps to clarify the difference between the necessary coercive element involved in ideally establishing a state and the likely violence involved in actually establishing one. The third and final section uses the ideas of barbarism, anarchy, despotism, and republic to identify four different types of political forces operating at any given time in actual historical societies. Once we use Kant’s theory to improve our understanding of the various challenges our historical societies present, we also realize the importance and usefulness of philosophical precision when we translate Gewalt as “violence” and correctly define barbarism, anarchy, despotism, and republic.

The article is devoted to the understanding of the war waged by russia against Ukraine in the context of enlightenment projections of post(non/pre)modern. The article reveals a nihilistic orientation towards (self)destruction of the simu­lacrum of the russian empire, which was formed in the situation of post(non/pre) modernity, which created a certain fork between the (post)modern perspective and the retrospective fall into premodern barbarism. From this point of view, the war against Ukraine unleashed by the putin regime is seen as a clash between the (post)modern perspective chosen by Ukraine and the retrospective of the barbaric (post)non-/pre-modern imperialism that russia has chosen. It is emphasized that (post(under))modern trajectories of development, and in particular war, re­veal certain failures of the modern/enlightenment project, which took place in the compatibility of three mediations: monetary/market, discursive/communicative, sexual/erotic. russian authorities and propaganda demonstrate the pre-modern rejection of these mediations, deny the referentiality of language and communicative discourse, devalue market freedom and sexual freedoms, and destroy any dis­tinction. Thus, the destructive barbarism that manifests itself in russian aggression is the embodiment of the retrospective nature of the impulse non/pre, whose negative logic tends to Nothing. Thus, it is a post(non/pre)modern incarnation of archaism in (schizo)fascism, characterized by internal divisions and the practice of external division, fueled by the movement of return / repetition. It is noted that the choice of civilization requires not only resistance to any manifestations of (non/pre)modern barbarism, but also requires the actualization of neomod­ern. Focused mainly on high-quality consumption and spectacles Western civilization should recognize the need to defend itself with the help of an army/force against the threat of its destruction by barbarians and assert itself not through the constant narrowing of its own borders, but through their radical opening, not through the constant postponement of decisions, but through immediate acceptance of the challenge to its being.

The objective of this essay is to think, through the text Elements of Antisemitism by Horkheimer and Adorno, if the phenomenon of antisemitism, analyzed at the time, indicates a rupture with the antisemitism of the end of the 19th century or also its continuity, which is configured in different shape. For this, at first, considerations are presented concerning the propositions of other authors, who tend to interpret that the ticket mentality, as shown in the seventh part of the work, would reveal a new form of anti-Semitism in contrast to the one shown in the previous six elements. Subsequently, excerpts from the first six elements are compared with the seventh, highlighting what was already indicated similarly to what was developed in the last. It was evident that, if, on the one hand, the ticket mentality was only presented in the seventh element, on the other hand, it was already under management in the previous six, revealing that what was considered new in this phenomenon is in fact, old; that is, the former form was effectively the serpent's egg. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article discusses the 2022 war from the point of view of its well-documented savagery. It addresses philosophical discussions of barbarism and gives a dialectical explanation of this phenomenon through the gradual polarization between the forces of Enlightenment and the obstinacy of the subject. This clash has a double shape: formality versus materiality and morality versus happiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper examines the actuality of Rosa Luxemburg's Reform or revolution 150 years after her birth. The main method used is the content analysis of this important polemical pamphlet placed in the context of the time/space, i.e. when and where it was written, on the one hand, and today, on the other. The main finding is that Rosa's work has remained relevant to our days since the capitalist mode of production is still characterized by internal contradictions producing barbaric consequences of exploitation and imperialist wars. These capitalist system's consequences ensure the permanent actuality of the dilemma between socialism and barbarism confronted by Rosa Luxemburg throughout her life.

Brazilian education, ironically, remains the target of a policy of deregulation of the state and market interests of finance capital. From this perspective, the scenario Brazilian educational configures obscurantists shaped, above all, by funding cuts, it becomes an arena of ideological conflicts in which teachers are characterized as "ideological indoctrinators" and with the interest of drastically reducing humanist and which understands knowledge hierarchized by its usefulness and identified by the vocabulary of the practice. This essay intends to reflect on the senses of "educating" (forming), in the perspective of the contributions of education as a practice of freedom and autonomy by Paulo Freire. Firstly, we seek an exposition of Freire's thinking, especially his analysis of banking education and its counterpoint in liberating education. In a second moment, we deal with education as a critical resistance to ignorance and barbarism in the current condition of the Brazilian educational field in times of neoconservatism, particularly in an exercise of critical thinking about our social time, which attempts to deny Freire's thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work is devoted to the socio-philosophical analysis of the military confrontation between civilized and barbaric societies. The authors examine antique and ancient Chinese ideas about the phenomenon of barbarism, and also highlight common cultural features inherent in the Germans and Celts and opposed to Rome, and the Far Eastern nomads who were adjacent to imperial China. Having analyzed the military potential of civilized societies, the authors come to the conclusion that the victory of barbarism is possible only in the case of civilization internal collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present text puts in context the civilization process in the chihuahuan historiography of nineteenth century. Using arguments by Norbert Elias and his book the The civilization process, pretends prove how the interpretation about mexican history, particularly from Chihuahua, works under a structure that show the confrontation between the civilization versus barbarism. The historical books to study are intellectual productions from early twenty century that share historiography elements that make them similar, which could well respond to a model, typology or inheritance. This text wants to continue the academic discussion proposed by the historian Luis Aboites in his article about the historiography of Fuentes Mares and the called character of the “criollo chihuahuense” whose origin could be found in the process of civilization. Finally, this article finds its relevance by putting into analysis some of the most notorious intellectual productions about the past that were written at the beginning of the nineteenth century in Chihuahua and finding a relationship and similarities in later works and authors.

Sidonius Apollinaris has let us the most important testimony we have of the Vth century in the Roman West. One of the main problems this member of the Romano-Gaulish political and cultural elite confronted was that of Barbarian populations and Barbarian kingdoms established in Gaul, especially the Wisigothic one at Toulouse and the Burgundian one at Lyon. At Toulouse as well as at Lyon, his native city, and Clermont-Ferrand, where he finished his life as a bishop of the city and a foe to the Gothic king Euric, Sidonius was able to know and appreciate them in different manners, but always with the scorn due to that kind of people. The paper tries to evaluate the notions of barbarian and barbarism compared with the use made of them by Augustine and other Christian writers, and to measure the similarities and differences of Sidonius’ behaviour towards the Goths of Theodoric and then to those of Euric, and of that of his friend Syagrius towards the Burgundians.

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The goal of this article is to compare and contrast the traditional Western versus the postmodern colonization of the mind. How is the current technological age barbaric? I investigate Aimé Césaire's writings, refer to Lea Ypi's definition of colonialism, and discuss society's use of psychopolitics to find the answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals the nature of barbarism, the criteria of modern barbarism and its faces, studies reasons and specifics of neovarvarization and massivization in modern society, highlights the main features of a barbarian human and a mass-man, analyzes the phenomenon of aggression as a major sign of barbarism, reveals the nature of human evil, deep roots of aggression and sado-masochistic tendencies in the relationship of people to each other and to nature. Based on a synergistic approach to understanding of social processes, the author puts forward and justifies the idea that the growth of aggression, cruelty, violence and armed conflicts in today's world is a cascade of bifurcations of society, which is characteristic of transition of the society from one type to another. It is shown that in modern society there are all signs of barbarism, moreover, there is a purposeful policy of massivization and barbarizing the population in the interests of certain power structures with the aim of facilitating the process of manipulation by the masses. The degradation of modern culture, the main function of which at all times was to contain the aggressive principle in man, which is one of the main signs of barbarism, led to the spread of aggression and barbarism in all spheres of life, at all levels: from personal to interstate and universal. The author sees the favorable way of human development in the return of people to their lost spiritual and psycho-physical integrity, in which the spirit, the return to himself, to the man of the heart – homo cardiacus and not to his animal or technical origin is dominated, and in the transition to such type of civilization in which Hi-Tech and a significant transformation of consciousness (the appearance of cosmic consciousness) and psychosphere of the Earth will be connected harmonically.

How is the legitimation of the American trade war with China discursively managed and conferred in recent American political discourse? This paper critically examines this under-explored question in the current literature. Taking cues from critical international theory and its insight on discourse and foreign policy, I start by historicising the discursive practices, which I call 'barbarising China', in the construction of civilisation vs barbarism as a hierarchical opposition. Mapping authoritarian China onto this historically contingent liberal civilisational edifice, I argue, has prepared the ground for American political action in the trade war. Through a critical analysis of how China has been constructed as a 'barbarian' economic aggressor in recent American political discourse, I further argue that the 'political reality' and 'knowledge' this discursive practice produces serves not only the political imperative of legitimising American trade war policy choices, but also a particular need of the 'civilised' hegemon to legitimise its power and practices beyond the trade war. Through a close examination of a coordinated assault on Huawei, I illustrate how 'barbarising' China has been discursively done as an integral part of the trade war and assert that 'barbarising' China has become indispensable in American strategy to sustain its precarious hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]